A cultural analysis of maternal self-conceptions

JOURNAL

OF APPLIED

DEVELOPMENTAL

PSYCHOLOGY

17,

271-306

(1996)

A Cultural Analysis of Maternal Self-Conceptions CATHERINE RAEFF Indiana University of Pennsylvania

This inquiry explores how culture frames adolescent and adult mothers’ conceptions of themselves in relation to the maternal role. Interviews with primiparous adolescent and adult mothers revealed how they differentially appropriate cultural life-phase expectations and cultural representotions of motherhood as they construct their maternal self-conceptions. The adult mothers expressed homogeneous maternal selfconceptions, reflecting cultural representations of motherhood as a normative adult role. In contrast, the adolescent mothers’ varied conceptions of themselves as mothers reflect the variability of adolescent identity development, and the intersection of cultural representations that both favor and discourage motherhood as an identity constituent for adolescents.

Research comparing adolescent and adult mothers has revealed the varied circumstances of adolescent motherhood, making it difficult to draw consistent conclusions about how American adolescents experience the maternal role (e.g., Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, 1986; Culp, Appelbaum, Osofsky, & Levy, 1988; Dunst, Vance, & Cooper, 1986; Lamb & Elster, 1985; Landerholm, 1984; Osofsky, 1990; Reis, 1988; Roosa, Fitzgerald, & Carlson, 1982; Schellenbach, Whitman, & Borkowski, 1992). Insofar as parenting is culturally situated (e.g., Bomstein, 1991; Goodnow & Collins, 1990; Levine, Miller, & West, 1988; Lightfoot & Valsiner, 1992; Roopnarine & Carter, 1992; Super & Harkness, 1992), further understanding of adolescent mothers’ experiences of motherhood depends on viewing them in relation to aspects of the cultural context in which they bear and raise their children (Raeff, 1994; Wasserman, Brunelli, Rauh, & Alvarado, 1994). A cultural analysis of adolescent motherhood may also be useful for designing services that are sensitive to how mothers experience and construe the maternal role in a cultural context where complex perspectives on motherhood and adolescence are expressed. This article is based on a dissertation approved by the psychology faculty of Clark University, Worcester, MA, 1993. I am deeply indebted to Ina C. Uzgiris for her invaluable input throughout the course of this research. I also greatly appreciate Irving E. Sigel’s constructive suggestions. I thank Patricia Greenfield and Sharon Milbum for their comments on earlier drafts of this article. I gratefully thank the mothers who participated in this study for opening up their lives to me. Correspondence and requests for reprints should be sent to Catherine Raeff, Department of Psychology, Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA 15705.

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To explore sources of variability, previous studies have related adolescent motherhood to culturally meaningful variables such as socioeconomic status (SES), education, or paternal involvement (e.g., Duns& Vance, & Cooper, 1986; Furstenberg, 1976; Lamb & Elster, 1985). Less attention has been paid to cultural dimensions of the U.S. cultural context that provide adolescent mothers with complex, often conflicting, views about their roles as mothers. These cultural dimensions include: (a) life-phase expectations, (b) multifaceted cultural representations of young motherhood, and (c) common cultural representations of motherhood as a normative adult role. This article will explore how adolescent and adult mothers conceptualize themselves as mothers in terms of these cultural dimensions. Much research has elucidated various aspects of parental cognition, including parental values, goals, beliefs, ideas, and knowledge (e.g., Goodnow, 1988; Holden & Edwards, 1989; Kohn, 1963; Miller, 1988; McGillicuddy-DeLisi, 1982; Sigel, 1985; Sigel, McGillicuddy-DeLisi, & Goodnow, 1992). Elaborating on this research, this study focuses on how mothers conceptualize themselves in the maternal role. The term “maternal self-conceptions” will be used to refer to this distinct aspect of parental cognition. Focusing on maternal self-conceptions derives from the position that interpersonal relationships are based partly on the interactants’ identity constructions (e.g., Damon & Hart, 1982; Grusec & Lytton, 1988; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Markus & Nurius, 1986). Self-conceptions regarding motherhood also frame parent-child relationships (Hinde, 1979), and mother-child attachment patterns (Bretherton, Biringen, Ridgeway, Maslin, & Sherman, 1989; Bretherton, 1990). The importance of relating adolescent motherhood to identity development has been acknowledged (Culp, Appelbaum, Osofsky, & Levy, 1988; Philliber & Graham, 1981; Ragozin, Basham, Cmic, Greenberg, & Robinson, 1982; Reis, 1988; Schellenbach, Whitman, & Borkowski, 1992), yet few empirical studies explore how adolescent mothers integrate motherhood into their selfconceptions. This study is based on a model (depicted in Figure 1) which assumes that individuals construct their identities through actively appropriating cultural expectations and representations (e.g., Rogoff, 1990). Appropriation means that people interpret and transform cultural expectations and representations in terms of their own experiential frameworks and schemes, thus constructing their own conceptions (see also Lightfoot & Valsiner, 1992). Mothers participate in different cultural activities (e.g., family interactions, neighborhood activities, going shopping) and cultural institutional settings (e.g., schools, public service agencies) where life-phase expectations and cultural representations of motherhood are enacted (e.g., Goodnow, Miller, & Kessel, 1995). It is through active appropriation that mothers organize and make sense of these experiences to construct their identities regarding motherhood. By appropriating cultural expectations and representations, mothers may ac-

motherhood,

- Appropriation -

- Appropriation -

SELF-CONCEPTIONS

of motherhood.

of young

-homogeneous integrations of motherhood aspartoftheself -conceptualizing oneself as an adult

Adult Mothers

Adolescent Mothers -heterogeneous integrations of motherhood into identity constructions: part of the self, external to the self, uncertainty about motherhood and the self -conceptualizing oneself in behveen childhood and adulthood

MATERNAL

in the context of cultural life-phose expectations, cultural representations

-coherent personal identity -commitments to social roles and relationships

Adulthood: Generativity

-transitional life-phase -heterogeneity -establishing and maintaining relationships --------

Adolescence. Ide tlf4L Formation & RolenEvaluatiQ

Expectations

Cultural Life-Phase

for constructing moternol self-conceptions

ond common cultural representations

Figure 1. Model

-a valued social role for adult women -women are primarily responsible for children -taking responsibility for and caring for another person -safeguarding the future -establishing and maintaining a strong interpersonal relationship -a.wciated with an optimal age range

Common Cultural Representations of Motherhood as an Adult Social Role

-possible way to raise status within family -different caretaking patterns

SUPpofi

-different degrees of familial acceptance &

Multifaceted Cultural Representations of Young Motherhood

ASPECTS OF THE U.S. CULTURAL CONTEXT

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cept them as constituents of their self-conceptions. Also, self-conceptualization in relation to motherhood may involve altering, de-emphasizing, or even rejecting, other cultural expectations and representations. Ultimately, such transformations open up possibilities for cultural change. The ways in which adolescent and adult mothers differentially appropriate life-phase expectations and cultural representations of motherhood as they conceptualize themselves, will be spelled out in greater detail as the elements of the model are discussed in the following sections.

MULTIFACETED CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS OF YOUNG MOTHERHOOD In the United States, adolescent mothers come from varied cultural backgrounds (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1991) where multifaceted representations of young motherhood are expressed. These cultural representations of young motherhood are summarized in the top left comer of Figure 1. There are cultural representations of young motherhood that may facilitate the integration of motherhood into adolescent mothers’ self-conceptions. For example, adolescent motherhood is not necessarily viewed negatively by non-European Americans (e.g., De Cubas & Field, 1984; Wasserman et al., 1994), and in some cultures there may be strong sanctions against abortion. Many families come to accept an adolescent’s pregnancy, providing support to the mother and child (e.g., Furstenberg, Jr., Brooks-Gunn, & Chase-Lansdale, 1989). In some African American families there are few restrictions on who can bear children (Stack, 1974), and becoming a mother can raise an adolescent’s status in her family (Dunston, Hall, & ThomeHenderson, 1987). For many adolescent mothers, identification with the maternal role represents an attempt to become mature and take on a valued social role (see also Bucholz & Gol, 1986). Other cultural representations of young motherhood, however, may make it challenging for adolescent mothers to conceptualize themselves in relation to the maternal role. Many adolescent mothers, from diverse ethnic backgrounds, do not always enjoy consistent emotional or material support from their families (e.g., Polakaw, 1993; Sander, 1991; Wasserman et al., 1994). Even when there is familial support, many African American adolescent mothers who live in extended family situations are not always their children’s primary or only caretakers (Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, Jr., 1986; Burton, 1990; Field, Widmayer, Adler, & de Cubas, 1990; Stack, 1974; Wasserman et al., 1994). Other, adult women are likely to raise the children, often because an adolescent mother is not considered to be mature enough for the maternal role. An adolescent mother’s mother may also be the primary caretaker because she wants to have the experience of raising a child (Burton, 1990). This practice suggests that motherhood tends to be viewed as an appropriate identity constituent for adult women. Adolescent mothers who are not the primary caretakers of their children have

MATERNAL

SELF-CONCEPTIONS

275

been found to experience uncertainty about their roles as mothers, and are concerned that their children will not recognize them as their mothers (Zuckerman, Winsmore, & Alpert, 1979).

