- Email: [email protected]
Marxism and ecology
Book
Reviews
219
examples are not exhaustive. They do, however, lay out between them a range of ideas about the ways in which questions of the construction of landscape may be approached and highlight the benefits to be brought to geographical writings of a reflexivity within such writing. Some of these essays focus on specific case studies around which an interpretation is constructed. For example, Steve Daniels presents his interpretations of Turner’s interpretations of Leeds. Patrick McGreevy examines the text of Niagara Falls and he draws from contemporary and historic writings in order to argue for a consideration of the role of death in the construction of this landscape. Judith Kenny offers an account of the construction of certain plans for Portland, Oregon, and places this in the context of its construction within a set of competing discourses, the study of which reveals the web of power relations and interests impinging on the development of the plan.
Grundmann’s purpose is to counter what he poses to be the ‘commonly accepted’ proposition that Marxism ‘has little to say about ecological problems’ (p. 1). His mechanism is to thoroughly reconsider ‘what kinds of problems can be analyzed by Marx’s theory . a task which necessitates the reconstruction [cf. Bell’s quote above] of his thought’ (p. 2).
Other essays place themselves at a different level of abstraction, and in this process ground this emergent literature on geographical representation firmly amongst theories of post-structuralism and post-modernism. The writings of Roland Barthes on landscape, specifically their development, are discussed by Nancy and James Duncan. Gunnar Olsson examines the metaphor of the sign, drawing upon the work of Derrida, Foucault, Girard and Lacan. Michael Curry develops his critique of architectonic approaches within academic discourse. Trevor Barners investigates the physical and biological metaphors underpinning the economic landscapes constructed by neoclassical and Marxist economic geographers.
Chapter I is intended to further the examination of ecological problems, the notion of anthropocentrism, and the relationships between people and nature. In this exposition, Grundmann differentiates anthropocentric, utilitarian views of the human/nature problematique from those of an ecocentric perspective, and concludes that the former offers the only useful starting point for analysis. The chapter, unfortunately, is built on straw arguments, hyperbole [e.g. the ‘prediction’ attributed to the ecocentrists that ‘[clurrent ecological crises lead necessarily to ecological catastrophes (and eventually to the final collapse) p. 221, unexamined values and tautologies. The definition of ecological problem which Grundmann eventually adopts is itself highly problematic, and leaves vexing issues as: who defines unanswered such and who in society (rather than society ‘detrimental’, viewed monolithically) is ultimately the judge of harms, benefits and acceptable risks?
This book is to be recommended, particularly to those who have an interest in, but undeveloped knowledge of, literatures on the construction of landscape and the role of the writer within that construction. It is therefore ideal for those who may wish to develop this interest further. Many of the contributors have developed the ideas contained within their essays elsewhere; this book’s use comes with its status as a collection drawing together diverse strands of argument into a whole concerned with explaining the importance of a self-conscious and critical appraisal of writing and the landscapes we construct through writing. And, I am happy to say, these stories about writing are themselves well written, a quality often lacking within academic geographical discourse. RACHEL SDUC,
Marxism and Ecology, Reiner Grundmann, Clarendon Press, Oxford, f35.00
WOODWARD Lampeter, U.K.
324 pp., 1991,
In The Coming of Post-industrial Society: a Venture in Social Forecasting, Daniel Bell offers the following observation: ‘Marx was ‘inconsistent’, and it is this inconsistency which allows so many individuals to construct their ‘own’ Marx;’ that ‘on no single theme associated with Marx’s name is there a single unambiguous definition of a concept’ (quoted in Webster and Robins, 1986, p. 45). Others (e.g. Gouldner, 1980) have come to similar conclusions. It is clear that because Marx leaves us with so many ambiguities and multiple interpretations, alternative (re)presentations are possible even without great diligence or exhaustive labor. In the present volume, Grundmann is nothing if not diligent and exhaustive.
Grundmann divides the book into an Introduction, five and a brief concluding section. The main chapters, Introduction attempts to set the stage and brings into view Grundmann’s conceptions of anthropocentrism, domination and nature. It is difficult to discern from the Introduction whether the book was intended as an apologetic for Marxist theory, an explanation of the origins and evolution of ecological dilemmas, or for other, unspecified purposes. This confusion carries through the volume.
