Picture book reading with young children: A conceptual framework

Developmental Review 25 (2005) 64–103 www.elsevier.com/locate/dr

Picture book reading with young children: A conceptual framework Kathryn L. Fletchera,*, Elaine Reeseb a

Ball State University, Teachers College 524, Muncie, IN 47306, United States b Clark University, United States Received 1 July 2004; revised 20 August 2004 Available online 21 November 2004

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to synthesize research on picture book reading with young children (i.e., children under the age of 3). In this paper, we review cross-sectional, longitudinal, and intervention reading research and describe changes in both parental and childrenÕs behaviors during picture book reading from birth to age 3. Research related to additional factors that impact picture book reading between parents and their children such as parental characteristics (e.g., socioeconomic status), childrenÕs characteristics (e.g., interest in books), and attachment status is also reviewed. Such factors are proposed to influence the frequency and/or quality of reading interactions and the beneficial outcomes of reading on childrenÕs language development. Throughout the paper, we highlight gaps in the existing literature. From our synthesis, we propose a theoretical framework to guide future research involving reading with young children. Ó 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Success in the first few years of school is important for academic achievement. Children who fail to read early in their school careers are at serious risk for grade retention and special education placement (McGill-Franzen, 1993; Slavin, 1994). Given the negative outcomes associated with early reading failure, children must learn *

Corresponding author. Fax: +1 765 285 3653. E-mail address: klfl[email protected] (K.L. Fletcher).

0273-2297/$ - see front matter Ó 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.dr.2004.08.009

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to read in the early school years. The National Research Council (1998) suggested that, ‘‘Reducing the number of children who enter school with inadequate literacy-related knowledge and skills is an important primary step toward preventing reading difficulties’’ (p. 5). Picture book reading has been advocated as an important activity to promote childrenÕs language and literacy skills during the preschool years (e.g., Adams, 1990; Bus, van IJzendoorn, & Pellegrini, 1995; Dunning, Mason, & Stewart, 1994; Lonigan, 1994; Sulzby & Teale, 1987; Teale & Sulzby, 1986; Wells, 1985). In fact, picture book reading in the home has been linked to childrenÕs development of language (DeBaryshe, 1993; Ninio, 1983; Ninio & Bruner, 1978; Payne, Whitehurst, & Angell, 1994; Snow & Goldfield, 1982, 1983), print concepts (Snow & Ninio, 1986), and emergent readings (Sulzby & Teale, 1987). Longitudinal research has also increased our understanding about specific language and emergent literacy skills that may be enhanced with picture book reading experience (Senechal & LeFevre, 2002; Storch & Whitehurst, 2001; Whitehurst & Lonigan, 1998). Picture book reading research has overwhelmingly focused on preschool-aged children (i.e., children ages 3–5) and there have been several major reviews of this literature. Gunn, Simmons, and Kameenui (1998) reviewed 27 studies on emergent literacy, with only one study cited including children under age 3 (i.e., Crain-Thoreson & Dale, 1992). In the mid-1990s, literature reviews on the effects of picture book reading on preschool childrenÕs language and literacy development were published (Bus et al., 1995; Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994). Many researchers have examined reading with preschoolers in classroom settings (see Karweit & Wasik, 1996, for a review), but only one study has examined the frequency and process of reading to infants and toddlers in childcare settings (Honig & Shin, 2001). Although numerous studies have examined parents reading to young children (i.e., under age 3), these efforts have not been as systematic as research conducted with preschoolers. Moreover, no attempt to synthesize the research literature into a coherent framework to guide future research has been undertaken. Despite the preliminary nature of research in this area, community-based literacy programs (e.g., Cronan, Cruz, Arriaga, & Sarkin, 1996; Cronan, Walen, & Cruz, 1994; Huebner, 2000) and intervention models such as Reach Out and Read (ROR) and Early Head Start currently implement book reading programs with young children and their caregivers. Suggestions for reading with infants and toddlers are also prevalent in the literature (e.g., Kupetz & Green, 1997; McMahon, 1996; Miller, 1998). We need to examine critically the available research on picture book reading with young children before making recommendations to parents and teachers. In this review, we contend that picture book reading experience influences language development during the first three years of life. Many other researchers have made such a contention (e.g., Ninio, 1983; Ninio & Bruner, 1978; Snow & Goldfield, 1983; Sulzby & Teale, 1987). From parental reports about reading to their children, we know that reading to children before 12 months of age is a common practice, at least in some cultures and socioeconomic classes (e.g., DeBaryshe, 1993; Huebner, 2000; Karrass, VanDeventer, & Braungart-Rieker, 2003; Lonigan, 1994; Payne

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et al., 1994). Moreover, the onset of picture book reading is positively correlated with childrenÕs language development, with those children being read to from an early age having higher scores on language measures (DeBaryshe, 1993; Payne et al., 1994). This research indicates a relation between reading to children early in life and language development. This association is hardly surprising given that researchers have demonstrated that parents often label, comment, and ask questions about pictures when reading with young children (Bus, Belsky, van IJzendoorn, & Crnic, 1997; Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988; DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Martin, 1998; Ninio, 1983; Ninio & Bruner, 1978; Senechal, Cornell, & Broda, 1995; Snow & Goldfield, 1982, 1983; Sulzby & Teale, 1987). Such labeling during reading has been shown to relate directly to word learning, with the majority of 15- and 18-month-olds learning a novel word and generalizing the word to a real referent after a single reading interaction (Ganea, 2003). Picture book reading during the time of rapid language learning between 8 and 36 months of age increases childrenÕs exposure to vocabulary as well as exposure to novel vocabulary and concepts that are rarely used in conversations (DeTemple & Snow, 2003). For example, a jungle animal book can present children with a set of vocabulary likely to be outside the realm of their daily experience. Beyond providing pictures of unfamiliar referents, children and their parents may, and often do, deviate from pictorial representations to conversations about concepts not directly represented in the pictures and text. The use of this decontextualized language plays an important role in literacy skills (DeTemple & Snow, 2003; Reese, 1995; Snow, 1983). Ultimately, the language benefits of very early picture book reading could translate into literacy benefits in the preschool years. Why might picture book reading be an especially important context to examine for childrenÕs early language learning? In addition to its potential for exposing children to new vocabulary, adults also talk in more complex ways during picture book reading than in free-play settings. During picture book reading, parents of young children extensively label pictured objects (Namy, Acredolo, & Goodwin, 2000; Ninio & Bruner, 1978). Ninio and Bruner (1978) reported that, for a mother and her 8-month-old, labeling occurred substantially more during picture book reading (75.6%) compared to other play situations (7.2%). This finding appears to be consistent in languages other than English (Poulin-Dubois, Graham, & Sippola, 1995). Moreover, parental speech measures such as mean length of utterance, responsive replies to child utterances, and abstraction are higher in the book reading context compared to other contexts (e.g., play and mealtimes) (Crain-Thoreson, Dahlin, & Powell, 2001; Hoff-Ginsberg, 1991; Lewis & Gregory, 1987; Sorsby & Martlew, 1991). Picture book reading may be particularly supportive of parental efforts to guide their childrenÕs attention and participation. Given the view that parents guide childrenÕs participation during reading (e.g., Rogoff, 1990), most research in this area has adopted a Vygotskian framework for analyzing and interpreting book reading interactions. Vygotsky (1978) proposed that social interaction, and particularly the language during social interaction, is critical for childrenÕs cognitive development. In the case of learning new words, Vygotsky

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gave the example of how hearing an unfamiliar word could entice children toward discovering the meaning of the word through the help of a more competent partner. Applied to picture book reading, childrenÕs task of learning new words would be scaffolded by the way that parents enlisted the help of pictures in clarifying referents. Picture book reading poses an excellent context for learning new vocabulary because the focus is entirely on the story; children do not have to extract new vocabulary from the stream of ongoing activities, as in a free-play setting. Of course, adults must structure the book reading in a way that is sensitive to the childÕs developmental level in order for the child to maximize the potential for learning language. Vygotsky (1978) proposed that the most effective teaching takes place within the childÕs zone of proximal development: in this case, the distance between the childÕs current language levels and their potential for learning new vocabulary. In practice, the limits of the zone are murky, especially the upper limit. An adult may have a fairly good knowledge of the childÕs current vocabulary, but how is an adult to know the childÕs potential for learning new vocabulary? We are proposing that one way adults gain sensitivity in estimating an individual childÕs languagelearning potential is through early and frequent picture book reading. A final element in the picture book reading context to consider, in addition to the quality of the adultÕs scaffolding and the childÕs learning potential, is the type of book. Clearly, a book that is too complex either in terms of language or content will not have as much potential benefit for the childÕs language as one that is just above the childÕs current level. In one sense, all picture books are above the young childÕs level in that they are not capable of independent reading, and need assistance even in the practice of turning pages and looking systematically through a book. In another sense, though, some books are either below or within a childÕs level and would not be expected to extend the childÕs learning. For instance, a 2-year-old who has been read ‘‘Goodnight Moon’’ every night for most of her life is probably not getting any new linguistic information out of the experience. Therefore, the potential benefits of the book depend on its inherent qualities as well as the number of previous exposures. Thus, within the picture book reading interaction, there are three components: an adult, a child, and a book (Martinez & Roser, 1985; van Kleeck, 2003). Each component interacts with the other components to establish the social interaction (Pellegrini & Galda, 2003). Although the term ‘‘quality’’ is often used in reading research, in this paper, we use this term in a general sense to describe a ‘‘match’’ among the three components of any reading interaction. Such a ‘‘match’’ is likely to be different among different parents, children, and books (Reese, Cox, Harte, & McAnally, 2003; see Fig. 1). That is, characteristics of each component will interact to affect this match or the overall quality of the interaction (Pellegrini & Galda, 2003; Reese et al., 2003; van Kleeck, 2003). Regardless of whether weÕre discussing reading with young children or preschoolers, our understanding of how these components interact and change across time is largely incomplete (Pellegrini & Galda, 2003; van Kleeck, 2003; Yaden, 2003). Reading research with young children has begun to describe features of early reading and to examine factors that might affect the quality of reading (see Fig. 1). Through a synthesis of the existing literature, we will address several main questions involving the three different components of reading