COMMON

CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS OF MOTHERHOOD

Adult mothers also come from varied cultural groups with different experiences of motherhood. Nevertheless, studies from a variety of perspectives, including analyses of collective cultural values (Lightfoot & Valsiner, 1992), parents’ reasons for having children (Hoffman, Thornton, & Manis, 1978), and the transition to parenthood (Palkovitz & Copes, 1988) suggest common cultural representations of motherhood as a valued social role and identity constituent for adult women. Common cultural representations of motherhood as a normative adult role include generally accepted ideas about motherhood that are reflected in the mass media and mainstream cultural institutional settings (e.g., government service programs and public schools). These common cultural representations of motherhood are summarized in the lower left portion of Figure 1. In this context, motherhood is encouraged as a social role for adult women, and women continue to take primary responsibility for children. Motherhood is typically considered to be a lifetime commitment that involves responsibility and caring for another person, as well as safeguarding the future of the next generation. As many parenting books and resources emphasize, motherhood involves establishing and maintaining a strong and mutually fulfilling interpersonal relationship (Leach, 1991; Speck & Rothenberg, 1992). In the context of these cultural representations, motherhood is generally associated with an optimal age range, from the midtwenties through the thirties, with some flexibility at either end. It is only acceptable to fall within the lower end of the range if a woman has finished high school and/or is married. This optimal age range immediately excludes most adolescents as acceptable child-rearing agents. The summer/fall 1990 special edition of Newsweek reflected this view by referring to adolescent motherhood as an “epidemic” (Kantrowitz, 1990), implying that it is a social disease in need of immediate remedy.

CULTURAL

LIFE-PHASE

EXPECTATIONS

The Adolescent Transition Adolescent mothers bear and raise their children in the context of Western adolescence that is viewed as a transitional period between childhood and adulthood (Offer, Ostrov, Howard, & Atkinson, 1988). According to Erikson (1968), the central developmental issue of adolescence is identity formation, or selfconceptualization, which involves constructing an integrated conceptualization

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of oneself in relation to others. Self-conceptualization takes place through role evaluation, whereby adolescents evaluate and experiment with the adult roles that are available to them in their sociocultural contexts. Adolescents exhibit variability or heterogeneity regarding the extent to which they have evaluated different roles, and regarding how they have integrated these roles into their self-conceptions (Marcia, 1966; Waterman, 1982, 1985). Some adolescents may conceptualize themselves in terms of a particular domain, whereas others may distance themselves from that domain. Still other adolescents may express uncertainty about how a particular role fits into their selfconceptions. Elaborating on the view that self-conceptualization takes place in relation to others, many feminist psychologists have emphasized the importance of relationships and caring for others in female identity development (Gilligan, 1982; Gilligan, Lyons, & Hammer, 1990). Because motherhood entails nurturance and interpersonal connection, this role is likely to figure centrally in female adolescent self-conceptions (e.g., Archer, 1985). These various expectations of adolescence are depicted in the middle portion of Figure 1. Expectations of Adulthood According to Erikson (1968, 1980, 1985), adulthood is characterized by a coherent conceptualization of oneself as an independent and contributing member of a social group. As can be seen in the middle portion of Figure 1, rather than being characterized by the heterogeneity of role evaluation, adulthood involves commitments to social roles and relationships. Thus, generativity is a defining aspect of adult identify constructions. Erikson defines generativity as ‘procreativity, productivity and creativity and thus the generation of new beings as well as of new products and new ideas” (1985, p. 67). To achieve generativity through raising children, identity integration of the parental role would be required.

THE APPROPRIATION OF LIFE-PHASE EXPECTATIONS AND CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS OF MOTHERHOOD IN MATERNAL IDENTITY CONSTRUCTIONS Adolescent Mothers The upper right side of Figure 1 shows that adolescent mothers may construct heterogeneous maternal self-conceptions by appropriating aspects of cultural life-phase expectations, cultural representations of young motherhood, and cultural representations of motherhood as an adult role. As adolescent mothers appropriate cultural representations that support young motherhood, some may identify with the maternal role, thus viewing motherhood as part of the self. Viewing the maternal role as part of the self may also reflect the appropriation of

MATERNAL SELF-CONCEPTIONS

277

life-phase expectations and cultural representations of motherhood that emphasize the importance of establishing and maintaining interpersonal connections. Given the responsibilities of childcare, the maternal role is likely to be a negative, as well as positive, self-constituent. At the same time, conceptualizing the self in terms of the maternal role may be challenging for adolescent mothers in relation to cultural representations of young motherhood that discourage identity integrations of motherhood for adolescents. Integrating motherhood into their identities may also be challenging because self-conceptualization and role evaluation are characterized by variability. Maternal self-conceptions that reflect the appropriation of these complex cultural representations and life-phase expectations may involve distancing the self from the maternal role, and viewing motherhood as external to the self. As these various cultural sources of maternal conceptions are appropriated, adolescent mothers are also likely to express uncertainty about the self in the maternal role (Erickson, Lundgren, & de Velasco, 1991). Insofar as Western adolescence is viewed as a transitional phase between childhood and adulthood, adolescent mothers are expected to conceptualize themselves as children and as adults simultaneously. They are further likely to highlight this intermediate position because, as mothers they have adultlike responsibilities to fulfill, but as adolescents, they still have much in common with their age-mates. This expectation is compatible with previous research revealing that adolescent mothers view themselves as simultaneously young and old (Boxill, 1987). Adult Mothers Deriving from the position that adult generativity is characterized by commitment to social roles, it is expected that adult mothers will conceptualize motherhood as part of their self-conceptions. They are also likely to view motherhood as part of the self because they bear and raise their children in accord with cultural representations that value motherhood as an adult role. Insofar as becoming a parent is generally viewed as a major life transition (e.g., Feldman & Nash, 1984; Hooker & Fiese, 1993; Palkovitz & Copes, 1988), motherhood is expected to constitute a negative as well as a positive part of adult mothers’ selfconceptions. Adult mothers are expected to express homogeneous conceptions of themselves as mothers because adult self-conceptualization is not characterized by variability. Heterogeneity among the adult mothers is also less likely because they are not struggling with the challenge of appropriating conflicting cultural expectations and representations. Because they are presumed to have already worked out adolescent identity struggles, adult mothers may be expected to view themselves as adults. These expectations are summarized in the lower right portion of Figure 1.

RAEFF

278 EXPLORING

MATERNAL

SELF-CONCEPTIONS

To recapitulate, this study explores how adolescent and adult mothers conceptualize themselves as mothers in the context of multifaceted cultural representations of young motherhood, common cultural representations of motherhood, and cultural life-phase expectations. Exploring how adolescent and adult mothers appropriate life-phase expectations and cultural representations of motherhood as they construct maternal self-conceptions requires an interview methodology that goes beyond standardized assessments of contextual variables. Interviews give voice to how the mothers themselves construe their circumstances and give meaning to their experiences (Polkinghome, 1988). Based on semistructured interviews, qualitative case analyses of 6 adolescent mothers, and analyses of 8 adult mothers, will be presented.

METHOD Participants Fourteen first-time mothers, with children between 12 and 19 months old, living in a New England industrial city, participated in the study. There were 6 firsttime adolescent mothers and 8 first-time adult mothers. The adolescent mothers ranged in age from 15 years and 7 months old to 20 years and 3 months old (M = 17 years and 9 months). They had not completed high school when their children were born. Four of the adolescent mothers attended a public high school with childcare services designed to help them finish their secondary education. One adolescent mother had just completed a high school equivalency program with on-site childcare services. One adolescent mother was in the process of applying to an equivalency program. There were two clusters of adolescent mothers. Cluster I was made up of three European American adolescent mothers, who lived at home and received welfare. Cluster II was made up of three African American adolescent mothers, who lived at home and received welfare. Thus, they all participated in cultural activities and cultural institutional settings where Western life-phase expectations and common cultural representations of motherhood are enacted. Based on birth records (provided by a local hospital and an information service), letters were sent out to recruit first-time adult mothers. Phone calls followed the letters to select adult mothers who would match the potential future circumstances of the adolescent mothers. The adolescent mothers were expected to at least finish high school, and they were expected to eventually be employed in unskilled jobs or to be unemployed. Because the adolescent mothers’ school programs provided opportunities for technical or vocational training, a job requiring technical or vocational training was also considered to be a future possibility. The programs also encouraged the adolescent mothers to go to college. Educational and occupational status were used as the main selection criteria

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for the adult mothers. First-time adult mothers who had finished high school prior to the births of their children, and mothers who were unemployed, employed in unskilled jobs, employed in jobs requiring technical training, or on welfare were accepted into the study. The adult mothers ranged in age from 22 years and 2 months old to 39 years and 2 months old (M = 28 years), and they all had completed high school when their children were born. For 6 of the adult mothers, a high school diploma was their highest educational achievement, and 1 adult mother had completed technical training. Two adult mothers received welfare; 1 received welfare and attended college; 3 worked full-time in unskilled jobs; and 1 was a homemaker. All of the adult mothers lived with their children in various living arrangements (2 were married to and living with their children’s fathers; 2 were unmarried and living with their children’s fathers; and 3 lived alone). All adult mothers were European American. Procedure Semistructured interviews with the mothers were conducted at a university child study area. The interview was divided into two sessions, and was conducted on two separate days. During the first session, the interview dealt with demographic issues, social support, and childcare arrangements. More personal topics dealing with the mothers’ experiences of motherhood were reserved for the second session, once the mother and researcher had established some rapport. The entire interview lasted approximately one hour and a half. The second session of the interview covered a wide range of issues pertaining to motherhood, the self as mother, parenting, and parent-child relationships (see Appendix A for the second session interview schedule). The interview addressed various issues regarding motherhood and the subjects’ lives to situate their maternal selfconceptions in the context of their wider experiences and circumstances. For some issues, different ways of phrasing the question were constructed to facilitate the discussion, and the subjects’ initial responses were followed up with probes. Some questions were specifically designed to discuss self-conceptions, but identity issues were discussed in association with other questions. Thus, the entire second segment of the interview was used to analyze the participants’ maternal self-conceptions. Coding and Analysis The interviews were transcribed, and they were classified according to thematic units which were further subdivided into dimensions. A thematic unit is defined as a discussion of an aspect of a mother’s conceptualization of herself as a mother or in relation to her child and activities as a mother. The thematic units and dimensions to be presented are detailed in Table 1. These thematic units and dimensions were derived theoretically, and are based on the model outlined