In Chapter 2, Grundmann moves on to consider in detail the possibility of relating Marx to ecological problems. In particular, he is interested in tying Marxist thought to ideas of anthropocentrism, population growth, the importance of future generations, the unintended consequences of human actions (and the tragedy of the commons dilemma), explanations for ecological problems, Marx’s conception of nature, and Marx’s philosophical anthropology. In this chapter, Grundmann assesses three possible explanations for ecological problems. The first two are to be found explicitly in Marx’s writings, the third is one of Grundmann’s ‘reconstructions’ of Marx’s thought. The first approach attributes ecological problems to capitalist production (i.e. capitalists are externality generators), the second to alienation (i.e. alienation leads to carelessness and wastefulness), and the third to what Grundmann calls ‘natural and social factors’ (i.e. the inevitable outcome of human metabolism of nature, in which technology plays a mediating role). Grundmann prefers this third construction, which in turn relies upon and further justifies his anthropocentric, utilitarian view of ‘real’ problems. In Chapter 3, Grundmann moves to a consideration of the role of technology in Marx’s thought. This chapter is problematic for two main reasons. The first is that although Grundmann’s exploration of the issue is diligent, there is no satisfactory clarification of Marx’s position. This is not entirely Grundmann’s fault, and is a perfect exemplar of the kind of ambiguity in Marx’s work that Bell
Book
220
Reviews
and many others have highlighted. The second problem, however, should have been within Grundmann’s control. The discussion never links up with the main themes of the book (i.e. the analysis of ecological problems).
infancy, and the book is centred on the lives of the couple and of the five children as they grow up. There are excerpts from the diaries of various length illustrating the text. Hardy is able to treat her material thematically.
This problem arises again in Chapters 4 (Historical Materialism) and 5 (Communism). Both of these chapters present intricate (though somewhat disjointed) examinations of Marx’s writings on such topics as ‘evolution and ‘the transition from feudalism to Darwinian systems’, ‘labour and enjoyment’, and ‘central capitalism’, planning’. While there is much of interest here for Marxist scholars and others, the chapters are ultimately unsatisfying in terms of the author’s stated intentions.
Elizabeth looked after the domestic arrangements with a housekeeper and other staff. On Tuesdays she went to Ipswich with Herbert, shopping while he went to the markets, and they had dinner at four o’clock at the White Horse. She accompanied him to horticultural and agricultural shows. Food is normally ignored in the diaries and clothing mentioned occasional!y. The garden was a delight to her, especially the fernery. Sketching was a principal pastime.
In the concluding section, Grundmann comes to a rather abrupt attempt to merge systems theory and his ‘reconstructed’ Marxism as he finally returns to the problem at hand. This attempt is also unsatisfactory, as it is too little, too late. Grundmann presents some tantalizing ideas in this conclusion (as he does elsewhere), but they are largely disconnected from all that has gone before. The lingering feeling that a reader takes away is that a great deal of potentially insightful analysis has been for naught. It is as if Grundmann has produced 280 pages of preface for what might then be an interesting and illuminating volume. I look forward to the next stage.
Probably she taught the children to read and write and certainly entertained them at home; later she helped the boys when they were at the Grammar School with their homework; for example, (p. 90) ‘6 February /1859/. Monday. Arranged mineralogical specimens. Evening helped boys with their lessons. Other days fitted up Cabinet for Minerals . and evenings helped boys.’ (The boys suffered a detention when Herbert took them to races on a school day!) The parents were keen on the children being fluent in French. The boys hunted and shot, visited agricultural shows and sales, but despite their background one became a solicitor and the other a doctor. The girls had private music lessons and were taught to ride, and they all learnt to dance at public classes in Ipswich.
MARVIN Department
WATERSTONE
of Geography and Regional Department, University of Arizona, U.S.A.
References Gouldner, dictions
A.W.
(1980)
and Anomalies
London. Webster, F. and Robins, nology:
a Luddite
The Two Marxisms: Contrain the Development of Theory.
K. (1986) Information TechNorwood, New Jersey.
Analysis.