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Fig. 1. A proposed overview of factors that affect the quality of picture book reading.

interactions: (a) What parent and child behaviors are used during picture book reading from birth to age 3? (b) Do parentsÕ and childrenÕs behaviors during picture book reading predict language development? (c) What parent and/or child characteristics impact the quality of picture book reading? (d) Does the quality of the parent–child relationship (e.g., attachment security) impact the quality of picture book reading? (e) What characteristics of books alter the quality of picture book reading? In this paper, we will critically examine the existing literature as well as highlight any gaps in the literature. In conclusion, several mechanisms that may account for developmental differences in the quality of reading as well as individual differences across reading dyads will be proposed. For this review, literature searches in both PSYCINFO and ERIC were conducted. We also searched the pediatric literature in MEDLINE. Studies reviewed were included according to the following methodological and publishing criteria: (a) all children and/or at least some of the children included in the research were under the age of three (i.e., studies that contained a single group of children were required to have a mean age less than 36 months), (b) reading interactions consisted of one adult (e.g., mother, father, legal guardian, and experimenter) as the designated ‘‘reader’’ and one child engaged in a oneon-one interaction with a childrenÕs book, (c) children included in the research were normally developing, with no illness or diagnosed disability, (d) outcomes such as parental and/or childrenÕs behaviors were examined with a reliable observational coding scheme or childrenÕs concurrent or subsequent language measures were examined, and (d) the research results were published in a peer-reviewed journal, ERIC document, or an edited book chapter. Those studies reviewed that met these criteria are summarized in Table 1. After summarizing the main findings from the reviewed

Table 1 Reviewed research Authors

N 20

Arnold et al. (1994)

64

Bus et al. (1997)

138

Design/variable

Procedures

Measures

Ethnicity

Middle and lowermiddle income mothers and fathers and their sons at 18 and 20 months of age

ParentÕs sex; childrenÕs attachment status

Mothers and their children read a book provided by the experimenter and their favorite book from home during one session Dyads were assigned to either a control, a direct training or a video training group. Mothers in the direct training group participated in dialogic reading training, whereas mothers in the video training group received the same training through instructional videotapes Mothers read a preselected book with their son at 18 months and fathers read the same book with their son at 20 months. At 12 and 18 months, the Strange Situation procedure was conducted with mothers and then mothers read a preselected book with their son at 18 months. At 13 and 20 months, the Strange Situation procedure was conducted with fathers and then fathers read the same book with their son at 20 months

Observational coding of mother and child behaviors during reading. Mothers were also asked about book reading practices Although mothers and their children were videotaped during reading, these data were not examined. Mothers were interviewed about reading practices. Before and after the intervention, standardized measures of language development were administered to all children Observational coding of parent and child behaviors at each book reading session. Observational coding of parent and child behaviors during reading as well as childrenÕs classification into secure, insecure-avoidant, or insecure-resistant in the Strange Situation

Longitudinal

(continued on next page)

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Participants Lower-middle income white and African American mothers and their children (18–30month-olds) Middle- to upper-income mothers and their children (24–34 months)

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Anderson-Yockel and Haynes (1994)

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Table 1 (continued) Authors

N

Design/variable

Procedures

Measures

45

Lower-middle to middleincome mothers and their children (18-, 42-, and 66-month-olds)

Longitudinal; ChildrenÕs attachment status

Mothers and their children were asked to watch Sesame Street, and read two different preselected books during one session. Age-appropriate Strange Situation observations were also conducted

Bus and van IJzendoorn (1997)

82

Middle-income mothers and their infants ranging in age from 44 to 63 weeks

ChildrenÕs attachment status

Mothers read an expository picturebook to their infants. The Strange Situation procedure was also conducted

Crain-Thoreson and Dale (1992)

25

Mothers and their verbally precocious 24-month-old children

Longitudinal; child engagement

Mothers and their 24-montholds read a preselected book during one session

Cronan et al. (1996)

225

Head Start families with one child in Head Start and a second child who was 1-, 2-, or 3 years of age (mean age equals appropriately 27 months)

Longitudinal

Families were randomly assigned to either a highintervention programs (18 visits), low-intervention (3 visits) and no-intervention (0 visits) groups. Trained tutors instructed parents on ways to read to their young children

Observational coding of mother and child behaviors during reading as well as the childrenÕs behaviors during the Strange Situation procedure. A variety of emergent literacy subtests were administered for only the older two groups Observational coding of mother and infant behaviors during book reading, as well as childrenÕs classification into secure, insecureavoidant, or insecureresistant in the Strange Situation Observational coding of parent and child behaviors during book reading. ChildrenÕs standardized measures of language at 30 months and early literacy skills at 54 months were administered Parents were interviewed post-intervention about their reading practices with their children. Standardized measures of language development were administered to children following the intervention

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Participants

Bus and van IJzendoorn (1988)

21

Sample reported in Crain-Thoreson and Dale (1992)

Longitudinal

At age six, children were given a battery of standardized cognitive and reading assessments

DeLoache and DeMendoza (1987)

30

Cross-sectional

Mothers and their children read a book selected by the experimenter

Fletcher and JeanFrancois (1998)

16

Middle-income mothers and their 12-, 15-, or 18month-old infants (10 dyads per group) 2–3-year-old children enrolled in an early intervention program

Repeated reading

Readers and children read the same book twice a week for three weeks

Frosch et al. (2001)

131

Lower-middle and middle-income families and their 24-month-olds

ParentÕs sex; childrenÕs attachment status

48

Mothers and their 2-, 312-, and 5-year-old children (16 dyads per group)

Cross-sectional; familiar and novel books

Mother and fathers read to their 24-month-old children separately. Experimenters provided one of two books without text. At 12 and 15 months of age, the Strange Situation procedure was conducted with mother and father. Mothers and fathers read to their 24-month-old children separately. Experimenters provided one of two books without text Mothers and their children read two books (novel and familiar) during one session. Mothers provided a familiar book

Goodsitt et al. (1988)

Observational data from children at 24 months and 52 months on language and literacy skills were examined in relation to these childrenÕs scores on cognitive and reading assessments at age 6 Observational coding of mother and child behaviors

From videotapes, transcripts were made and childrenÕs spontaneous statements were classified Observational coding of parent and child behaviors at each book reading session. Observational coding of parent and child behaviors during reading as well as childrenÕs classification into secure, insecure-avoidant, insecure-resistant, or disorganized in the Strange Situation

Observational coding of mother and child behaviors

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Dale et al. (1995)

(continued on next page) 71

72

Table 1 (continued) Authors

Design/variable

Procedures

Measures

12

Low and middle-income African American mothers and their infants (13–18-month-olds)

Socioeconomic status

Observational coding of parent and child behaviors during book reading

Haynes and Saunders (1998)

20

Middle-class White and African-American mothers and their children (18–30-montholds) Mothers and their 14-month-old infants. Mothers were classified as reading disabled (n = 39) or nonreading disabled (n = 89). Middle-income mothers and their 6-, 12-, 18-, 24-month-old and 4year-old children (5 dyads per group) Middle-income mothers and their 9-, 14-, 20-, and 24-month-olds Low and middle-income mothers and their infants (17–22-month-olds)

Ethnicity

Mothers and their infants engaged in free play during two to three sessions and picture books with and without text were included Mothers read a preselected book twice to their children and a favorite book from home

Laakso et al. (1999)

N

128

Martin (1998)

25

Murphy (1978)

32

Ninio (1980)

40

Longitudinal; parental reading ability and childrenÕs engagement

Mothers read a novel book to their 14-month-old infants

Cross-sectional

Mothers and their children read two books (narrative and expository) at two different reading sessions

Cross-sectional

Mothers and their children were asked to read two preselected books Mothers and their infants were provided with two books and asked to look at the books with their infants. With a third book, mothers were instructed to get their infants to show all known words

Socioeconomic status

Observational coding of mother and child behaviors during reading. Mothers were also asked about book reading practices Observational coding of parent and child behaviors during reading and standardized measures of language development at 14 and 18 months Transcripts of mothersÕ speech were made and analyzed for modifications to book text Observational coding of mother and child behaviors, with a focus on pointing Audiotapes were transcribed and non-verbal behaviors recorded during the interaction. Maternal and child speech was analyzed

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Participants

Hammer (2001)

Middle-income mother and male infant (from 8 months to 18 months)

Longitudinal

Dyad was videotaped during free play approximately every 2–3 weeks

Ortiz et al. (2001)

25

Middle-income parents and their toddlers (26–37 months)

Longitudinal; childrenÕs interest in reading

Palacios et al. (1992)

139

Mothers and fathers and their toddlers (21–24 months)

Peralta de Mendoza (1995)

39

Potter and Haynes (2000)

20

Low and middle-income mothers and their infants (12–24-month-olds) Lower-middle income mothers and their infants (18–34 months)

ParentÕs beliefs about child development and education (traditional, modern, and paradoxical) Socioeconomic status; book complexity

Senechal, Cornell et al. (1995)

36

Parents (control vs experimental group) participated in three sessions across 4 weeks. At each session, parents and their children were presented with a range of books and asked to read. Parents in the experimental group were trained in methods to increase their childrenÕs interest in reading Mothers read a picture-book with their toddlers and fathers read a different picture-book with their toddlers Mothers and their infants read two books (simple and complex) during one session Mothers and their infants read four preselected books with no text, including two narrative and two expository books Parents and their children read two books (book with text and book without text) at three different sessions (e.g., 6 books total)

Middle- to upper-income parents (33 mothers and 3 fathers) and their 9-, 17-, and 27-month-old children