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280

TABLE 1 interview Thematic Units and Dimensions Thematic Unit Integration of motherhood into one’s self-conceptions -how a mother conceptualizes herself in relation to the fact of her motherhood

Dimension

Motherhood as part of the self -conceptualizing motherhood as a positive or negative part of the self or as having contributed to positive or negative changes in the self Motherhood as external to the self -conceptualizing motherhood as separate from one’s identity Uncertainty about motherhood -actively wondering how motherhood fits into one’s life

Conceptions of the self along an adult-child continuum -the extent to which a mother conceptualizes herself as a child or an adult

Conceptualizing oneself more as an adult Conceptualizing oneself more as a child Conceptualizing onself as in between childhood and adulthood

earlier. The thematic units and their dimensions are not understood as mutually exclusive categories. Using the thematic unit, “Integration of Motherhood Into One’s Self-Conceptions” as an example, it is conceivable (and indeed expected for the adolescent mothers) that a mother may conceptualize motherhood as a positive or negative aspect of herself, and simultaneously view motherhood as external to her identity. Reliability for these measures was obtained with an independent judge who was unaware of the expectations for the study. Interrater reliability for identifying portions of the transcripts that count as thematic units was 86.5%. Reliability for labeling these thematic units was 92.2%. There was 91.3% agreement for the thematic unit dimensions. Case analyses for the two clusters of adolescent mothers will be presented to provide qualitative descriptions of their maternal self-conceptions. Narrative summaries of the adolescent mothers’ experiences and constructions of their circumstances will also be presented to provide a setting for analyses of their maternal self-conceptions. Excerpts from the interviews will be provided as exemplars of thematic units and their dimensions. All participants’ names have been changed.

281

MATERNAL SELF-CONCEPTIONS

RESULTS Adolescent Mothers Cluster I: European Receiving Welfare

American,

Living at Home,

Case Analysis I: Cynthia. Cynthia, a junior in high school, was 17 years and 3 months old, and her daughter, Lyndsay, was 17 months old. They participated in the on-site day-care program at Cynthia’s high school, and they lived with Cynthia’s mother. Cynthia and Lyndsay’s father broke up when Cynthia was 5 months pregnant. She reported that the father “gives me money. Like when 1 need something I’ll go there. 1’11go out to [where he lives] and I’ll tell him, you know, I need, Lyndsay needs. And he’ll give me money.” Other than this financial help, Cynthia said that Lyndsay’s father is not involved in childcare. However, during the summer, she took Lyndsay to the father’s house, and he also came to visit them. These visits stopped during the winter, but Cynthia expected that they would resume when the weather got better. Cynthia did not want to be involved with Lyndsay’s father anymore, but she thought that Lyndsay “needs to know her other side of the family,” and she was considering taking the baby to see her paternal grandmother. Before becoming pregnant, Cynthia claimed that having a child “never even crossed my mind until my period didn’t come. I was like, baby, no way. 1 was like, not me.” Her pregnancy was a surprise, and Cynthia also reported having been afraid to tell her mother about it. Her mother told her to have an abortion, and Cynthia said that she considered this option carefully. Ultimately she decided to have the baby because I didn’t want to do that. You know I just couldn’t do it. I was tbinkin’ about you know, what was inside of me, human being. And so I just couldn’t do it. And adoption, that was out of the question. Because I wasn’t going to carry my baby for nine months, deliver my baby, and then give it to someone else. You know if I was gonna go through all that, I would have just had an abortion.

During her pregnancy,

Cynthia said,

I thought it was gonna be much harder than it is. All through my pregnancy, all I kept thinkin’ was, what if I don’t know when to feed her? How am I gonna know when the baby is hungry? That’s all I thought through my whole pregnancy. How am I gonna change diapers? One of my friends already had a baby, and I was takin’ care of the baby. I told her I’d watch her baby and everything just so I could you know, get into it. But it was totally different after I had my own. ‘Cause she was my own you know. I felt much more closer to her. At ease, you know. Not as afraid to take care of hher as anyone else’s,

Cynthia said that her mother’s attitude also changed once Lyndsay was born. Although her mother was angry at first, telling Cynthia to get an abortion, she

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now “loves [Lyndsay] to death.” Cynthia was Lyndsay’s primary caretaker, and she said that the grandmother “helps out a lot.” According to Cynthia, her own mother knows Lyndsay as well as she does because they are with her most. Lyndsay goes to her as well as the grandmother when she wants something, and sometimes Cynthia and her mother argue over how to raise Lyndsay. Cynthia explained, She’s, I don’t know. She’s pretty good about it. You know she tries, you know. She knows she’s not her daughter and everything. But it’s hard because she’s always around her. And it’s like her daughter too so. She calls me Mummy. She calls my mother Mammy. So, I don’t know. Sometimes she calls my mother Mummy. ‘Cause Mammy sounds so much like Mummy, you know. She doesn’t know the, she knows who’s who. She just doesn’t know the difference between the words sometimes.

In general, Cynthia said her own mother respects her as Lyndsay’s mother, and she is ultimately responsible for Lyndsay and for making all major decisions about her. In addition to her mother’s support, Cynthia was satisfied with her wider social network as a means of social support. When asked whom she felt she could go to for help with Lyndsay she named two friends, her grandmother, Lyndsay’s father, and the staff at the high school day-care program. When she has a personal problem, feels like talking to someone, or wants to go out she said she could turn to three or four friends, her grandmother, or her mother. Overall, Cynthia said she thinks she gets enough support from the people around her. As Cynthia raised her daughter in these circumstances, she said that being a parent means responsibility, love. It means, take care of your kid, bein’ a parent. You have to make sure the baby’s clean, fed. You have to take the baby to, Lyndsay to the doctor. We’re always at the doctor ‘cause she’s sick a lot. Just everyday stuff. You know, goin’ to school. Makin’ sure I get her ready in time and. Goin’ to get her and feedin’ her.

Cynthia also included teaching Lyndsay and having fun with her as part of her maternal responsibilities. Cynthia also defined a good mother as “bein’ with her daughter. Or son. Takin’ care of ‘em correctly. Makin’ sure they’re clean. And I don’t know, just, give your child everything. Don’t leave your child with everybody else, just to go here and go there.” Cynthia also felt that as Lyndsay’s mother, only she could “give her my love. Show her that I love her. That’s about it.” Cynthia said that her love is different from the love that others can give to Lyndsay because “she knows I’m her mother. You know, it’s that special bond. ‘Cause she’s a part of me. She grows

MATERNAL

SELF-CONCEPTIONS

out of me.” In addition, Cynthia said that her relationship unique and different from other relationships because

283 with Lyndsay

was

It’s much closer. Much more closer. And I don’t know. There’s differences, but. I don’t know how to explain ‘em, just they’re different. Like with Lyndsay, I’m very close to her. She’s a part of me. She grew inside of me. You know, she’s me. And like with, with everybody else they’re just my friends. I care about ‘em and stuff, just not like my daughter. 1 love my daughter.

Cynthia pictured herself working in the future, and she was thinking about going into a vocational training program after high school. She said, “I want to have a good job so that she [Lyndsay] can have what she needs. I want to have a nice apartment for her to play, you know, be in. Just, give her the best I can.” As she discussed her experiences, aspirations, and views about motherhood, Cynthia also considered unique aspects of young motherhood. She said, It’s just harder, it makes everything harder. Umm, my teenage years are like, gone . The only thing that would be harder about us is that we’re still teenagers and you know we still want to have fun. But there’s no difference really between older and younger ‘cause it’s the same, children are the same. You know, they all need the same care.

In the context of these circumstances and experiences, Cynthia constructed her maternal self-conceptions. Cynthia placed herself in between childhood and adulthood, identifying herself as a “teenager.” She viewed herself as an adult because she has taken on the adult responsibilities of mothering. But because she still goes out and likes to have fun, she is childlike and similar to her peers. Cynthia viewed motherhood as the most important part of her selfconceptions, and motherhood figured both positively and negatively in her selfconceptions. Cynthia felt that motherhood contributed to positive changes in her life and identity because she became more mature, and understood the importance of finishing school. She said: Yeah. Coin’ to school. ‘Cause before I had the baby, before I had Lyndsay, it was like, I never went to school. My marks were all Fs you know. Now that I have Lyndsay, I want to give her a good life. I’m doin’ good in school.