The Diary of a Suffolk Farmer’s Wife 1854-69: a Woman of her Time, Sheila Hardy, xiii + 205 pp., 8 plates, 1992. Macmillan, Basingstoke, f35 hb, f12.99 pbk
This interesting book with a Foreword by Ronald Blythe is the study of the life of a middle-class provincial woman, Elizabeth Cotton nee Haxell, in the 1850s and 186Os, based on her two surviving diaries. Sheila Hardy’s background is in Victorian literature rather than social history, which is revealed in her attempts to understand the character of her subject. ‘I was primarily interested in the woman herself, what made her behave as she did, what influences shaped her character. For this reason, I felt it necessary to research her background as fully as I could.’ She is at pains to show how far her subject differs from the conventional impression of the Victorian lady. Elizabeth’s family had been in the innkeeping and coaching business in London and Ipswich, and she was brought up in an Ipswich house adjoining the coach office where her father organized the coaches and supplied the horses. She married in 1843. Her husband Herbert was 20 years older, from a farming family. He was tenant of Amor Hall, a 400-acre farm three miles from Ipswich, and was also a small landowner. They had six children, one dying in
Elizabeth’s social round was full and pleasurable. There were twice-yearly visits to London to attend the theatrc and art exhibitions. She was constantly entertaining house guests and local friends with dinners, dances, croquet and even fireworks, which changed to music and cards by the later 1860s. They went to plays, concerts and lectures in Ipswich, enjoyed picnic parties and tours of country houses; they watched hunts and encouraged the children to skate. From 1855 Elizabeth and Herbert went on two-week holiday tours without servants and a carriage, leaving their housekeeper to care for the children. They went by rail, posted and sometimes took a steamer. She was interested in beautiful scenery and historical associations. In 1860 there was a Scotland tour, the excerpts including ‘/9 June The custodians of Dryburgh Abbey do not take so much interest as we generally find in most Scottish people in the name of Scott. I gathered some ferns near Scott’s tomb, We returned to Edinburgh in the evening after a day of great enjoyment.’ They took The Times, so outside events were well known. She mentions ‘mesmerism’, a comet (1858), county elections, photography (just becoming fashionable), book and magazine buying and the village school (1860-1861). They were churchgoers and became involved in the High Church movement. Although remaining Anglican, she visited local Roman Catholic convents, and attended Roman Catholic services and had Catholic priests as friends. The book includes almost nothing about farming or the living conditions of labourers. It ends with a daunting list of books she read her husband. and a useful short bibliography and brief index. Elizabeth was exceptionally educated, energetic and intelligent. Yet discord and unhappy events are omitted or not emphasized in the
Reviews
219
examples are not exhaustive. They do, however, lay out between them a range of ideas about the ways in which questions of the construction of landscape may be approached and highlight the benefits to be brought to geographical writings of a reflexivity within such writing. Some of these essays focus on specific case studies around which an interpretation is constructed. For example, Steve Daniels presents his interpretations of Turner’s interpretations of Leeds. Patrick McGreevy examines the text of Niagara Falls and he draws from contemporary and historic writings in order to argue for a consideration of the role of death in the construction of this landscape. Judith Kenny offers an account of the construction of certain plans for Portland, Oregon, and places this in the context of its construction within a set of competing discourses, the study of which reveals the web of power relations and interests impinging on the development of the plan.
Grundmann’s purpose is to counter what he poses to be the ‘commonly accepted’ proposition that Marxism ‘has little to say about ecological problems’ (p. 1). His mechanism is to thoroughly reconsider ‘what kinds of problems can be analyzed by Marx’s theory . a task which necessitates the reconstruction [cf. Bell’s quote above] of his thought’ (p. 2).
Other essays place themselves at a different level of abstraction, and in this process ground this emergent literature on geographical representation firmly amongst theories of post-structuralism and post-modernism. The writings of Roland Barthes on landscape, specifically their development, are discussed by Nancy and James Duncan. Gunnar Olsson examines the metaphor of the sign, drawing upon the work of Derrida, Foucault, Girard and Lacan. Michael Curry develops his critique of architectonic approaches within academic discourse. Trevor Barners investigates the physical and biological metaphors underpinning the economic landscapes constructed by neoclassical and Marxist economic geographers.
Chapter I is intended to further the examination of ecological problems, the notion of anthropocentrism, and the relationships between people and nature. In this exposition, Grundmann differentiates anthropocentric, utilitarian views of the human/nature problematique from those of an ecocentric perspective, and concludes that the former offers the only useful starting point for analysis. The chapter, unfortunately, is built on straw arguments, hyperbole [e.g. the ‘prediction’ attributed to the ecocentrists that ‘[clurrent ecological crises lead necessarily to ecological catastrophes (and eventually to the final collapse) p. 221, unexamined values and tautologies. The definition of ecological problem which Grundmann eventually adopts is itself highly problematic, and leaves vexing issues as: who defines unanswered such and who in society (rather than society ‘detrimental’, viewed monolithically) is ultimately the judge of harms, benefits and acceptable risks?