Narrative and expository books

Cross-sectional; childrenÕs vocalizations during reading (low vs high levels) and book complexity

During free play, book reading was observed. In this study, tapes were transcribed and mothersÕ and childÕs speech and behaviors were examined Observational coding of parent and child reading behaviors. Parents also kept reading logs and completed questionnaires and scales about their childÕs interest in reading

Observational coding of parent and child behaviors at each book reading session, with a focus on distancing demands Coding of transcripts and observations of mother and child behaviors Observational coding of mother and child behaviors

Observational coding of parent and child behaviors

(continued on next page)

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1

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Ninio and Bruner (1978)

74

Table 1 (continued) Authors Snow and Goldfield (1982, 1983)

Participants

Design/variable

Procedures

Measures

1

Mother and male child (from age 30 months to 41 months)

Longitudinal; repeated reading

Mother and child speech, as well as picture selection, were analyzed

32

At the beginning of the study, eight children were between 30 and 38 months, 12 children were between 45 and 47 months and 12 children were between 48 and 59 months Middle-income White and Hispanic families two families each) and low-income White and Hispanic families (two families each). Children ranged from 16 to 37 months Lower-income Mexican 2-year-old children attending a child care center

Longitudinal; repeated reading

Mother and child recorded reading a particular book at irregular times across 11 months Children were asked to read a familiar storybook from the class during three separate sessions. At the fourth session, children brought their favorite storybook from home Families audiotaped reading interactions with their children, with both books in the home and a book provided by the researcher. The range of time involved in the study across families was from 8 to 33 months Children were assigned to either a control or experimental group, using matching on a variety of variables. Children in the experimental group read with a reader trained in dialogic reading across 6 weeks. Children in the control group engaged in one-on-one free play with the readers across 6 weeks

Transcripts of readings were made and scored according to SulzbyÕs emergent reading scale (Sulzby, 1985)

Sulzby and Teale (1987)

8

Valdez-Menchaca and Whitehurst (1992)

20

Longitudinal

Longitudinal

Transcripts were made from video- and audiotapes and trained raters classified childrenÕs behaviors into SulzbyÕs storybook classification scheme

Standardized language measures were administered as pretests. All children were recorded reading a book used with an adult. From transcripts, childrenÕs spontaneous speech was analyzed. Standardized language measures were also administered following the intervention

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Sulzby (1985): Study 2

N

14

Wheeler (1983)

10

Whitehurst et al. (1988)

29

Middle- to upper-income mothers and their infants (from 6-months to 12-months) Middle-income mothers with two children, with a younger child between 17- and 22-months and an older child between 3 and 5 months and 5-year-olds

Longitudinal

Mothers and their infants read a familiar book once a month for 6 months

Observational coding of mother and child behaviors

Longitudinal

Maternal speech was recorded and analyzed

Middle income families and their children (21– 35-months-old).

Longitudinal

Mothers read a book provided by the experimenter twice to their younger children, with a span of one year between sessions. Mothers read the same book once with their older children during the first session Families were randomly assigned to either a control or experimental group. Parents in the experimental group received two dialogic reading training sessions over 4 weeks. Families were instructed to audiotape some reading sessions at home and log reading frequency

Audiotapes were coded for parental and child speech. Standardized language measures were administered both before and following the intervention as well as 9 months after the intervention

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van Kleeck et al. (1996)

75

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literature with young children (e.g., under age 3), relevant research with preschool children (ages 3–5) will also be discussed. Following each section, conclusion sections will highlight strengths and weaknesses of the existing research.

Parents and early reading Parental behaviors Most research efforts that have examined reading with infants and toddlers have focused almost exclusively on the quality of picture book reading, and hence, have focused on parentsÕ behaviors (see Table 1). Developmental research that has investigated picture book reading with young children has employed two general designs: (a) cross-sectional studies that have observed multiple dyads with different-aged children during a single picture book reading interaction or several interactions across a limited time span (DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Goodsitt, Raitan, & Perlmutter, 1988; Martin, 1998; Murphy, 1978; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995) and (b) longitudinal case studies that observed one or multiple dyads over a long time period (e.g., Ninio & Bruner, 1978; Snow & Goldfield, 1982, 1983; Sulzby & Teale, 1987; van Kleeck, Alexander, Vigil, & Templeton, 1996; Wheeler, 1983). The general picture that emerges from cross-sectional and longitudinal research is that for children under 18 months, parents tend to deviate from text (Martin, 1998), use attention-getting strategies (DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Martin, 1998; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995; van Kleeck et al., 1996), point to pictures (e.g., Murphy, 1978), and label and comment about pictures (DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Martin, 1998; Murphy, 1978; Ninio, 1983; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995; van Kleeck et al., 1996; Wheeler, 1983). In contrast, for children older than 18 months, parents asked questions and had extended conversations about pictures and stories more frequently than with younger children (Goodsitt et al., 1988; Martin, 1998; Murphy, 1978; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995; Snow & Goldfield, 1982, 1983; Wheeler, 1983). When asked, mothers report that their behaviors are largely based on their knowledge of their childrenÕs linguistic and cognitive abilities (DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Martin, 1998; Martin & Reutzel, 1999). This research is consistent with an earlier review of picture book reading with young children, focusing on supports for language development (Moerk, 1985). According to Moerk (1985), picture book reading interactions before 18 months of age serve as a labeling activity for parents and their young children. With the increasing linguistic competence of the child, however, this activity then changes into a ‘‘testing and feedback’’ (Moerk, 1985, p. 556) interaction lead by the parent. Moerk (1985) stated that ‘‘. . . for the period shortly before the age of one year to around 3 years, young children make very active use of picture-books and the accompanying verbal information, thereby familiarizing themselves with new referents and extending their vocabulary repertoire’’ (p. 558). Thus, parental reading behaviors with children under the age of three focus on learning vocabulary and conversation. Given that reading research with preschoolers has demonstrated that

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parents initiate less conversation and read text more (e.g., Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988; DeTemple, 2001; Goodsitt et al., 1988), reading with young children involves a different process from reading with older preschool children. Conclusions These investigations have used a variety of research methodologies, but not a variety of populations. Samples have been largely limited to White, upper- and middleclass mothers and their young children and may have resulted in the coding of similar elements of parental behaviors across studies. Thus, caution must be taken in extending these results to other cultural groups (see Anderson-Yockel & Haynes, 1994). Parents have been hypothesized to modify their reading techniques with their childrenÕs increased language skills (e.g., Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1997; DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Martin, 1998; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995). Yet, this hypothesis is based on indirect evidence of an assumption of language ability differences across different age groups. Although there is some evidence of concurrent correlations between maternal behaviors and childrenÕs language skill (e.g., Burch, 2001), specific data linking childrenÕs linguistic level to parental behaviors is sparse. No research has examined what specific aspect of childrenÕs developing language skill (e.g., lexical, syntactic, and pragmatic) may affect parental reading techniques. Parental behavior and language development We do know, however, that changes in parental reading behaviors can enhance young childrenÕs language development. Reading interventions, programs designed to change parental behaviors during reading, provide some evidence of parental behaviors that may enhance childrenÕs language development (Arnold, Lonigan, Whitehurst, & Epstein, 1994; Cronan et al., 1996; Whitehurst et al., 1988). These researchers have focused on language outcomes associated with picture book reading and employed experimental methodologies. To address the relation between reading quality and language, Grover Whitehurst and his colleagues (Arnold et al., 1994; Whitehurst et al., 1988) examined the effects of training parents to use specific techniques (i.e., dialogic reading) with their 2-yearold children. Based on techniques found to influence language development in other contexts, Whitehurst et al. (1988) designed their dialogic reading program on specific features including: (a) techniques to encourage the child to talk about the pictures and story such as open-ended questions, (b) feedback from parents that would extend and expand upon the childÕs utterance, and (c) modification of the parentÕs speech to match the developing childÕs linguistic abilities. Overall, dialogic reading is based on the notion of ‘‘an extremely important role for active responding on the part of the child’’ (Whitehurst et al., 1988, p. 557). Cronan et al. (1996) also trained Head Start parents with young second children (1–3-years-old) in techniques similar to dialogic reading. Studies that have investigated the effects of dialogic reading programs with young children have included an experimental and a control group and the use of standardized language measures (Arnold et al., 1994; Whitehurst et al., 1988). Whitehurst

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et al. (1988) found that parents in the experimental group differed significantly from control parents in their use of behaviors targeted by the program (e.g., expansions, what-questions, repetition, etc.). At the end of the program, children whose parents were in the experimental group also scored higher on standardized language measures compared to children whose parents were in the control group (Whitehurst et al., 1988) This was also true for children whose parents participated in a videotaped training format (Arnold et al., 1994). The largest differences reported were on measures of expressive language. Parent reports of reading frequency did not differ either at the start of the intervention or at the post-test, so presumably these effects on expressive language were due to the quality and not simply to the frequency of reading (Whitehurst et al., 1988). In a community-based intervention of Head Start parents, children whose parents participated in a reading intervention (18 visits) scored higher on language measures compared to parents who did not participate (Cronan et al., 1996). However, it should be noted that the frequency, duration, and routine of reading also increased in the intervention group compared to the control group; a factor that might also have enhanced childrenÕs language skills. Conclusions Changing the quality of parentsÕ behaviors during reading with young children facilitates language development, particularly expressive language. An increase in the rate of parental behaviors such as expansions, wh- questions, and repetition as a result of parent training lead to increases in childrenÕs language learning (Whitehurst et al., 1988). However, it is unknown what specific aspects of dialogic reading may enhance childrenÕs language (Zevenbergen & Whitehurst, 2003). Parents who modify their reading techniques in conjunction with their childrenÕs increased language skills enhance language learning (e.g., Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1997; DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Martin, 1998; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995). Although this feature is part of dialogic reading, there are no data to indicate whether parents trained in dialogic reading modify their reading techniques to match their childrenÕs changing language competence across long time spans (e.g., Arnold et al., 1994). Parent characteristics To better understand how parents may differ in their reading techniques, some researchers have examined reading practices between parents and their young children from different socioeconomic (SES) groups and cultural groups (Hammer, 2001; Ninio, 1980; Peralta de Mendoza, 1995). To date, three studies have examined mothers from different SES groups reading with their young children (see Table 1). In two of the three studies, mothers from higher SES backgrounds used more elaborate and more varied language during reading compared to mothers from lower SES groups (Ninio, 1980; Peralta de Mendoza, 1995). In a sample of African-American mothers and their infants, low and middle-income mothers used similar behaviors with their infants (e.g., reading text, questions, statements, and responses), with the exception of lower SES mothers using more directives than the middle SES mothers (Hammer, 2001).