Negative aspects of the self as mother included no longer being able to go out, and having to attend to the daily, routine responsibilities of caretaking. She said, “I mean you know, it’s hard to go out now. You know and have fun . . . It’s hard to go to school with her.” Cynthia did not express any uncertainty about herself in relation to motherhood, nor did she view motherhood as external to her selfconceptions.

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Case Analysis 2: Barbara. Barbara, a senior in high school, was 18 years old, and her daughter, Maggie was 13 months old. They participated in the on-site day-care program at Barbara’s school, and they lived with Barbara’s father, his girlfriend, and the girlfriend’s two daughters who were still in school. Barbara said that she had been involved with Maggie’s father for 2 years, and broke up with him when Maggie was about 2 months old. At the time of the interview, Barbara said that the father had been in jail for approximately 4 months, and was scheduled to be released in 15 days. Before his incarceration, Barbara said that Maggie’s father was involved in childcare and gave them money when he could. Barbara reported that she did not want to be involved with the father anymore, but she wished he could be around more for Maggie. She did not want her daughter to “wonder who her father is” or “call another boyfriend Daddy because he might leave and she would get confused.” Barbara’s family often helped out with Maggie, but Barbara was her primary caretaker. She said that when she has a problem with Maggie she feels she can go to the staff at the day-care program, Maggie’s paternal grandmother, or Maggie’s godmother. If she needs someone to babysit for Maggie, Barbara named her cousin, her father, Maggie’s godmother and godfather, and some of Maggie’s aunts. If an unexpected expense for Maggie were to arise, Barbara said she could go to her own father, to Maggie’s godmother, or she could ask Maggie’s father’s family. When Barbara has a personal problem she felt she could go to three close friends, the day-care staff, or one of her teachers. Barbara also belonged to a group at school that met to talk about various problems and issues facing teens. In general, Barbara said she was happy with her social support network, and she claimed that she would “rather be independent anyways and be on my own.” Before becoming pregnant, Barbara thought that some day she would have children, but she never planned on having one so early. When asked how she reacted upon finding out that she was pregnant, Barbara said, “I didn’t really. I was just like, oh. No. I didn’t have a reaction really.” She also said that her father did not say anything about her pregnancy. Although she did not regret having Maggie, she said that “I would have waited havin’ a kid. Because I see all my other friends goin’ out and I can’t go out half the time.” In addition, Barbara thought that being a young mother is hard because they have less money than older mothers. Money was one of Barbara’s main concerns for the future, and she said she wanted to be “somebody that’s got money.” When asked what jobs she was considering she said she wanted to be a nurse. But before pursuing any kind of career, she was planning to take a year off and then “decide what I really want to do.” She also said that she does not plan too far ahead because she lives “day by day. I just called it survival.” Barbara did not mention her daughter in these considerations of the future. As Barbara discussed her circumstances, she said that motherhood “means to take care of somebody 24 hours a day 7 days a week. It’s tiring. But it brings a lot

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of happiness too. You get to see them grow and do things.” For Barbara, taking care of Maggie meant to give her what she needs . . To give her a home, clothes, food . . . Just to watch her. Feed her. Bathe her. Change her . . Make sure she got what she needs. She needs food. She needs clothes. She needs a place to live. She needs love and caring. That’s it. In addition to these maternal responsibilities, Barbara said that she is the only one who can really be there for Maggie at any time and that she knows her best because “I’m always around her. I know what she does. I know each and every cry. What they’re for.” Barbara also said that her relationship with Maggie is different from her other relationships because “you can’t break this relationship.” In the context of these circumstances and considerations of motherhood, Barbara constructed her maternal self-conceptions. Barbara viewed herself as both an adult and a child. She was like an adult because, as she said, “I got my own responsibilities. I take care of myself.” She was childlike and similar to her peers, saying, “I’m still like them . . . ‘Cause I’m still myself. You know. I got the same prob. I got. Well I got some problems that some of them have . . . Like things when you growin’ up. Like, drugs and all that stuff.” According to Barbara, being a mother was the most important part of her selfconceptions, and motherhood contributed to positive and negative changes in her self-conceptions and life. Positive aspects of the self as mother included being happier and becoming more mature and responsible. Barbara said, 1 used to be bad and now I’m. I act more mature . I used to do bad things. Used to. Get in fights in school. Get kicked out of school. Gettin’ drunk. I went to bein’ responsible . It’s teaching me responsibility.

Barbara claimed that the only negative aspect of motherhood was not being able to go out often. She said, “I see all my other friends goin’ out and I can’t go out half the time. And there are some things I want to do and I can’t. Like go away.” In tandem with viewing motherhood as part of the self, Barbara also conceptualized motherhood as external to the self. She claimed that being a mother did not change her life and self: “It really didn’t change that. It’s the same . . . ‘Cause I already was goin’ to school. I’m going’ to school now. Stayin’ home on the weekends. Sometimes on the weekends I go out. Same thing I used to do.” Case Analysis 3: Stephanie. Stephanie, a senior in high school, was 18 years and 2 months old, and her son Christopher was 13 months old. The participated in the on-site day-care program at Stephanie’s high school and lived with Stephanie’s mother. Stephanie and Christopher’s father had been dating for “almost a year” before Stephanie became pregnant. While pregnant, and until Christopher was 6 months

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old, Stephanie “used to stay at his house over night like a few days a week.” At the time of the interview, Christopher was spending 2 weekend days every month alone with his father, and 2 weekend days with his father at Stephanie’s house. Stephanie said she does not want Christopher to spend more time with his father because “he drinks a lot and stuff like that. And he doesn’t call to check in.” Stephanie reported that the father does not help her to care for Christopher, but she receives “50 dollars a month from welfare that he pays child support for.” She did not want Christopher’s father to be more involved in childcare because of his drinking, and, as she put it, “Well his father, it’s like, I made a wrong choice. His father was like the biggest mistake though, in my life. Really.” Before becoming pregnant, Stephanie said she always thought she would have children. She said, “In the future. After I was married. I thought it would be you know. I’d stay home with him, and he. And make his father work and gives us money. I thought it was gonna be like the Brady Bunch.” Stephanie said she cried in shock and fear when she found out that she was pregnant. She reported that her mother was angry and told her to have an abortion. However, she decided to have the baby because, “I thought his father’s gonna love me and we were gonna be together. And it was like, and I thought the baby would bring us closer.” According to Stephanie it did not turn out this way, and the father also did not help Stephanie to prepare for the baby’s birth during her pregnancy. While pregnant, Stephanie said she imagined that the baby would always sleep and that it would not be that hard to have a child. She said, “I thought it was gonna be easy. Everybody said it was gonna be hard, but it’s like, you know. You think, no not me, it’s gonna be easy.” For the future, Stephanie was making plans to become a nurse. She also said, “I see myself and Christopher. I want to try and get a house. So he can have a yard and stuff.” Stephanie and Christopher lived with Stephanie’s mother, although she did not approve of Stephanie’s decision to keep the baby. According to Stephanie, her mother does not help take care of Christopher and only watches him once in a while if he is sleeping. Although Stephanie wished that her mother would be more involved with Christopher, there were a variety of people to whom she could turn for social support. When she has a problem with Christopher she said she could go to the staff at the day-care or to her own grandmother. She could also go to her grandmother and one good friend if she needed a babysitter. She felt she could also rely on her grandmother if there was an unexpected expense for Christopher. If Stephanie has a personal problem she said there were two friends she could go to, and she could also call or visit them when she wanted to talk or go out. As Stephanie discussed her experiences as a mother, she said that she is a “good mother” because “I take responsibility for Christopher and myself. I wash him, I bathe him. I feed him, I scold him. I raise him myself I guess.” Stephanie said that he also needs her “love and trust.” She said.

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He needs for me to be there. As he gets older he’ll need me for even more . . . I want Christopher to know that I’m gonna be here for him, you know. I’m not gonna just like throw him in the woodwork once he’s older.

As Stephanie dealt with these responsibilities, she said she knows her son best because “I have him all the time.” In this way, her relationship with Christopher is unique because Like with my friends and stuff, I mean, you’re not always there for ‘em. I mean sometimes you are, but I mean sometimes you’re just too busy for it. But with Christopher you know you can’t. I’m not too busy for him. It’s like just him you know.

Also, Stephanie claimed that as Christopher’s the “security” he needs. She explained,

mother, only she could give him

I mean other people can [give him security], but it’s like he’s more secure around me. He knows me. I mean if he was with my mom or my grandmother a lot when he was little little I mean, I’m sure he’d feel secure you know with them. Like he feels secure with my grandmother, but not you know, like really secure. He’s still looking for me. As Stephanie considered her circumstances and her experiences, she constructed her maternal self-conceptions. She viewed herself as an adult because she has assumed the responsibilities of motherhood and no longer has the same concerns as her peers at school. Motherhood was the most important part of Stephanie’s self-conceptions. She viewed motherhood as a positive and negative aspect of her identity, and being a mother contributed to positive and negative changes in her life and self. Motherhood was a positive self-constituent because she became more mature and came to understand the importance of finishing high school. Motherhood was also fun and rewarding and enabled her to establish a strong interpersonal relationship. Stephanie said, “It makes you feel good. You know, it’s like, really makes, he’s there, he loves you. ‘Cause he always comes up to me and hugs me. He tries to kiss me but he bites me instead.” The negative aspects of motherhood involved not being able to go out with friends and having to struggle with the difficulties of going to school and taking care of a baby simultaneously. Stephanie explained, Like you’re supposed to have fun you know before you go out and work and everything like that. Going to school and taking care of a baby is hard . . You can’t go out whenever you want You got the pressures. You got, you know, your senior year you’re gonna want to go to your prom, you’re gonna get the yearbook, you’ve got the cap and gown fees and everything like that. And you don’t have money for that ‘cause you need. Usually you need the money you know for diapers.