This book is to be recommended, particularly to those who have an interest in, but undeveloped knowledge of, literatures on the construction of landscape and the role of the writer within that construction. It is therefore ideal for those who may wish to develop this interest further. Many of the contributors have developed the ideas contained within their essays elsewhere; this book’s use comes with its status as a collection drawing together diverse strands of argument into a whole concerned with explaining the importance of a self-conscious and critical appraisal of writing and the landscapes we construct through writing. And, I am happy to say, these stories about writing are themselves well written, a quality often lacking within academic geographical discourse. RACHEL SDUC,
Marxism and Ecology, Reiner Grundmann, Clarendon Press, Oxford, f35.00
WOODWARD Lampeter, U.K.
324 pp., 1991,
In The Coming of Post-industrial Society: a Venture in Social Forecasting, Daniel Bell offers the following observation: ‘Marx was ‘inconsistent’, and it is this inconsistency which allows so many individuals to construct their ‘own’ Marx;’ that ‘on no single theme associated with Marx’s name is there a single unambiguous definition of a concept’ (quoted in Webster and Robins, 1986, p. 45). Others (e.g. Gouldner, 1980) have come to similar conclusions. It is clear that because Marx leaves us with so many ambiguities and multiple interpretations, alternative (re)presentations are possible even without great diligence or exhaustive labor. In the present volume, Grundmann is nothing if not diligent and exhaustive.
Grundmann divides the book into an Introduction, five and a brief concluding section. The main chapters, Introduction attempts to set the stage and brings into view Grundmann’s conceptions of anthropocentrism, domination and nature. It is difficult to discern from the Introduction whether the book was intended as an apologetic for Marxist theory, an explanation of the origins and evolution of ecological dilemmas, or for other, unspecified purposes. This confusion carries through the volume.
In Chapter 2, Grundmann moves on to consider in detail the possibility of relating Marx to ecological problems. In particular, he is interested in tying Marxist thought to ideas of anthropocentrism, population growth, the importance of future generations, the unintended consequences of human actions (and the tragedy of the commons dilemma), explanations for ecological problems, Marx’s conception of nature, and Marx’s philosophical anthropology. In this chapter, Grundmann assesses three possible explanations for ecological problems. The first two are to be found explicitly in Marx’s writings, the third is one of Grundmann’s ‘reconstructions’ of Marx’s thought. The first approach attributes ecological problems to capitalist production (i.e. capitalists are externality generators), the second to alienation (i.e. alienation leads to carelessness and wastefulness), and the third to what Grundmann calls ‘natural and social factors’ (i.e. the inevitable outcome of human metabolism of nature, in which technology plays a mediating role). Grundmann prefers this third construction, which in turn relies upon and further justifies his anthropocentric, utilitarian view of ‘real’ problems. In Chapter 3, Grundmann moves to a consideration of the role of technology in Marx’s thought. This chapter is problematic for two main reasons. The first is that although Grundmann’s exploration of the issue is diligent, there is no satisfactory clarification of Marx’s position. This is not entirely Grundmann’s fault, and is a perfect exemplar of the kind of ambiguity in Marx’s work that Bell
Book
220
Reviews
and many others have highlighted. The second problem, however, should have been within Grundmann’s control. The discussion never links up with the main themes of the book (i.e. the analysis of ecological problems).
infancy, and the book is centred on the lives of the couple and of the five children as they grow up. There are excerpts from the diaries of various length illustrating the text. Hardy is able to treat her material thematically.
This problem arises again in Chapters 4 (Historical Materialism) and 5 (Communism). Both of these chapters present intricate (though somewhat disjointed) examinations of Marx’s writings on such topics as ‘evolution and ‘the transition from feudalism to Darwinian systems’, ‘labour and enjoyment’, and ‘central capitalism’, planning’. While there is much of interest here for Marxist scholars and others, the chapters are ultimately unsatisfying in terms of the author’s stated intentions.