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Even fewer studies have examined cultural differences in book reading practices with young children (Anderson-Yockel & Haynes, 1994; Haynes & Saunders, 1998). In a sample of White and African-American working-class families, White mothers asked more yes-no and open-ended questions of their toddlers during book reading than did African-American mothers (Anderson-Yockel & Haynes, 1994). Similarly, maternal questions during reading were rare in both low and middle-income African American groups (Hammer, 2001). However, in a middle-income sample, White mothers labeled referents more frequently than African-American mothers (Haynes & Saunders, 1998). Although distal factors such as economic level and culture may moderate parentsÕ reading behaviors, proximal factors such as parental belief systems and reading ability may also shape the way that parents read to their young children. Palacios, Gonzalez, and Moreno (1992) examined the relation between parentsÕ beliefs about parenting practices (i.e., traditional, paradoxical, and modern) and parentsÕ behaviors during reading with their 22-month-olds. In general, modern parents asked their children more questions than the two other types of parents (Palacios et al., 1992). This was the only study with young children to link parenting beliefs and attitudes with reading practices; however, maternal beliefs about reading to children play an important role in the frequency and quality of reading interaction with preschoolers (DeBaryshe, 1992). One might also expect that parents with lower levels of reading ability might have less positive attitudes and reading styles with their young children. On the contrary, mothers with a reading disability were found to have similar reading styles with their 14-month-old children compared to mothers without a reading disability (Laakso, Poikkeus, & Lyytinen, 1999). More research is clearly needed, however, to determine whether this finding holds at later ages when parents may be called upon to read more complex text. Sex of the parent has also been examined as a factor in reading with young children. In the one study to compare mothers and fathers, their reading behaviors with their young toddlers were rated similarly on measures of warm/supportive, hostile/ intrusive and stimulation of cognitive development (Frosch, Cox, & Goldman, 2001). Fathers were rated as being more detached during reading than mothers (Frosch et al., 2001). Conclusions Research on parental characteristics that may affect the quality of reading is limited and has examined only a few variables. Clearly, many other potential characteristics such as parentsÕ reading attitudes and beliefs (DeBaryshe, 1992), family size (van Kleeck & Beckley-McCall, 2002), and parenting styles should be examined in future research. These studies were also not developmental, but instead, data were collapsed across children with different ages (see Table 1). Because of the robust finding of the effect of childrenÕs age on parental reading behaviors, no firm conclusions about reading with young children in different SES groups can be made. Moreover, given the different rates of reported reading in low and middle-income samples (Adams, 1990; Heath, 1983; Teale, 1986), differences in parental reading practices may simply reflect differential book reading experiences between groups.

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Only one of the studies examining SES reported ‘‘frequency of reading’’ data for their samples. In the Anderson-Yockel and Haynes (1994) study, White mothers reported a greater frequency of reading sessions but the other frequency variables (number of books read per week) were not statistically different from the AfricanAmerican mothersÕ reports. Hammer (2001) also alluded to a finding in her conclusions that the middle-income African American dyads looked at books more frequently than low-income African American dyads. In a study of 3-year-olds and their mothers, Bus and van IJzendoorn (1995) were unable to obtain a middle-income sample of mothers who reported infrequent reading to their children, suggesting a confound between SES and frequency of reading. Thus, other factors that may co-occur with low SES, such as children having lower language skills and/or less frequent reading interactions, may explain these results (Vernon-Feagans, Hammer, Miccio, & Manlove, 2001). Thus, strong conclusions about parental characteristics that affect the quality of picture book reading must take into account variables such as the frequency of reading. Parental behaviors and book choice Dyads that read frequently are more likely to be exposed to a variety of books than dyads that read infrequently. For children under age 3, parents typically take the responsibility for choosing books to buy and/or books from the library. Once a story becomes familiar, young children may request the story (e.g., repeated readings), but initially, parents choose books for their children. Popular childrenÕs books include narrative texts (e.g., storybooks), expository text (i.e., information), alphabet books, and counting books. Alphabet books, counting books, and labeling books are frequently read to younger children (Sulzby & Teale, 1987). Parents often choose more complex books when reading to their preschool children compared to their younger siblings (van Kleeck & Beckley-McCall, 2002) and parents mostly choose picture books for their infants (van Kleeck et al., 1996). Although the book is an important component of reading interactions, very few researchers have examined how the nature of text might affect the quality of reading with children (Pellegrini & Galda, 2003; Sulzby & Teale, 1987; van Kleeck, 2003). Examining reading with expository and narrative books, mothers of 2-year-olds used more questions, labeling and positive feedback for expository books compared to narrative books and more description for narrative books (Potter & Haynes, 2000). Consistent with this finding, in a low-income, African-American sample of mothers and their 4-year-olds, Pellegrini, Perimutter, Galda, and Brody (1990) reported that mothers used more teaching strategies and children participated more with expository books compared to narrative books. Hence, parents appear to modify their reading strategies for different types of books, perhaps in an effort to match their childrenÕs age and ability level. In addition to book type, published books for young children also vary in their complexity on a continuum from bright simple pictures with no text, simple pictures with one-word text, and multiple pictures with short stories. Variation in the complexity of books used within reading research with both young and preschool

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children has not been well-documented (van Kleeck, 2003). In a sample of low-income and middle-income mothers and their toddlers, Peralta de Mendoza (1995) examined a simple (e.g., simple pictures per page) and a more complex book (multiple pictures per page) without text. Rates of maternal speech such as labels and elaborations were more similar for the two SES groups with the complex book; however, children participated more with the simple book compared to the complex book. For mothers from the low income group, additional pictures in the complex book may have provided cues to prompt their language use (Peralta de Mendoza, 1995). In a study of young children (9-, 17-, and 27-months) and their mothers, Senechal, Cornell et al. (1995) and also used two different types of books (books with no text and books with text). In short, parents and their young children used more language with books with no text than books with text. When text was present, parents in this study tended to read the text. Thus, reading interactions between parents and their young children vary depending on the type and/or complexity of books read. Conclusions Researchers should be aware of these findings in designing procedures to investigate parental and childrenÕs behaviors during picture book reading (van Kleeck, 2003). Studies demonstrating changes in parental and childrenÕs behaviors with different types of books employed within-subjects designs, strengthening conclusions related to differential styles across books. However, there may be important interactions among age, types of text, and childrenÕs participation. For example, Sulzby and Teale (1987) found that, across time, some young children eventually listened to books, yet this was only true for storybooks. Thus, book characteristics, and how these characteristics may interact with individual differences across parents and children, have yet to be examined (van Kleeck, 2003).

Children and early reading ChildrenÕs behaviors Although a wealth of data has examined parental behaviors, few studies have fully examined childrenÕs contribution to the reading interaction, especially very young children (van Kleeck, 2003). Developmental studies that have examined childrenÕs behaviors during reading have reported that childrenÕs pointing (Murphy, 1978), vocalizations (Murphy, 1978; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995), verbalizations (DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Wheeler, 1983), and attention (Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995) increase with age during picture book reading. Although the results from cross-sectional studies give the impression of dramatic changes in childrenÕs behaviors over the first three years, results from longitudinal studies have revealed more stable reading routines (e.g., Ninio & Bruner, 1978; Snow & Goldfield, 1983). This stability was likely due to the child, who tended to repeatedly discuss and return to previously labeled pictures. The appearance of stable reading routines in longitudinal research may also be an artifact of the use of the same book repeatedly (e.g.,

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Snow & Goldfield, 1982, 1983), of the limited change in linguistic skills during the study (e.g., Ninio & Bruner, 1978; van Kleeck et al., 1996) and/or individual childrenÕs styles (e.g., Snow & Goldfield, 1982, 1983). Child characteristics Thus far, few studies have examined individual child characteristics or skill levels that may affect childrenÕs or parentsÕ behaviors during reading (see Table 1). Although there has been no direct data linking childrenÕs specific linguistic abilities to their behaviors with books, researchers have examined childrenÕs responsiveness (e.g., verbal and non-verbal behaviors such as pointing) during reading. ChildrenÕs responsiveness seems to play an important role in the quality of picture book reading. Young children (ages 9-, 17-, and 27-months) with high levels of vocalizations were asked more questions and provided with more feedback from parents than children with lower rates of vocalizations (Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995). Parents who ignored their toddlerÕs spontaneous initiations during reading were given lower quality scores than parents who responded to their childrenÕs attempts to participate (Bus et al., 1997). Recent research with preschool children indicates that the relationship between young childrenÕs language abilities and behaviors during reading should be carefully examined (Morrow, 1988; Reese & Cox, 1999). In these studies, readers were not parents, but instead, a familiar adult. For 4-year-old children with low language scores, repeated readings (e.g., reading the same book) increased childrenÕs comments and questions compared to children with low language scores who read different books (Morrow, 1988). Four-year-old children with higher language scores learned more vocabulary from readers with a performer style (e.g., discussed story meaning at the end) compared to a describer style (e.g., focus on labeling and describing pictures) whereas children with lower initial vocabulary learned more vocabulary with the describer style (Reese & Cox, 1999). In addition, parents of preschoolers with language delays employ conversations during book reading more than parents of children without language delays (e.g., van Kleeck & Vander Woude, 2003). Although these studies involved preschoolers, similar research is needed with younger children to better understand the reading interaction between parents and children. This may be particularly important for those children considered ‘‘at risk’’ for language delays (van Kleeck & Vander Woude, 2003). Closely linked to early language development, individual differences in childrenÕs attention and/or interest in books may also affect the quality of picture book reading (Karrass et al., 2003; Ortiz, Stowe, & Arnold, 2001; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995). Picture book reading is an activity between an adult and a child that involves joint attention, ‘‘an attentional state during which the child and partner share a site of interest, such as an object or an event, in their immediate surroundings’’ (Adamson & Chance, 1998, p. 16). Researchers have described reading as an activity that facilitates childrenÕs ability to sustain attention (e.g., DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Laakso et al., 1999; Moerk, 1985; Murphy, 1978; Snow & Goldfield, 1983) which, in turn, has implications for language development (Karrass et al., 2003; Tomasello & Farrar, 1986; Tomasello & Todd, 1983). Within play interactions, individual