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also noted,

Uhh, well since I’ve had him. I’ve lost a lot of friends. I did, it’s like. People just don’t want to hang around with you. They just you know, figure, you know, she’s got a kid, you know. Don’t want to do this, don’t want to do that. A lot of people. I mean there’s a couple of people that hung around for a little while after he was born. But then once, once I couldn’t go out all the time or couldn’t go here or there, forget it.

At the same time, Stephanie expressed uncertainty about herself in relation to motherhood, and she was actively trying to figure out how to integrate her maternal activities into her self-conceptions. She considered herself in relation to her son as follows: Well I don’t really think of Christopher as, I mean you know, Christopher is my son, but it’s like. It’s kind of hard to explain. It’s like you’re the one you know . Well, I mean. I’m his mother, but sometimes. It’s like . . . I don’t know, we do things, we have fun together, you know . . . It’s like. I play with him, I take all the responsibility for him. I mean . . I’m trying to think now. Like while I’m playin’ and stuff it’s like I don’t, you know, feel like I’m his mother. I feel like I’m just one of his friends . I feel like a mother when I have to scold him or like. If I get mad at him . . and take care of him.

Adolescent Mothers Cluster II: African American, Receiving Welfare

Living at Home,

Case Analysis 4: Marcia. Marcia, a sophomore in high school, was 15 years and 7 months old, and her daughter, Donna, was 15 months old. They participated in the on-site day-care program at Marcia’s high school and lived with Marcia’s mother, her stepfather, and her two younger half-brothers (one toddler and one infant). Marcia had known Donna’s father for 6 years, and they were together until he moved away 1 month ago. While he was around, “he bought [Donna] stuff. He gave me money to buy her stuff. He’d come to see her. I’d take her to see him.” Marcia claimed that she sometimes wishes they were still together, but she does not really miss him. In the future, Marcia said she hopes to have one more child, a boy, with Donna’s father, but she does not want to marry him. She said, I always told myself I’d never get married . . . I look at my mother’s marriage. My mother’s marriage is not too bad. You know. Some people’s marriages is. They get along good but. And then when they get a divorce the kids all get tom apart. And they fight for the kids.

Before becoming pregnant, Marcia said she always thought that she would have a child, but “I never thought I would have a baby this early. But now she’s

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here. I’m happy.” She went on to say that she hopes her own daughter does not have children so early, and she seemed to be struggling with her position as a young mother. On the one hand she said, I’m tired of people talkin’ about it. ‘Cause I was on the bus one day. And this lady. This lady was talkin’ to the bus driver. She saw me sittin’ here. And she was talkin’ to him. She was tellin’ him she had to go down to social security or somethin’ like that. And she said they’re trying to stop her check ‘cause all these teenagers are goin’ out and gettin’ pregnant. I mean. She said somethin’. She’s like, I don’t. She said why do we have to support ‘em. You know. It’s not our fault they went out there to get pregnant. I just looked at her. I didn’t say nothin’. Everybody think it’s a crime. You know. I feel if a person wants to get pregnant, let ‘em. You know. It’s their choice. But you don’t have to criticize or nothin’.

At the same time, however, she thought she was too young to have a child. She said, Like I don’t know. Like. I was talkin’ to this boy. And he was like. He went. He went to jail and he’s like been missin’ out on it. ‘Cause I missed out on it too. Like. Get to see the world and all this. I can’t do none of that stuff ‘cause I have responsibilities. Marcia reported that she had not planned to become pregnant and at first she did not want to have the baby. However, she decided against an abortion because many of her friends persuaded her that having a child would be good. Also, she claimed that her mother called various clinics, but because they were far away, her mother was not familiar with them and did not want her to go there. Marcia reported that her mother was “mad” upon first finding out about her pregnancy, but that now she is happy to be a grandmother. Marcia said that she and her mother know and care for Donna equally. Donna also calls her grandmother Mom, and Marcia claimed that this did not bother her. In addition to support from her mother, Marcia said that when she has a problem with Donna she can go to the day-care staff. If she needs a babysitter she was most likely to ask her mother, one of her friends, or her stepfather as a last resort. While Donna’s father and his family were still living in the same town, she felt she could go to them for help with Donna. When she has a personal problem, Donna mentioned one friend whom she goes to, and she is likely to contact four friends if she feels like going out or talking to someone. Donna also belonged to a local youth organization. In general, she said that she is “sometimes” satisfied with the support she gets from people around her. She wished she had more people to help out because I wouldn’t mind if like every Saturday I could like leave the house you know. Drop her [Donna] off at somebody’s house. Then I’d you know drop her off say around

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eleven o’clock. Eleven in the morning. And then come pick her up eleven at night. So I could have the whole day to myself. But I don’t. I don’t do that. For the future, Marcia said she wanted could not articulate what kind of company

to have her own company, she had in mind. She said,

but she

I think I’m gonna have everything. Like everything I want. You know. Gonna have money. Money in the bank. My daughter’s gonna have. Well I can’t say she’s gonna have everything she wants. But she’s gonna have everything she needs. And I don’t. I don’t know. I’m not gonna just like sit on, you know, welfare all my life.

To realize these goals, Marcia said she is staying in school, and she hopes to have “a top-paying job” in the future. In discussing her life circumstances, Marcia also discussed her responsibilities as a mother and her attitudes toward motherhood. Her responsibilities included Feeding her. Washing her. Keepin’ her clean . . Washin’ clothes. Cleanin’ up after you know. After your child. And. And umm. I don’t know . I give her baths. And change her diapers. I buy her clothes. I buy her diapers . . . I just get everything she needs.

In addition,

Marcia said that Donna needs

Love. Letting her know that I’ll be there. Like when she gets hurt. You know help her . Love and taking care of her, letting her know that you’re always there . Love and care. And like if she do wrong too. Like tell her that it’s wrong or that’s right. She needs a role model.

In discussing her views about motherhood, Marcia also noted that she thinks she knows Donna best because she is around her all the time. However, she did not think that as Donna’s mother there were some things that only she could do for her daughter because others, particularly the grandmother, cared for her. These attitudes and experiences provided the setting in which Marcia constructed her maternal self-conceptions. Marcia placed herself in between childhood and adulthood. She was childlike and similar to her peers at school because she “can joke around,” but she was more like an adult because she has assumed the adult responsibilities of motherhood. Marcia viewed motherhood as the most important aspect of her selfconceptions. Motherhood was a positive self-constituent because since she had the baby, she is happier and more mature. Motherhood was also a negative part of her self-conceptions and contributed to negative changes in her life, including having to go on welfare, no longer having freedom, and having fewer friends. In tandem with viewing motherhood as part of the self, Marcia also viewed motherhood as external to the self. Motherhood was objectively present, but it

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did not contribute to changes in her life and self-conceptions. Marcia noted, “I never did anything anyway. I didn’t go places. I stayed at home most of the time . . . I have all that spare time, don’t have nothin’ to do with it. I don’t go nowhere anyway. So.” Uncertainty about how to integrate motherhood into her self-conceptions was evident throughout Marcia’s interview. At first, she claimed that she would not change the fact that she has a child. But later she said, “I don’t know. If I if I could go back I wouldn’t. I don’t think I would have one.” Case Analysis 5: Jeanine. Jeanine was 20 years and 3 months old, and her son, Jason, was 13 months old. Jeanine dropped out of high school during her sophomore year, and she returned to a graduate equivalency diploma (GED) program when Jason was 4 months old. At the time of the interview, she had just finished her GED, and she and Jason lived with Jeanine’s parents, two of her brothers who were still in school, and one of her sisters who had dropped out of high school. Jeanine and Jason’s father were planning on getting married some time in the future. At the time of the interview, Jason’s father was in the Marine Corps, stationed outside of the United States, and he gave her money every month. Jeanine planned to move in with him during the next year when he would be back in the United States. Before becoming pregnant, Jeanine said, “I always thought that I would have children. ‘Cause my family is so full of people. Like. There’s a baby born almost every day in my family.” Jeanine reported that she had planned to get pregnant and that she was “ecstatic” when she found out she was pregnant. She said, I wanted to have my children young. Not too young. But not too old so that I’d still be young when they’re grown. I’m still gonna be like. In my thirties when Jason’s old enough to hang out with me. And that’s what I want. To be able to say, how about let’s go to the park or something. You know. I won’t do it all the time. ‘Cause I don’t want to embarrass him, hangin’ out with your mom.

In this way, age was a factor in Jeanine’s decision to have children, and when discussing issues concerning the optimal age to have children, Jeanine said, I kind of prided myself on being over 18 when my son was born. You know I always say. Well. I was over 18 when my son was born. Because most of the children in my family were born around. The parent 16. My sister. When she had my niece she was 16. You know so. It was like, when Jason was born I turned 19 . 2 months after my son was born.