Elizabeth looked after the domestic arrangements with a housekeeper and other staff. On Tuesdays she went to Ipswich with Herbert, shopping while he went to the markets, and they had dinner at four o’clock at the White Horse. She accompanied him to horticultural and agricultural shows. Food is normally ignored in the diaries and clothing mentioned occasional!y. The garden was a delight to her, especially the fernery. Sketching was a principal pastime.
In the concluding section, Grundmann comes to a rather abrupt attempt to merge systems theory and his ‘reconstructed’ Marxism as he finally returns to the problem at hand. This attempt is also unsatisfactory, as it is too little, too late. Grundmann presents some tantalizing ideas in this conclusion (as he does elsewhere), but they are largely disconnected from all that has gone before. The lingering feeling that a reader takes away is that a great deal of potentially insightful analysis has been for naught. It is as if Grundmann has produced 280 pages of preface for what might then be an interesting and illuminating volume. I look forward to the next stage.
Probably she taught the children to read and write and certainly entertained them at home; later she helped the boys when they were at the Grammar School with their homework; for example, (p. 90) ‘6 February /1859/. Monday. Arranged mineralogical specimens. Evening helped boys with their lessons. Other days fitted up Cabinet for Minerals . and evenings helped boys.’ (The boys suffered a detention when Herbert took them to races on a school day!) The parents were keen on the children being fluent in French. The boys hunted and shot, visited agricultural shows and sales, but despite their background one became a solicitor and the other a doctor. The girls had private music lessons and were taught to ride, and they all learnt to dance at public classes in Ipswich.
MARVIN Department
WATERSTONE
of Geography and Regional Department, University of Arizona, U.S.A.
References Gouldner, dictions
A.W.
(1980)
and Anomalies
London. Webster, F. and Robins, nology:
a Luddite
The Two Marxisms: Contrain the Development of Theory.
K. (1986) Information TechNorwood, New Jersey.
Analysis.
The Diary of a Suffolk Farmer’s Wife 1854-69: a Woman of her Time, Sheila Hardy, xiii + 205 pp., 8 plates, 1992. Macmillan, Basingstoke, f35 hb, f12.99 pbk
This interesting book with a Foreword by Ronald Blythe is the study of the life of a middle-class provincial woman, Elizabeth Cotton nee Haxell, in the 1850s and 186Os, based on her two surviving diaries. Sheila Hardy’s background is in Victorian literature rather than social history, which is revealed in her attempts to understand the character of her subject. ‘I was primarily interested in the woman herself, what made her behave as she did, what influences shaped her character. For this reason, I felt it necessary to research her background as fully as I could.’ She is at pains to show how far her subject differs from the conventional impression of the Victorian lady. Elizabeth’s family had been in the innkeeping and coaching business in London and Ipswich, and she was brought up in an Ipswich house adjoining the coach office where her father organized the coaches and supplied the horses. She married in 1843. Her husband Herbert was 20 years older, from a farming family. He was tenant of Amor Hall, a 400-acre farm three miles from Ipswich, and was also a small landowner. They had six children, one dying in
Elizabeth’s social round was full and pleasurable. There were twice-yearly visits to London to attend the theatrc and art exhibitions. She was constantly entertaining house guests and local friends with dinners, dances, croquet and even fireworks, which changed to music and cards by the later 1860s. They went to plays, concerts and lectures in Ipswich, enjoyed picnic parties and tours of country houses; they watched hunts and encouraged the children to skate. From 1855 Elizabeth and Herbert went on two-week holiday tours without servants and a carriage, leaving their housekeeper to care for the children. They went by rail, posted and sometimes took a steamer. She was interested in beautiful scenery and historical associations. In 1860 there was a Scotland tour, the excerpts including ‘/9 June The custodians of Dryburgh Abbey do not take so much interest as we generally find in most Scottish people in the name of Scott. I gathered some ferns near Scott’s tomb, We returned to Edinburgh in the evening after a day of great enjoyment.’ They took The Times, so outside events were well known. She mentions ‘mesmerism’, a comet (1858), county elections, photography (just becoming fashionable), book and magazine buying and the village school (1860-1861). They were churchgoers and became involved in the High Church movement. Although remaining Anglican, she visited local Roman Catholic convents, and attended Roman Catholic services and had Catholic priests as friends. The book includes almost nothing about farming or the living conditions of labourers. It ends with a daunting list of books she read her husband. and a useful short bibliography and brief index. Elizabeth was exceptionally educated, energetic and intelligent. Yet discord and unhappy events are omitted or not emphasized in the