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differences in childrenÕs abilities to respond to and/or intiate joint attention with caregivers have been linked to language development (Baldwin, 1995; Claussen, Mundy, Mallik, & Willoughby, 2002; Karass, Braungart-Rieker, Mullins, & Lefever, 2002; Mundy & Gomes, 1998; Mundy & Willoughby, 1998; Ulvand & Smith, 1996). Within reading interactions, attention to books has also been used as a method to measure childrenÕs interest in books (Crain-Thoreson & Dale, 1992; Ortiz et al., 2001; Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995). Developmentally, childrenÕs attention to books increases across the first three years (Senechal, Cornell et al., 1995). Certainly, individual differences in childrenÕs interest in literacy are likely to impact the quality of picture book reading (Baker, Scher, & Mackler, 1997; Lonigan, 1994; Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994), yet only a few studies have examined young childrenÕs interest in literacy (Lyytenin, Laakso, & Poikkeus, 1998; Ortiz et al., 2001; Scarborough, Dobrich, & Hager, 1991). In one of the few studies to examine the quality of reading and childrenÕs interest in books, Ortiz et al. (2001) examined the effects of a reading intervention with middle-income parents to encourage 2-year-olds childrenÕs interest in books. Children whose parents were trained in specific techniques such as letting their children chose books and following their lead were more likely to initiate reading at home and demonstrated increased interest during observations than children whose parents did not participate in the reading intervention (Ortiz et al., 2001). Thus, the link between childrenÕs interest and the quality of book reading is almost certainly bidirectional, in which enhanced quality of book reading will lead to increased interest on the childÕs part. Surprisingly, childrenÕs interest in books, as observed during reading, was not correlated with parental reading behaviors such as questioning, feedback, and enthusiasm at baseline (Ortiz et al., 2001). This is consistent with other research reporting that young childrenÕs engagement (i.e., measure of interest and attention) did not relate to any specific maternal behaviors during reading (Crain-Thoreson & Dale, 1992; Laakso et al., 1999). The quality of childrenÕs attachment security is also linked to higher quality parent–child book reading. In general, children who are securely attached to their mothers experience more frequent and higher-quality reading with mothers than children with an insecure attachment status (Bus, 2001a, 2001b; Bus et al., 1997; Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988, 1992, 1997; Frosch et al., 2001). Maternal sensitivity is most likely leading both to the childÕs secure attachment (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; de Wolff & van IJzendoorn, 1997) and to higher-quality reading interactions in which the mother is more responsive to the childÕs interests and language level. Early studies in this area focused primarily on links between attachment security, reading frequency, and reading quality in Dutch samples. Bus and van IJzendoorn (1988, 1992) demonstrated that childrenÕs attachment security was associated with more frequent book reading characterized by warmer, more responsive, and more stimulating behaviors by mothers. Securely attached children are in turn more attentive and responsive during book reading interactions than insecurely attached children, who are also read to less frequently. Moreover, mothers with a secure state of mind toward their own attachment history read more frequently and responsively to their young children (Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1992).

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Conclusions Although the importance of childrenÕs contribution during reading has been noted (Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994), the effects of young childrenÕs language, attention, and literacy interest on the quality of picturebook reading has been mainly ignored. Besides attention during reading, other child interest measures such as reading initiation, looking at books alone, and duration of reading sessions should also be examined (Ortiz et al., 2001; Scarborough et al., 1991). Certainly, individual differences in attention span (e.g., Attention Deficit Disorder and Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder) and joint attention skills (e.g., Autism) might mask childrenÕs interest in books. Future research should examine whether attention and interest during reading represent two separate constructs. On the other hand, childrenÕs attachment security has received quite a bit of attention in the literature. Securely attached children are more attentive, responsive, and evoke less discipline during book reading than insecurely attached children (Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988, 1997). Bus and colleagues (Bus, 2003; Bus et al., 1997) concluded that attachment security functions to enhance the quality of early book reading interactions, and that this higher quality then leads to more frequent reading. Insecurely attached children, who experience lower-quality reading interactions, become less interested in books over time. They would later be less likely to initiate book reading activities. Bus (2001a, 2001b) hypothesized that children represent their book reading experiences in the form of an internal working model and these memories (i.e., positive or negative) will impact the likelihood of future reading interactions. In fact, Bus and van IJzendoorn (1995) were unable to locate a sample of securely attached dyads that did not read frequently. Thus, it is important to bear in mind that attachment security in these studies is most likely confounded with reading frequency. In addition, other child characteristics that may impact picture book reading quality should be investigated. Birth order may be an important child characteristic given that parents may read books simultaneously with both younger and older siblings; a process shown to differ from reading with children individually (van Kleeck & Beckley-McCall, 2002). Sex is a factor that has yet to be adequately explored. Although sex has been included in data analyses (DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987; Frosch et al., 2001; Goodsitt et al., 1988), samples were rarely large enough to detect sex differences. In fact, there is preliminary data that female toddlers may be more interested in reading than male toddlers (Ortiz et al., 2001). Given the early documented language and activity level differences between males and females (e.g., Campbell & Eaton, 1999; Huttenlocher, Haight, Bryk, Seltzer, & Lyons, 1991), sex differences may be hypothesized to affect the quality of reading. ChildrenÕs temperament may be another important characteristic that may impact the quality of picturebook reading (Frosch et al., 2001). ChildrenÕs attention as a dimension of temperament has been shown to predict language skills in both males and females, yet measures of maternal encouragement of attention are related to language development for the males only (Karass et al., 2002). In addition, all of these child characteristics (interest, attention, sex, temperament, and birth order) may also affect the frequency of reading interactions as well as the quality of such interactions.

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ChildrenÕs characteristics, behavior, and language development Young childrenÕs characteristics and behaviors during reading may also impact the potential developmental outcomes related to reading (van Kleeck, 2003). In play and caretaking contexts, infantsÕ pointing gestures elicited maternal labeling of objects and this behavior predicted childrenÕs vocabulary (e.g., Masur, 1981). According to Masur (1981), ‘‘. . . some childrenÕs behaviors are themselves elicitors of their motherÕs potent linguistic stimuli’’ (p. 29). This may also be true in book reading contexts. Parental reports of childrenÕs interest in books (e.g., low vs. high interest) at 24 months were related to vocabulary skills at 24 months (Lyytenin et al., 1998). A dialogic reading intervention by a trained adult reader was found to increase the participation rate as well as language scores for those toddlers in the intervention group compared to the control group (Valdez-Menchaca & Whitehurst, 1992). In this study, however, the control group participated in activities other than reading; therefore, it is unclear whether the effects were due specifically to the dialogic reading style or simply to an increase in exposure to books. ChildrenÕs engagement (verbal and non-verbal responses to their mothersÕ statements) during picture book reading at 24 months of age significantly predicted childrenÕs language ability at age 30 months and 54 months, as well as their knowledge of print concepts at age 54 months (Crain-Thoreson & Dale, 1992). Moreover, childrenÕs engagement did not relate to any specific maternal reading behavior. Additional data on this sample have also been collected at age 6 (Dale, CrainThoreson, & Robinson, 1995). In this subsequent study, child engagement at 24 months was highly correlated with measures of reading achievement at age 6. Moreover, a simple, 3-point, parental report measure of childrenÕs interest in literacy at 24 months of age predicted childrenÕs exposure to instruction in letter-sound correspondence during the preschool years as well as Letter-word identification and Passage comprehension (i.e., Woodcock-Johnson-Revised) at age 6. Although the authors caution interpretation of these preliminary results, they also stated that ‘‘some, probably substantial, portion of the variance in this measure reflects individual differences among children, differences that might have their origin in earlier experiences of the child’’ (p. 184). Similarly, in a younger sample, a child engagement measure (i.e., responsiveness, measure of rated interest, and time spent in reading interaction) during reading between mothers (reading disabled and non-reading disabled) and their 14-month-olds was associated with measures of child language at 18 months (Laakso et al., 1999). Although there were few differences between mothers with and without a reading disability, there were large individual differences in childrenÕs engagement in both groups (i.e., SDs were equal to or greater than the Ms for child engagement). In sum, individual differences in young childrenÕs participation during reading may mediate the benefits of reading on language development. This research is consistent with reading research with preschoolers. For example, childrenÕs active responding (e.g., pointing, answering questions) in preschool children has been associated with increased word learning during book reading (Senechal, 1997; Senechal, Thomas, & Monker, 1995).