In discussing

young motherhood,

Jeanine claimed,

Some people can handle it. But, some people can’t. You know. I mean I wouldn’t want my daughter to have a baby at 15. I think that they still have so much growin’

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up to do. I mean not that I’m this old fogey or anything. I’m only 20 years old and I

still have a lot of growin’ and a lot of learnin’ to do. But 15 is almost a crime when you think. During her pregnancy

Jeanine

said that she thought about being a mother, but

I guess I left out him growing up. I just see this little baby sittin’ there. All of a sudden I didn’t. I never pictured Jason. Until he was born, I never pictured him as a teenager, a grown man. I just never pictured that. I just pictured a little baby sittin’ in the snuggly or layin’ in the crib or somethin’. I never pictured the Jason that’s

around now. Jeanine was Jason’s primary caretaker, and she received a lot of help from her family. She said that if she is having a problem with Jason she would go to her mother first, and then to the staff at her GED program. If she needs someone to babysit, again she would ask her mother first, and then her sister or her brother’s girlfriend. To help with an unexpected expense for Jason, she would turn to her mother or an older brother. Jeanine reported that for discussing personal problems she would go to her one best friend or the GED staff, and if she feels like going out with people she would go to her one best friend. Although she would prefer to have her fiance around more, Jeanine said she was satisfied with this situation because she wants him to pursue his own goals. When considering the future, Jeanine said, “I hope to have a good job and be living on my own. With my son and his father. And maaaaybe a couple more children. Maaaybe.” At the time of the interview, Jeanine was planning to enter a vocational training program, but she was not exactly sure what kind of job she wanted. As she considered her experiences as a mother, Jeanine said that being a mother meant, No matter what you’re doin’ you know. No matter what you think you have to do you know that if. The baby wants you that it’s more important than what you’re doing. And it’s like. If I was sittin’ there doin’ homework and Jason wanted to eat at that moment. The homework had to get put away. And Jason would be fed. And it takes up a lot of your time. All your time. Givin’ a bath or changin’ a diaper. Feeding or playing or doing something. Jeanine

went on to define motherhood

as follows:

I would define it. Responsibility. Patience. And lots of love. Responsibility to where urn. Until Jason can say what he really wants and what he wants to do, where he’s gonna go and how he’s gonna do it. And to be, I don’t know. Like the teacher, the protector. And just basically be there.

As she raised her son, Jeanine felt that as his mother only she could adequately comfort him “when he’s really upset.” She also said, “I think only I should give

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him his bath . . . ‘cause I think that’s such a umm. Such an intimate thing. I just don’t feel comfortable with anybody else givin’ him a bath.” Jeanine also said that her relationship with her son was different from other relationships because “I can’t change this one. I can’t not be his mother. No matter what. I’ll always be his mother.” Jeanine constructed her maternal self-conceptions in the context of these experiences and constructions of her experiences. Jeanine viewed herself both as an adult and a child because she likes to have fun with her friends, and because she has assumed the responsibilities of motherhood. She said, I’m not young. I’m not old . . I’m a little in between. I mean. I can be an adult and I can be a kid. Umm I think like when. Like if I’m with my friends I can. Just. Leave the adult at home. And just kinda do whatever. And. You know act crazy.

And then when I’m home. I hafta be the adult. Because I hafta take care of Jason. And play the mother role. For Jeanine, motherhood was the most important part of her self-conceptions in both positive and negative ways. The positive aspects of the self as mother included learning to be more patient and becoming more grown up. Jeanine said, It’s changed a lot. having Jason made me. Older . . . Now I had to grow up. It’s just that I had to me mature. I had to. Stop foolin’ around. And. Not really stop all my fun, but I had to. There was a limit that I had to put on things.

Motherhood was a negative self-constituent because it was tiring and difficult. In addition, Jeanine reported that she lost many of her friends after her baby was born. Jeanine also expressed uncertainty about herself in relation to motherhood. She explained, I think. Even though I have to take care of him. And teach him things and. Be his mother. I think I’m. He’s more like. Not a friend. But. Sometimes it doesn’t seem like he’s my son. Umm. I don’t. I really can’t explain it. It’s just like. I don’t. Sometimes it just feels like, babysittin’ for a long time. You know. And I don’t know. I really can’t explain it. But sometimes it just doesn’t feel like he’s really mine.

Case Analysis 6: Andrea. Andrea was 18 years and 3 months old, and her daughter, Miranda, was 17 months old. Andrea would have been in 1 lth grade after Miranda was born, but she did not go back to school. At the time of the interview, she was planning to start a GED program during the next month. They lived with Andrea’s mother and older, employed brother, and they had contact with Andrea’s father. Andrea was involved on and off with Miranda’s father who buys things for Miranda. When Andrea was pregnant, the father “kept comin’ by to see how everything was goin’. Stuff like that. But urn . . . He’s dad all the

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way. Everything’s dad dad dad.” Andrea reported that Miranda’s father is involved in childcare also, and “all I have to do is call him up. Any time, any time I need somethin’, any time I want him to take her. Any time I need him to babysit.” Andrea said that she “would love to be married to him,” but does not think she is ready for marriage yet. Before she got pregnant, Andrea said she thought that some day she would have children, but she did not plan to have a child so early. Andrea reported that she was “scared’ when she found out that she was pregnant. Andrea reported that her mother was “happy,” and her father was “upset” when she became pregnant. She said that her mother gave her three choices: The three choices my mother had gave me was adoption, keepin’ it, and abortion. And abortion I didn’t. You know. I feel that it’s wrong for a woman to have an abortion. Because it is a living life inside of her Keepin’ it I feel is the right thing to do because you don’t have the. The mind of you givin’ it up wonderin’ what. Well what would woulda been And also with keepin’ it you don’t have to worry about, oh one of these days am I gonna run into my own child? Where is my child right now? So I felt keepin’ it was the best thing because then I don’t have to worry about none of those problems.

Andrea said that now “I wouldn’t change it. Because the way I figured it is you know. If you did it, it’s over and done with. You have to live with it. And I don’t care. I love her. I do. I love her to death.” Andrea was Miranda’s primary caretaker, and her family helped out extensively. When she has a problem with Miranda or needs a babysitter, Andrea said she could turn to the baby’s father first and then her own mother and one of her sisters. If an unexpected expense for Miranda comes up, she said she would go to Miranda’s godmother, to her own father, or to Miranda’s father who could also ask his own parents for help. If she has a personal problem or feels like going out, Andrea said she would go to one of her sisters who is her best friend. Andrea felt that she had enough social support from the people around her, and at times she even felt her family was too involved with Miranda. She explained, If somebody’s in the house and I can’t get to her or somethin’, whoever’s in the room with her, they will turn to her. Everybody in the house like mainly pitches in all together . I try to tell them you know, to back off just a little bit. Because sometimes they don’t understand what I’m tryin’ to do. I’m raisin’ her my own way but it’s like sometimes they do somethin’ totally different . . . You know a lot of people will tell me not to do this, tell me not to do that. And I keep tryin’ to tell ‘em, you know, I’m a big girl now. I think I can handle things. And they think that I wouldn’t be able to handle her on my own. But I tell them all the time, I say I do fine now. I say, I don’t ask you guys to do anything for her. And then, I was like you guys do it all on your own. If she wants somethin’ she always comes and gets me . It just bothers me when they try to tell me how I’m raisin’ my child.

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295

about her future, Andrea said,

I like to see myself being able to be independent for myself. And I would like to be married sooner or later. Married and to be settled down with the right person for her [Miranda]. That’11 most likely be her father. And be able to know that while I’m at work or something that my daughter be okay. So I just hope my future’s a okay future . And I see myself bein’ the best mom I know how to be. That’s it.

For Andrea being the best mother she can be involved always being there for her daughter. She said, If my daughter needs me I’m right there for her. No matter what. No matter what happens. We might fight, we might not. So if we fight, you know. I don’t care how bad we fight I will always be there for my baby. No matter what.

She also wanted to be “a positive role model for her. In her life when she gets older and stuff.” Toward this end, Andrea wanted to go back to school and hoped to be able to pursue a career. In addition, Andrea felt that her responsibilities as a mother included keepin’ her uptight. What I mean is make sure that . [she’s] perfectly fine . Make sure she has the proper clothes, make sure she has the proper shoes, the socks, the hair stuff. Be there for her. Make sure she has food. Make sure she has diapers. Make sure, you know, she has the things that she needs. That’s one of the responsibilities I have is take care of her. Make sure she has the proper teachin’ and stuff like that She needs my love and my caring. I have to give all the support she ever needs in life.

As Andrea dealt with raising her daughter, she said that she knows Miranda best, and as her mother only she can comfort her when she is upset. Andrea also thought that her relationship with her daughter was different from other relationships because “she’s the closest thing that I ever had to me,” and also because “you know that no matter what you both will be there for one another.” In the context of these circumstances and experiences, Andrea constructed her maternal self-conceptions. Andrea viewed herself as in between childhood and adulthood because she simultaneously likes to do “kid stuff” and has the maturity of an adult. Andrea viewed motherhood as the most important part of her selfconceptions. Motherhood was a positive self-constituent because it makes her happy, and it enabled her to become more mature. In tandem with viewing motherhood as a central and positive part of her self-conceptions, motherhood was also external to Andrea’s identity. Motherhood was objectively present in her life, but she claimed that there were no changes in herself since she had Miranda. She said, “Well, being a parent. Is. It’s a hard job but someone have to do it if you have a kid . . . My life hasn’t really changed . . . Na, actually nothing has

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really changed since, you know.” When asked, “What is it like to be a mother?” Andrea replied, “I don’t really feel. Or think anything about it.” As she considered herself in relation to motherhood, Andrea also expressed uncertainty about how to integrate motherhood into their self-conceptions. She pondered, I was shocked that I had a kid . . . I was like, I don’t feel like. You know. Which I don’t. I don’t feel like a mom. I feel like me and her are mother and daughter. Well actually not mother and daughter. But. That came out wrong. Actually I feel like we’re sister to sister . It doesn’t seem right for me to be the mom. ‘Cause it just don’t sometimes. You’re sittin’ up there, you’re lookin’ at yourself and like. Are you sure about this? Are you sure you’re a mom? Or is this, you know, somebody else’s kid you’ve got. . I mean I have the motherly instincts yes. I have the motherly, you know, bond and stuff like that. But it’s like. At times just to be like. You just sittin’ up there questioning yourself like, how? Are you sure?