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Conclusions Very little research has examined the influence of young childrenÕs characteristics and behaviors during reading on language development. Clearly, there are individual differences in how young children respond to books (Fletcher & Jean-Francois, 1998; Laakso et al., 1999). In the reviewed studies, however, childrenÕs behaviors that were examined were not ‘‘spontaneous’’ but rather likely influenced by their parentsÕ behaviors. There is some preliminary evidence to suggest that toddlersÕ spontaneous behaviors and attention during reading with an adult do predict language development (Acra, Goldstein, Claussen, & Fletcher, 2002; Fletcher, Perez, Claussen, & Hooper, in press); however, much more research is needed. Moveover, children with high levels of participation and/or interest in books may elicit more frequent reading interactions with parents. ChildrenÕs characteristics, behaviors, and repeated readings Dyads that are more likely to engage in reading interactions are also more likely to have children who adopt favorite stories or books. Although parents may choose books initially, young children often request specific books to be read over and over again. Repeated readings are the repeated reading of a picture or storybook, a common practice for parents and children (Sulzby, 1985; Sulzby & Teale, 1987). Repeated readings have been demonstrated to affect vocabulary learning (Snow & Goldfield, 1983) and childrenÕs participation during reading (Morrow, 1988), and lead to emergent readings (Sulzby, 1985). Repeated readings are a supportive context for childrenÕs language learning, either through imitation (e.g., Ninio, 1983; Senechal, 1997) and/or repeated opportunities to process novel words in an appropriate context (Senechal, 1997). Most notably, repeated readings change childrenÕs level of participation and/or their type of participation. In a longitudinal study, one child tended to choose the same pictures across repeated readings and repeated the language his mother had used previously during reading (Snow & Goldfield, 1983). In an examination of childrenÕs spontaneous responses, 2 to 3-year-old children were read the same book over six sessions (Fletcher & Jean-Francois, 1998). For these young children, repeating the reader and reading with the reader (saying the words at the same time as the reader) increased across the six sessions. In fact, young children have been shown to read favorite storybooks, repeating exact text and using the same intonation encountered during reading with parents (Sulzby, 1985; Sulzby & Teale, 1987). For children between the ages of 2 and 3, in general, independent readings are likely to progress from talking about pictures to a retelling of the story to later reciting actual story text (Sulzby, 1985; Sulzby & Teale, 1987, 1991). Repeated readings have also been found to affect preschool childrenÕs participation (Martinez & Roser, 1985). In a study of low-income 4-year-olds, children were assigned to one of three conditions: repeated reading, different readings, and a control condition (Morrow, 1988). Children in the repeated reading commented more than children in the different readings, whereas children in the different readings asked more questions than children in the repeated reading. Questions about print

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increased in the repeated reading group but not in the other two groups. In a sample of 10 families with a 3- or 4-year-old, within repeated readings, children increased their use of statements to explain story meaning and decreased their use of statements to predict story events (Phillips & McNaughton, 1990). Thus, repeated readings are supportive of young children and preschoolersÕ efforts to actively participate during reading interactions. Another methodology used to examine the impact of repeated readings is to observe dyads reading familiar books, presumably books that have been read repeatedly at home. In these studies, parents are often asked to provide a familiar book for the reading observation (Goodsitt et al., 1988; Haden, Reese, & Fivush, 1996). Unfortunately, these studies did not control or account for the number of times the book had been read (van Kleeck, 2003). Despite these limitations, parents and childrenÕs participation during reading were found to differ with familiar books compared to novel books. In one study, 2-, 312-, and 5-year-old children and their mothers read a novel book and a familiar book (Goodsitt et al., 1988). Regardless of age, all children talked more frequently with familiar books compared to novel books. Whereas labeling was more frequent with the novel books, discussions about the story were more frequent with familiar books. Also, childrenÕs use of statements remembered from the text increased across ages and almost all of these occurred with the familiar book (Goodsitt et al., 1988). This is consistent with results from a sample of preschool children. Maternal reading styles (e.g., describers, comprehenders, and collaborators) vary between familiar and unfamiliar books (Haden et al., 1996). When children were 58 months, maternal descriptions and labeling, as well as predictions/inferences, increased with unfamiliar books, whereas mothersÕ comments about print and general knowledge increased with familiar books. Thus, maternal strategies appear to move beyond the immediate storyline in familiar books compared to unfamiliar books by the end of the preschool period. These strategies allow children to focus more on print and links between the text and the world, both higher-level processes. In a study of 3- and 4-year-olds and their parents, parental and childrenÕs statements that related text to childrenÕs experiences were more frequent for familiar books compared to unfamiliar books; however, this was only true for a group of children who demonstrated high levels of print awareness (Hayden & Fagan, 1987). Conclusions Repeated readings may impact language learning through two different pathways: through changes in parental language or changes in childrenÕs participation across repeated reading (Snow, 1994). ChildrenÕs participation during repeated reading increased even across studies employing short time periods (Fletcher & Jean-Francois, 1998; Morrow, 1988), hence, reducing the potential confound of childrenÕs developing linguistic competence. Additional information about how often a book considered ‘‘familiar’’ has been read should be documented in future research (van Kleeck, 2003). Moreover, dialogic reading programs (Zevenbergen & Whitehurst, 2003) also incorporate repeated readings, a factor that may contribute to reported positive outcomes. Most of the research has involved preschool samples; thus, much more research is needed with younger children.

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Relation between frequency and quality of picture book reading How often do parents read to children under age 3 and how might this frequency be related to parent and child characteristics? Although studies have reported for different samples that the age of reading onset occurs before 12 months of age (DeBaryshe, 1993; Huebner, 2000; Lonigan, 1994; Payne et al., 1994), only a few studies have reported data about the frequency of reading with children under age 3 (Britto, Fuligni, & Brooks-Gunn, 2002; Karrass et al., 2003; Lyytenin et al., 1998; Teale, 1986; Yarosz & Barnett, 2001). Examining data from a nationally representative sample of parents with children under age three (e.g., Commonwealth Fund Survey of Parents with Young Children), parents reported that daily reading was relatively infrequent with children under 12 months (22%), yet increased with 1- and 2-year-olds (44 and 45%, respectively) (Britto et al., 2002). In a sample of middle-income parents of 8-month-old infants, approximately 67% of mothers and 50% of fathers report reading to their infants (Karrass et al., 2003). For each sample, approximately 37% of parents report no reading to children under 12 months of age (Britto et al., 2002; Karrass et al., 2003). Efforts to understand who reads to their young children appear as complex as attempts to understand how parents read to their children. However, several general trends did emerge across these studies. Mothers were more likely to read to their children than fathers and the gender of their child did not affect the frequency of reading (Britto et al., 2002; Karrass et al., 2003). Parents with higher SES levels also reported more frequent reading to young children than parents with lower SES levels (Britto et al., 2002), yet this factor only related to mothers in the Karrass et al. (2003) study. Maternal education level was related to frequency of reported reading for children ages birth to 6 (Yarosz & Barnett, 2001), yet parental education was not correlated to frequency of reading with 24-month-olds in the Lyytenin et al. (1998) study. In addition, parenting stress and general hassles were also negatively associated with the frequency of maternal reading to infants (Karrass et al., 2003). In a sample of 212 to 312-year-old children from low income families, book reading was rare among the majority of families (Teale, 1986). However, Yarosz and Barnett (2001) found that reading frequency interacted with ethnicity, noting a particularly low frequency of reported book reading with young children among Hispanic families. This effect was particularly pronounced for Hispanic families who did not speak English at home. Among this group, 48% of mothers with less than a high-school education reported never reading to their children under 6, and even among mothers in this group who had a B.A., 30% of mothers reported never reading to their young children. Lower levels of picture book reading with infants in Hispanic families were also reported in Britto et al. (2002). Given these statistics, it is imperative that research attention be directed to Hispanic book reading practices or the lack thereof. Of particular interest, researchers should be concerned with how the frequency of reading interactions might be related to the quality of reading interactions.

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Conceptual framework Yet, empirical data linking the ‘‘frequency of reading’’ and ‘‘quality of reading’’ for young children are largely absent. In their review of reading research with preschoolers, Scarborough and Dobrich (1994) examined the two concepts separately. DeBaryshe (1992) collected information on both frequency and quality of reading with preschoolers (i.e., average age around 4 years) for a low income, African American sample, but analyzed measures of frequency and quality of reading separately. If one assumes that families have regular reading routines that persist across time, age variables in reading research are consistently confounded with picture book reading experience. That is, one wonders what the reading interactions between two 18-month-olds and their mothers would look like if one dyad had read every day for the last year and the other dyad had read once a month for the past year. The dyadÕs history of reading experience will likely change how parents and their young children respond to reading; thus, frequency and quality of reading are associated (Bus, 2003; Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1992, 1995). Theoretically, for our youngest children, we contend that these two constructs have a bidirectional relationship. That is, frequent reading interactions will increase parentsÕ sensitivity to their childrenÕs linguistic skills, enabling them to match their reading strategies to their childrenÕs developmental level. These high quality interactions will, in turn, increase childrenÕs participation and interest in literacy, leading to more frequent reading interactions (Bus, 2003). This cycle leads to frequent, high quality reading interactions during the first three years that support early language development. Reading to young children increases from birth to age 3, with a much smaller increase from age 3 to 5 (e.g., Yarosz & Barnett, 2001). Given this finding, as well as parental reports on age of reading onset, this history of reading may be established before age 3. We hypothesize that a history of supportive reading interactions between parents and their young children provide a foundation for continued, frequent reading interactions into the preschool years. There is some preliminary evidence to support this hypothesis. Parental reports (i.e., both mothers and fathers) of the age at which their children began to attend to books revealed significant negative correlations with the frequency of reading with their 24-month-olds (Lyytenin et al., 1998). Moreover, parental reports of the frequency of reading with their 24-month-olds was also positively correlated with childrenÕs frequency of initiating reading and duration of reading for both mothers and fathers (Lyytenin et al., 1998). For a sample of 2-year-old children from middleto upper-income families, home reading activities (e.g., number of stories per week) predicted childrenÕs receptive language skills; however, the best predictor of receptive language at age 2 was the age at which parents reported starting to read to their children (DeBaryshe, 1993). Within a low income sample, the age at which parents reported starting to read to their children was negatively correlated with 4-year-old childrenÕs expressive and receptive language (Payne et al., 1994). Neither study provided specific intercorrelations between the ‘‘age of reading’’ variable and the ‘‘frequency of reading’’ variable; however, it is likely that such variables are related (Bus et al., 1995). DeBaryshe (1993) stated that ‘‘. . . variation in the frequency of