Adult Mothers’ Maternal Self-Conceptions All of the adult mothers viewed motherhood as a positive part of themselves and their lives and as something that facilitated positive changes in their selfconceptions. They were proud of being mothers, and all of the adult mothers viewed motherhood as central to their identities. For the adult mothers, the positive aspects of motherhood included being able to have fun with someone, enjoying the children’s achievements of different developmental milestones, having someone to keep them company and to love, being able to do something that is rewarding and that makes a difference in the world, and having a meaning in life and a reason to go to work every day. Motherhood was also a negative part of the self for all of the adult mothers. Negative aspects of motherhood involved dealing with the difficulties of childrearing at different developmental phases, finding babysitters, having financial and employment troubles, being isolated from other people, and having to give up some of their freedom. None of the adult mothers viewed motherhood as external to their self-conceptions. Also, none of the adult mothers were uncertain about how motherhood fit into their self-conceptions. All of the adult mothers viewed themselves primarily as adults. Four adult mothers mentioned that they sometimes have to act like a child when they play with their children. These adult mothers may alter their behavior specifically to engage with their children, but these situational shifts did not affect their consistent conceptions of themselves as adults. DISCUSSION This study moves toward clarifying how cultural dimensions shape and are reflected in adolescent and adult mothers’ maternal self-conceptions. The main results of the study may be summarized as follows. All of the adult mothers and

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one adolescent mother viewed themselves as adults. Five adolescent mothers placed themselves in between childhood and adulthood. Despite differences along cultural dimensions, all of the adult mothers integrated motherhood into their self-conceptions in homogeneous ways, as a positive and negative part of the self. Despite similarities along cultural dimensions, the adolescent mothers in Cluster I, expressed different maternal self-conceptions. Cynthia viewed motherhood as a positive and negative part of the self. Motherhood was a positive and negative part of Barbara’s self-conceptions, and she also viewed motherhood as external to the self. For Stephanie, motherhood was a positive and negative part of the self, and she also expressed uncertainty about herself in relation to motherhood. Despite similarities along cultural dimensions, the adolescent mothers in Cluster II also expressed different maternal self-conceptions. In conjunction with viewing motherhood as a positive and negative part of the self, Marcia viewed motherhood as external to the self, and she expressed uncertainty about how to integrate motherhood into her self-conceptions. For Jeanine, motherhood was a positive and negative part of her self-conceptions, and she was also uncertain about how to integrate motherhood into her identity. Andrea viewed motherhood as a positive part of herself, but she also viewed motherhood as external to herself and expressed uncertainty about the self in relation to motherhood.

Motherhood as a Self-Constituent The results indicate how European American and African American adolescent mothers, who live in their parental homes and receive welfare, appropriate varied cultural expectations and representations that both encourage and make it challenging for them to integrate motherhood into their identities. Despite demographic differences among the adult mothers, their maternal conceptions were homogeneous, reflecting the appropriation of Western life-phase expectations of adult generativity and commitment to social roles. They also reflect the view that taking on the maternal role in synchrony with cultural parenting practices represents a normative life transition. These results of variability within both clusters of adolescent mothers support the expectation of greater heterogeneity among the adolescent mothers, and they corroborate previous research that reveals variability among adolescent mothers (Culp, Appelbaum, Osofsky, & Levy, 1988; Osofsky, 1990; Landerholm, 1984; Reis, 1988). Although previous research has pointed to the existence of variability among adolescent mothers, the issue has remained largely unaddressed perhaps because it seems to undermine efforts to classify adolescent mothers in homogeneous terms. By highlighting conflicting cultural expectations and representations, the current theoretical framework facilitates characterizing adolescent mothers as a distinct group based on their heterogeneous identity struggles (see also, Raeff, 1994). The in-depth analyses of the adolescent moth-

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em’ maternal self-conceptions make it possible to systematically discern how variability is particularized in the adolescent mothers’ identity constructions. Further research with more subjects is required to more specifically identify groupings of adolescent mothers based on how their maternal self-conceptions include combinations of dimensions (i.e., motherhood as part of the self, motherhood as external to the self, uncertainty about motherhood and the self). It would also be informative to relate groupings of maternal self-conceptions to aspects of the mothers’ experiences and constructions of their circumstances. For example, it is possible that adolescent mothers who exclude their children from their discussions of the future may be more likely to view motherhood as external to their identities. Such analyses would permit a more comprehensive understanding of how the appropriation of cultural representations is embedded in adolescent mothers’ experiences and constructions of their circumstances. Moreover, the narrative summaries of the adolescent mothers’ experiences and constructions of their circumstances may provide a basis for future systematic investigation of other dimensions of maternal self-conceptions. For example, in their discussions of their maternal responsibilities, many of the adolescent mothers seemed to highlight caretaking activities, reflecting a view of the child as a physical being on whom one acts. They also mentioned dimensions that reflect a view of the child as a being with whom one interacts (e.g., teaching the child right from wrong). Discerning the extent to which different adolescent mothers endorse one or the other of these child-rearing orientations is likely to have implications for how they construct themselves in the maternal role, as well as how they see themselves in relation to their children. The narrative summaries also suggest that the adolescent mothers had different experiences and views about such issues as the involvement with their children’s fathers, the uniqueness of the mother-child relationship, and their own roles vis-a-vis their children. Exploring these various dimensions of maternal experiences in relation to each other can help to refine the maternal self-conceptions construct, and may also help to define constellations of maternal self-conceptions that constitute different groupings of adolescent mothers. The findings that most of the adolescent mothers were uncertain about how motherhood fits into their identities, and that some of them viewed motherhood as external to their identities, illustrate the challenges of integrating an ultimately valued social role during a life-phase that highlights the self and role evaluation. In tandem with the challenges of integrating motherhood into their identities, the interviews indicate how both clusters of adolescent mothers may draw on cultural representations of young motherhood and common cultural representations that do encourage motherhood. These cultural representations support conceptualizations of motherhood not only as a part of the self, but as a central and positive aspect of both the adolescent and adult mothers’ identities. By emphasizing these aspects of motherhood, some adolescent mothers may be able to reject the

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negative connotations of adolescent motherhood as an “epidemic” or of the “teen mother” label. The adolescent mothers’ narrative summaries indicate that some of them were struggling to balance negative and positive attitudes toward young motherhood in their own experiences. Emphasizing these issues may facilitate cultural change by providing a way for young mothers to begin breaking down stereotypes that constrain and limit their social roles. It is interesting to note differences in how the adolescent and adult mothers explained why motherhood is a positive aspect of their identities. For the adolescent mothers, motherhood was a positive and central self-constituent largely because it enabled them to attain individual goals, such as staying in school and becoming more responsible. The adult mothers viewed motherhood as a positive part of the self because it enabled them to establish a close personal relationship, and because it gave them the opportunity to contribute to society. Whereas the positive aspects of motherhood involved the self in relation to others for the adult mothers, the adolescent mothers focused more on their own personal achievements. These findings indicate how the emphasis on identity formation during adolescence frames the adolescent mothers’ maternal self-conceptions. It is perhaps not coincidental that, Stephanie, the one adolescent mother who included the establishment of a close relationship in her discussion of motherhood as a positive part of the self, was the one adolescent mother who identified herself as an adult. Another way that most of the adolescent mothers handled the challenge of conceptualizing themselves in terms of the maternal role was by situating themselves in between childhood and adulthood, thus appropriating life-phase expectations of adolescence as a transition period. This position suggests that even though these mothers are somewhat different from most other adolescents, they do not view themselves as deviant. At the same time, this transitional position indicates that despite being young, they have competently assumed the responsibilities of motherhood. The finding that motherhood enables adolescent mothers to conceptualize themselves partly as adults may also reflect cultural practices that support young motherhood and that provide them with a means for attaining status and maturity. Again, these maternal conceptions provide a way for both clusters of adolescent mothers to highlight their abilities, thus paving the way to transforming cultural representations of motherhood as incompatible with adolescence. That these adolescent mothers were able to highlight their strengths may be a function of their participation in care programs that provide them with parenting assistance and general social support. Although both clusters of adolescent mothers expressed different combinations of dimensions for integrating motherhood into their self-conceptions, some common concerns emerged. For example, they were all struggling with the difficult responsibilities of caretaking. They also all missed being able to go out with their peers. Insofar as adolescent identity development also involves defin-

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ing oneself in relation to broadening peer networks (e.g., Archer, 1992; Fasick, 1984), it is possible that identity considerations in this domain may compete with evaluations of motherhood. Implications and Future Directions By elucidating linkages between culture and maternal self-conceptions the current approach and findings can inform applied practices in numerous ways. The heterogeneity of adolescent mothers’ maternal self-conceptions suggests that intervention programs may be most beneficial if they can be organized around the different ways that adolescent mothers construct themselves in terms of the maternal role. By helping adolescent mothers to highlight their views of motherhood as a positive part of the self, and as a way to achieve maturity and establish interpersonal connectedness, it may be possible to mitigate some of the challenges of integrating motherhood into their identities. In addition to facilitating conceptualizing themselves in relation to the maternal role, it may be important for adolescent mothers to integrate their maternal self-conceptions with other identity constituents. Facilitating self-conceptualization in relation to motherhood may, in turn, contribute to transformations in how adolescent mothers approach interactions with their children. Some comparative research on adolescent and adult motherchild interactions suggests that adolescent mothers vocalize less to their children (e.g., Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, 1986; Culp, Appelbaum, Osofsky, & Levy, 1988; Landy, Montgomery, Schubert, Cleland, & Clark; Levine, Coll, & Oh, 1985; Schilmoeller & Baranowski, 1985); are less contingently responsive (e.g., Landy, Montgomery, Schubert, Cleland, & Clark, 1983; Coll, Vohr, Hoffman, & Oh, 1986); express less positive affect in interactions with their children (Levine, Coll, & Oh, 1985); and tend to restrict and control their children more (Coll, Vohr, Hoffman, & Oh, 1986; Osofsky, 1990). Insofar as aspects of parental cognition and parent-child relationships are reciprocally related, qualitative changes in maternal self-conceptions may begin a feedback loop between interactions and maternal self-conceptions that can transform the overall patterning of adolescent mother-child relationships. Greater knowledge of some of the maternal psychosocial factors that contribute to the organization of mother-child relationships can also inform understanding of how the children of adolescent mothers approach interpersonal situations, particularly as they enter day-care centers and schools. The cultural diversity of American society currently represents a central dimension in the ongoing organization of social structures and cultural institutional practices. General cultural attitudes toward adolescent motherhood may be transformed as adolescent mothers participate in cultural practices in ways that reflect conceptions of themselves as mothers, or to use Eriksonian terms, strengthened commitments to the maternal role and generativity. Sensitivity to varied cultural

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representations of young motherhood may also shape less stereotyped cultural attitudes toward adolescent motherhood. Moving beyond adolescent mothers, the current perspective can also be useful for understanding culturally diverse representations of motherhood for adult women and how these representations are particularized in maternal selfconceptions. Although there are cultural representations of motherhood as a normative adult role that are common to different cultural groups, mothers of different cultural backgrounds may also express distinctive cultural representations of motherhood. Analyses of the interactions between common and distinctive cultural representations of motherhood can inform efforts to serve mothers and children of varied cultural backgrounds. These efforts may be most effective if they are based on analyses of different sources of cultural representations of motherhood, and the multifaceted ways in which these representations are appropriated and expressed in maternal self-conceptions. Toward these ends, interview procedures are likely to be quite useful for elucidating the complex relations between culture and individual identity constructions. This study represents a step toward discerning how cultural dimensions frame maternal self-conceptions, and it points to research directions that may further reveal how culture and identity constructions are interrelated. It should also prove fruitful to explore the identity constructions of mothers from different cultural groups. By using diverse samples, it would be possible to learn more about within-group variability, as well as the complex relations between minority and mainstream expectations and representations. It would also seem important to discern how maternal self-conceptions are related to parent-child interactions in different cultures. Further exploration of mothers’ experiences and constructions of their circumstances is also required, not only to elaborate on the maternal self-conceptions construct, but also because the narrative summaries elucidate issues pertaining to the appropriation of varied cultural representations of motherhood. For example, the adolescent mothers expressed different views about the uniqueness of the mother-child relationship, and their own roles vis-a-vis their children. Some noted that the mother-child relationship is unique because it is permanent or naturally unbreakable, whereas some of the adolescent mothers felt that they knew their children best because they were always together. One adolescent mother, Cynthia, indicated that her relationship with her child is unique because her daughter “grew inside” of her. Cynthia then did not seem to distinguish between herself and her daughter, saying “she’s me.” In contrast, recall Marcia who did not think that there were some things that only she could do for her child because there were other people who could provide for the child as well. These varied attitudes reflect different cultural perspectives on the nature of motherchild relationships as biologically based or as constructed through interactions together over time. Both of these perspectives are represented in American

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culture, and it may be fruitful for further research to specify how they are played out in cultural practices, serving as sources of maternal self-conceptions. Cultural analyses would also be important for further understanding of the adolescent mothers’ varied considerations of other issues that emerged in their interviews, such as abortion, marriage, young motherhood, and how they imagined motherhood and child-rearing both before and during their pregnancies. The findings of this study provide a rich view of how mothers situated in different life-phases construe their circumstances and conceptualize themselves in relation to the fact of their motherhood. This research is also of value because it provides a framework for comparing adolescent and adult mothers according to cultural dimensions that differentiate these two groups psychologically. Continuing to explore how cultural dimensions frame women’s evaluations of the domain of motherhood will further our understanding of how individuals construct their identities in cultural contexts. REFERENCES Archer, S.L. (198.5). Career and/or family: The identity process for girls. Youth andSociety, 16, 289314. Archer, S.L. (1992). A feminist’s approach to identity research. In G.R. Adams, T.P. Gullotta, & R. Montemayor (Eds.), Advances in Adolescent Development: Vol. 4. Adolescent identityformation. (pp. 25-49). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Bomstein, M.H. (1991). Cultural approaches to parenting. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Boxill, N.A. (1987). “How would you feel. ?“: Clinical interviews with black adolescent mothers. In S.F. Battle (Ed.), The black adolescent parent. New York: Haworth Press. Bretherton, I. (1990). Communication patterns, internal working models, and the intergenerational transmission of attachment relationships. Infant Mental Health Journal, II, 237-252. Bretherton, I., Biringen, Z., Ridgeway, D., Maslin, C., & Sherman, M. (1989). Attachment: The parental perspective. Infant Mental Health Journal, 10, 203-221. Brooks-Gunn, J., & Furstenberg, F., Jr. (1986). The children of adolescent mothers: Physical, academic, and psychological outcomes. Developmental Review, 6, 224-25 1. Bucholz, E.S., & Gol, B. (1986). More than playing house: A developmental perspective on the strengths in teenage motherhood. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 56, 347-359. Burton, L.M. (1990). Teenage childbearing as an alternative life-course strategy in multigeneration black families. Human Nature, I, 123-143. Coil, C.G., Vohr, B .R., Hoffman, J., & Oh, W. (1986). Maternal and environmental factors affecting developmental outcome of infants of adolescent mothers. Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, 7, 230-236. Gulp, R.E., Appelbaum, MI., Osofsky, J.D., & Levy, J.A. (1988). Adolescent and adult mothers: Comparison between prenatal maternal variables and newborn interaction measures. infant Behavior and Development, II, 353-362. Damon, W., & Hart, D. (1982). The development of self-understanding from infancy through adolescence. Child Development, 53, 841-864. De Cubas, M., & Field, T. (1984). Teaching interactions of black and Cuban teenage mothers and their infants. Early Child Development and Care, 16, 41-56. Dunst, C.J., Vance, S.D., & Cooper, C.S. (1986). A social systems perspective of adolescent pregnancy: Determinants of parent and parent-child behavior. Infant Mental Health Journal, 7, 34-48.

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APPENDIX Second Session Interview

A

Issues and Questions

1. How would you describe yourself; your life? Who are you? What do you do? What are your roles? 2. Of these things that you mentioned, what is most important to you? Why? What is least important to you? Why? 3. What are you most proud of about yourself and your life? What are you least proud of? Why? 4. What do you want for the future? Whom do you want to be? How do you see yourself in the future? 5. Sometimes when we think about the future, we think about what we would like to become, do you ever think about that? Sometimes when we think about the future, we think about what we are afraid of becoming, what we don’t want to become. Do you ever think about that? 6. What part of yourself and your life would you change if you could? What would you keep the same? 7. What is it like to be a mother? What does being a parent mean to you? 8. How has your life changed since having the baby, both in positive and negative ways? 9. How did you first react when you found out that you were pregnant? Why/how did you decide to have the baby? What did you think being a mother would be like? Did you make any plans for the baby? How did your family react? 10. What are your responsibilities, as a mother? 11. Do you see yourself as an adult, or more like a kid? How do you see yourself in comparison to your friends/peers? How do you see yourself in comparison to various adults in your life; e.g., parents, teachers? 12. What does being a parent include? What does a parent do; what do you do as a mother? 13. What does your child need from you? How do you give him/her that? 14. Are there some things only you can do for your child? Do you know your child best? 15. How would you describe your relationship with your child? Is it unique? Is it different from other relationships that you have? 16. What do you want for your child? What do you want him/her to be like? How do you encourage that? How will/can you make this possible? 17. What don’t you want for your child? How do you see your own role in making that possible? 18. What do you want/expect from your child?

306 19. 20. 21. 22.

RAEFF Does your child ever get on your nerves? When? What do you like most about your child, and about being around him/her? What is an ideal mother? What is a really bad mother? Is there anything else you can think of that you want to say about anything discussed? About being a mother?

we