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reading exposure may be less important than a history of early and continual reading’’ (p. 459). Another source of evidence on the effects of reading frequency comes from the Reach Out and Read intervention that is being conducted in pediatriciansÕ offices nationwide. Children attending clinics serving low-income families receive a new, age-appropriate, high-quality picturebook at each of their well-child visits from 5 months to 5 years. Pediatricians are trained to instruct parents on the benefits of early reading and give parents a pamphlet on age-appropriate book reading behaviors and reading techniques. A number of systematic evaluations of ROR have now been conducted, with most of the outcomes focusing on increases in parentsÕ reported reading frequency and enjoyment of reading (e.g., High, Hopmann, LaGasse, & Linn, 1998; Needlman, Fried, Morley, Taylor, & Zuckerman, 1991). Fewer outcome studies have focused on childrenÕs language outcomes, and only one of these studies is a randomized-controlled trial of ROR. High, LaGasse, Becker, Ahlgren, and Gardner (2000) randomly assigned parents to receive the ROR intervention or their usual well-child checkups between infancy and toddlerhood. Parents in the intervention group reported a higher frequency of reading by the time their children were toddlers compared to the control group. These parents also rated their older toddlersÕ (18–25 months) expressive and receptive vocabulary as higher on a short version of the MacArthur Communicative Development Inventories (Fenson, Pethick, & Cox, 1994). These effects on language were completely mediated by the parentsÕ reported reading frequency, suggesting that the intervention worked because it increased reading frequency. We could also argue that because the only language outcome was a parental report measure, the increased reading frequency enhanced parentsÕ sensitivity to their childrenÕs language capabilities, leading them to report higher vocabularies. On the other hand, increased parent sensitivity to their childÕs language may also contribute to these positive results, by enhancing the quality of reading as well as the frequency of reading. Evaluations of Early Head Start, a federally funded program encompassing community interventions for children from birth to age 3, have also reported that parents who received intervention services (i.e., comprehensive parent training) reported reading more frequently to their 2- and 3-year-old children than parents who had not received such services (Mathematica Policy Research, 2002). Several evaluations of community-based reading interventions for parents of young children have also reported increased frequency of reading with disadvantaged families (Cronan et al., 1994, 1996; Huebner, 2000). These programs indicate the success of interventions on changing the frequency of reading with young children, with potential benefits for childrenÕs language. Although researchers have emphasized the parental role in establishing a history of reading routines (Bus, 2003), it is also likely that parents find establishing this routine easier for some children (e.g., easy temperament, interest in literacy, longer attention spans, and higher language skills) compared to other children (Lyytenin et al., 1998; Pellegrini & Galda, 2003; Scarborough et al., 1991). For example, although parents with and without reading difficulties reported similar frequencies of reading with their children at 30 months, Scarborough et al. (1991) found that those children who were poor readers in second grade and had families with a history of reading problems were

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read to less frequently than children who were normal readers and had no family history of reading difficulties. When these children were 3- and 4-year-olds, parents also reported that the second-grade poor readers were less likely to look at books alone than normal readers in second grade (Scarborough et al., 1991). Thus, the establishment of an early, continued history of reading is a dynamic interaction among environmental and individual factors for each dyad (Lyytenin et al., 1998; Pellegrini & Galda, 2003; Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994; Yaden, 2003). Moreover, these interactions likely change over time in a nonlinear manner, with variability within dyads more common than predictable reading routines (Yaden, 2003). Current research on reading to children under age 3 illustrates our limited understanding given the proposed complexity of reading interactions. Nonetheless, using VygotskyÕs developmental theory as a framework, we propose several mechanisms that might explain the bidirectional relationship between the frequency of reading and the quality of reading with young children, as well as how this relationship may be moderated by attachment security. Each proposed mechanism would have an effect on developmental and/or individual differences in young childrenÕs language development. Frequency of reading effects on parents Frequent reading interactions extend parentsÕ knowledge of their childrenÕs language competence. Ninio and Bruner (1978) stated that maternal behaviors during reading are not random but instead, ‘‘. . . it seems to be based on a constantly updated, detailed ÔinventoryÕ of the childÕs past exposure to objects and events, of the words he has previously understood, and of the forms of expression he has achieved.’’ (p. 10). Frequent picturebook reading enables parents to structure subsequent reading to their childrenÕs developing linguistic and cognitive competencies. Maternal knowledge of specific vocabulary (e.g., DeLoache & DeMendoza, 1987), as well as maternal sensitivity to their childrenÕs linguistic competence (Martin & Reutzel, 1999), have been associated with maternal behaviors during reading. This increased knowledge and sensitivity will contribute to creating the ‘‘match’’ between the parentÕs scaffolding behaviors and the childÕs zone of proximal development (e.g., Vygotsky, 1978). With frequent reading, parents might become better at sensing the childÕs ‘‘upper limit’’ of the zone of proximal development and structure interactions to make them appropriately challenging for the child. This highquality reading would in turn increase the frequency of reading because it would probably become more enjoyable for parent and child. We would also predict more frequent initiations of reading in children who experienced these early, frequent, and high-quality reading interactions. Thus, starting to read early optimizes the quality of reading, which in turn increases the frequency of reading, and hence, increases the likelihood for language learning. Frequency of reading effects on children Frequent high-quality reading with young children will increase their opportunity for language development. Moreover, DeTemple and Snow (2003) suggested that the

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relationship between reading and vocabulary is ‘‘bidirectional’’ (p. 17), with children with high vocabularies being more responsive and more interested in reading than children with smaller vocabularies (Lyytenin et al., 1998). Thus, increased frequency of reading interactions that facilitate vocabulary skills will increase childrenÕs interest and/or participation during reading, further enhancing their language learning. Twoyear-old children with increased reading experience used a greater number of utterances and more complex sentences during reading than children in the control group (Valdez-Menchaca & Whitehurst, 1992). ChildrenÕs engagement during picture book reading was significantly correlated with the reported frequency of book reading in a sample of verbally precocious 2-year-olds (Crain-Thoreson & Dale, 1992). Children whose parents reported that they had higher literacy interest at 24 months were read to more frequently than children whose parents reported low literacy interest at 24 months (Lyytenin et al., 1998). Children whose parents participated in a reading intervention initiated reading more frequently than control children; thus, increasing reading quality also increased the frequency of reading (Ortiz et al., 2001). These results indicate the bidirectional nature of childrenÕs engagement and interest in reading resulting in increased frequency of reading, leading to increased opportunities for language learning. Frequency of reading and attachment security However, the relationship between frequency and quality may be moderated by attachment status (Bus, 2001a, 2001b, 2003; Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1992, 1995; Frosch et al., 2001). According to Bus (2003), mothers with securely attached children are more responsive to the interests and spontaneous behaviors during reading than mothers with insecurely attached children, probably because of the underlying influence of maternal sensitivity. Because mothers with securely attached children structure reading around their childrenÕs skills and interests, reading is both cognitively stimulating and emotionally satisfying (see Fig. 2). This will likely increase the

Fig. 2. Moderator relationship between attachment security and the frequency and quality of reading with young children.

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frequency of future reading interactions. Likewise, one can envision the opposite pattern, with restrictive and negative affect in dyads with insecurely attached children leading to decreased reading frequency (Bus, 2001a, 2001b, 2003). The finding that childrenÕs attachment security is associated only with mothersÕ reading behaviors, and not fathersÕ (Frosch et al., 2001), also provides indirect support for this argument. Fathers are less likely to report reading with their young children than mothers (i.e., Britto et al., 2002; Karrass et al., 2003). Thus, fathers may have no or little history of reading with their children compared to mothers, potentially reducing the impact of previous negative reading experiences (Bus et al., 1997; Frosch et al., 2001). We propose that the relationship between frequency and quality is bidirectional, such that reading frequency itself could lead to higher-quality reading if parents are becoming more aware of their childrenÕs language capabilities through frequent reading. We would predict this causal relationship between frequency and quality to hold primarily for securely attached dyads. If book reading frequency did indeed lead to higher quality, then the higher-quality interactions would lead to even more frequent reading for a positive spiraling of benefits. If for some reason insecure dyads were encouraged to read more frequently, the opposite effect might hold: book reading quality might deteriorate with frequency as a result of mothersÕ intrusive and overcontrolling behaviors. For these dyads, we would expect a downward spiral such that increased frequency would lead to even lower-quality experiences which would create negative affect in children toward books and eventually lead to decreased book reading frequency. Because in research with mothers, the frequency of book reading and childrenÕs attachment security are conflated, it would be interesting to test these hypotheses in a sample of securely attached father–child dyads who are not yet reading frequently. An intervention targeted at increasing reading frequency in these dyads as compared to types of insecurely attached father–child dyads could explore the causal connection between frequency and quality. Does the quality of book reading increase as dyads become more frequent readers, but only for securely attached dyads? Frequency of reading and book characteristics Our general proposal of the causal link between frequency and quality is supported if one examines the transition that occurs when a dyad reads repeatedly (i.e., increased frequency) the same book (i.e., text held constant). Within a Vygotskian perspective, gradual transfer of responsibility for the structure of reading shifts from parent to child within repeated readings (e.g., Snow & Goldfield, 1983; Sulzby & Teale, 1987). Young children are able to label and talk about familiar pictures, and even recite text, whereas parents may extend discussions to other story elements and links to real world experiences (DeTemple, 2001). According to van Kleeck (2003), in this manner, parents increase the level of abstraction, and hence, increase the cognitive demands on the child, moving within their zone of proximal development.

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In addition to reading strategies, book choice by parents may be another way that parents continually challenge their childrenÕs linguistic skills during reading. According to VygotskyÕs theory (Vygotsky, 1978), books that are just beyond the childÕs current level of functioning, yet within their zone of proximal development, should be used for optimal language learning (e.g., van Kleeck, 2003). Considering this, book complexity, relative to the childÕs developmental level, may have opposite consequences for parents and young children, with simple books increasing childrenÕs participation and more complex books increasing parental participation. Choosing appropriate books for young children will require parents to be sensitive to their childrenÕs linguistic skills, which may be facilitated by a lengthy history of reading. Frequent high-quality reading interactions will increase the sensitivity of parents to their childrenÕs developing language, aiding in their choice of appropriate books for their children. Parents may also encourage their childrenÕs interest in reading by letting them take a more active role in choosing books for reading (Ortiz et al., 2001) or by being sensitive to their individual interests (Bus, 2003), such as dinosaurs, ballerinas, or trains. In summary, future research efforts must examine the relationship between the frequency of reading and the quality of reading. Based on VygotskyÕs developmental theory (Vygotsky, 1978), we have proposed several mechanisms through which frequency and quality of reading with young children may be associated. Moreover, investigations of this relationship should adopt a transactional approach; an approach in which characteristics of the three components of the reading interaction (i.e., parent, child, and book) are viewed as interacting across time (Pellegrini & Galda, 2003). To reach this level of understanding, much more research involving reading with young children must be conducted.

Directions for future research Within this review, we have critically examined reading research with younger children separate from reading research with preschoolers (e.g., Bus et al., 1995; Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994). This is an important distinction because there is every indication that reading with children younger than age 3 is different from reading with children ages 3–5 (e.g., Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988; Goodsitt et al., 1988; Moerk, 1985). But the relationship between the quality and frequency of reading interactions before age 3 will set the stage for continued reading routines into the preschool years. Unfortunately, there is no information about this transition. We also cannot conclude that the factors that influence reading with preschoolers are the same factors that influence reading with infants and toddlers. Factors that may be initially important in the early stages of reading (e.g., temperament and linguistic skills) may be less important in the preschool years with a past history of frequent, high quality reading interactions. In addition to this transition, there are several other areas of reading research with young children that are underdeveloped such as emergent literacy, the role of the child, and the impact of culture. First, in contrast to the prediction of

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language skills, there was almost no information available concerning the effect of reading on young childrenÕs emergent literacy skills. With the exception of one study (Crain-Thoreson & Dale, 1992), researchers have not examined how reading quality or frequency with young children might affect specific emergent literacy skills (e.g., concepts about books, letter knowledge, etc.). On a general level, researchers that have examined childrenÕs engagement during reading have investigated early literacy skills (e.g., listening to books, looking at books, referencing pictures, etc.) as outlined in the book Preventing Reading Difficulties with Young Children (National Research Council, 1998). However, these measures were mainly used to predict language skills, not measures of emergent literacy. This may be due to the belief that childrenÕs emergent literacy skills develop from other family routines in addition to book reading (e.g., Teale, 1986), or that emergent literacy skills become more important in the preschool years. Yet, an unanswered research question is how reading with young children predicts their subsequent emergent literacy skills. Second, little research has examined the contribution of the child to the reading interaction (e.g., van Kleeck, 2003), and even less research has examined individual differences among young children such as language, attention/interest in reading, and/or temperament (Pellegrini & Galda, 2003). In order to fully understand this interaction, researchers must give as much attention to childrenÕs behaviors during reading as they have to parentsÕ behaviors. Advocating a dynamic systems approach, Yaden (2003) stated that simply coding parental and childrenÕs behaviors during reading adds little to our understanding of this interaction across time. Another open question is the extent to which childrenÕs behaviors during reading are guided by parents or by spontaneous behaviors that parents respond to during reading. In two studies, measures of child engagement during reading at 24 months were not related to any particular parental behaviors (Crain-Thoreson & Dale, 1992; Ortiz et al., 2001). There was variation in childrenÕs engagement, meaning that some children were highly engaged during reading regardless of their parental behaviors. For our framework, these results indicate that individual differences among children may or may not support the establishment of an early history of reading. For example, Hammer (2001) reported that 4 out of 12 13–18-month-old children demonstrated little interest in reading. Two of these mothers reported little reading in the home, supporting the links between quality and frequency of reading and childrenÕs interest. The other two dyads, however, reported a history of frequent reading, yet these two children showed little interest in reading. DeBaryshe (1995) also found no direct links between frequency and quality of maternal reading with low-income preschoolersÕ reported interest in books. Instead, DeBaryshe identified direct links between mothersÕ beliefs about literacy and the frequency and quality of mothersÕ reading, as well as a direct link between maternal beliefs and childrenÕs interest. DeBaryshe proposed the possibility of a third variable, such as maternal affect, that may mediate the link between maternal beliefs and childrenÕs engagement. Thus, the way individual differences in characteristics such as sex and temperament may influence the establishment of early reading routines must be addressed (Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994).

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Third, what specific factors (i.e., parent behaviors, child behaviors, and book type) during reading contribute to language development? We propose a complex ‘‘match’’ among the three components, one that might continually change with the history of reading. For example, repeated readings might be beneficial for language and encourage interest in young children, yet be too repetitive for more linguistically advanced preschoolers. Requests for labels are stimulating for 2year-olds who are expanding their vocabulary, but more demanding open-ended questions about pictures and text will up the ante with three-year-olds. Despite the success of interventions like dialogic reading with this age group, we still know relatively little about the effect of specific adult questioning techniques as a function of child characteristics, and especially as a function of the type of book. Moreover, the outcomes of parental questioning effects on childrenÕs language have been measured so far primarily in terms of breadth of vocabulary knowledge (but see Valdez-Menchaca & Whitehurst, 1992; Whitehurst et al., 1988 for effects on childrenÕs syntax). Book reading could be contributing to other aspects of language development, such as the depth of childrenÕs vocabulary in terms of their hierarchical ordering of new words into categories, or their constructions at the level of word, sentence, or story (e.g., Goldberg, 1998). These higher-order language skills could in turn be contributing to literacy, especially to childrenÕs later reading comprehension skills. A first step would be to flesh out our understanding of how specific adult interaction styles during book reading relate to these more complex language forms and functions in 2- and 3-year-olds. We might also expect the effect of different questioning techniques during book reading on childrenÕs language to be variable across cultures. In cultures in which the initiation-reply evaluation sequence of questioning does not occur naturally, itÕs possible that encouraging parents to adopt this form of questioning is counterproductive. van Kleeck (2003) pointed out that although white middle-income parents are practiced in encouraging this type of ‘‘verbal display,’’ African-American parents are not using questions during book reading as a way of encouraging their childrenÕs verbal performance. We still do not know enough about the frequency and quality of book reading with young children in diverse cultures, much less about the effect of book reading interventions in different cultures, to make predictions in this regard. ItÕs possible that other styles of book reading, such as the recitation style that McNaughton (1995) noted in Tongan dyads and that DeTemple and Tabors (1995) found with some African-American dyads, might also be beneficial for childrenÕs language development. ItÕs also possible that other conversational contexts are being used for verbal display in non-mainstream cultures (Heath, 1983). If that is the case, interventions might be more effective if geared at enhancing the conversations in which verbal display is natural, rather than in a book reading context where it might be an unnatural technique. Clearly, more descriptive research in diverse cultures needs to be conducted alongside or in conjunction with the early intervention research, such as Reach Out and Read. We do know that programs like Reach Out and Read are increasing the frequency of book reading in low-income families, but does this increased frequency necessarily lead to high-quality book reading in these families? Needlman, Klass, and Zuckerman (2002) cited two reports in which

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the ROR intervention was associated with decreases in childrenÕs language levels, and in one of these cases with negative parental attitudes toward book reading. Perhaps moderating variables such as culture or childrenÕs attachment security are in play here, with the result that increased book reading frequency is actually leading to decreased book reading quality in some instances. Finally, we would expect that across cultures, the effect of the parentsÕ interaction style during book reading would vary as a function of the childÕs attachment security with that parent, at least when the parent is a frequent reader. We have proposed that attachment security acts to moderate the proposed causal link between frequency and quality of book reading. If the child is securely attached, then frequent reading should lead to enhanced quality as the parent becomes more aware of the childÕs language capabilities and is more responsive to the childÕs initiations. Yet how specifically does the harmony of the relationship lead to higher-quality interactions? Self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Grolnick, 2003) provides some guidance in this regard. In self-determination theory, three dimensions of parental responding are important for childrenÕs motivation and efficacy in a domain: parental support of the childÕs autonomy; parental provision of structure; and parental warmth and affection. Autonomy support is predicted to affect childrenÕs motivation; structure is predicted to affect childrenÕs competence; and warmth is predicted to affect childrenÕs sense of relatedness with others. Parents who follow in on the childÕs interests during book reading instead of abiding by their own agenda would be expected to have children who are later more intrinsically motivated to interact with books and read for the sheer pleasure of reading (e.g., Ortiz et al., 2001). Parents who provide structure during a book reading interaction when the task is still difficult for the child by asking questions at an appropriate level would be expected to have children who are later more competent with language and with books (e.g., Whitehurst et al., 1988). Finally, parental warmth during book reading would be expected to affect the childÕs sense of affiliation and relatedness to that parent, and speculatively to engender a positive attitude toward books from an early age (e.g., Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988). Separating out these three components of parental behavior during early book reading and how each component relates to childrenÕs motivations, attitudes, and competence in the domain of book reading would help clarify the way that parent–child book reading is affecting childrenÕs language development. Ultimately, this knowledge should help us design book reading interventions with young children.

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