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Adolescents, parents, and peers: What is one with or without the other?
ffournal of Adolescence x983, 6, x3 I-I44
Adolescents, parents, and peers: W h a t is o n e w i t h or w i t h o u t the other? GAYLE L. V A L I A N T ~ Tile present study investigates the relationship between Asian and white adolescents, resident in Britain, and their parents and peers. Ninety Asian and 8I white youths aged between II and I6 years, completed questionnaires concerning the quality of relations with parents; conflict between parents and peers; and willingness to approach parents, peers, siblings, teachers, and religious leaders in particular situations. In addition, diaries of time spent with peers were kept for a one week period. The data tend to show that relations among youths and groups of would-be advisers are influenced by both age and cultural background. Also, they would further support the view that relations with parents and peers do not represent mutually exclusive domains, but must be seen as developing from both a consideration of the appropriateness of each group in particular circumstances as well as the availability of other groups of "significant" persons. INTRODUCTION T h e respective roles of parents and peers in influencing the adolescent have long been an issue of debate. Results of research in this area have tended to fall within two camps: on the one hand the studies which stress the declining role of the parents in response to the increased role of the peer group; and on the other, those studies w h i c h note a distinct area of influence for each group, without claiming a particular advantage for either. T h e decline in relations with parents has been variously attributed to the decline of the family as ~i source of occupational learning (Coleman, x975), to the conflicting values between parent and peer groups (Sherif & Sherif, I964), and to the role of peers in promoting the adolescent's independence from his family (Dunphy, i975). Research by Brittain 0963, I967-I968, i969) however, has emphasized the significance of both groups, but in distinct realms: parents in long-term, future planning, e.g. educational or vocational plans, and peers in day to day encounters. T h e s e findings are based on research conducted among American, predominantly male, samples. T h e r e have been few studies conducted in this field a m o n g British youths, and still less research a m o n g youths from nonWestern cultures. Wilmott's study (I966) of boys in East London indicates * A p a r t m e n t 3o8, x
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G.L. VALIANT
that the peer group exerts the greatest influenceduring mid-adolescence(i 415 years). Coleman (i974) notes a steady increase in negativethemes among British youths of 13-I7 writing about their parents and a concomitant increase in favourable themes towards peers. The limited data about Asian youths resident in Britain suggests that they experience less conflict than indigenous youths (Taylor, i976). These researches have tended to focus on one aspect of the adolescent's relationship with his parents or peers: they have looked at quality, function, or time devoted to the relationship without seeking a more precise understanding of the interdependenciesamong these. The present study therefore aims to explore the relationships of adolescents with their parents and peers in the context of the roles which youths attribute to these groups as well as to other groups of potential significance,i.e. teachers, siblings, and religious leaders. In addition, these patterns will be examinedamongboth an indigenous white population and among an Asian (Sluslim) group resident in Britain in order to explore how far cultural backgroundmay be contributing to the pattern of parent-peer relations. For comparabilitythis study will also focus on male adolescents. METHOD Subjects To ascertain the role of culture, one needs to select a relatively homogeneous pol~ulation which maintains its cultural integrity despite its minority status and to minimize differences attributable to social class. The sample consisted of Asian and white British male youths between the ages of i i - i 6 years drawn from a single-sexed high school in Yorkshire, England. Samples were matched for age, school class and housing area and were based on an almost complete sample of Asians drawn from the first three forms. All Asians were either first generation immgriants (n : 59) or the children of first generation immigrants (n = 34*) from the Gujerat in India. A total of 9 o Muslims and 9 ~ white youths were selected. Owing to illness and absence, the final sample consisted of 9 ~ Muslim youths and 8r white Britons.
)llaterials A measure of parent-peer relations This instrument was intended to provide an index of quality of relations with parents and peers. It consisted of two separate scales each composed * T h e M u s l i m s n u m b e r e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2800 o u t o f a total population of 41,ooo resident in the t o w n a n d constituted t h e largest a n d only visible m i n o r i t y group. G i v e n their p r o m i n e n c e M u s l i m p a r e n t s were able to act in a concerted m a n n e r to foster the cultural a n d religious traditions of Islam, e.g. t h e y successfully lobbied the school for religious i n s t r u c t i o n on Fridays, t h e Islamic Sabbath, a n d for halal meals.
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTSAND PEERS
I33
of nine statements covering situations involving both parents and pecrs. Some statcmcnts were adapted from a study by Dembo (1973) and others originated in group discussions with adolescents. Each statement was accompanied by a 4-point Likert scale, viz.: A lot like me; A bit like me; Not very much like me; Very different from me. One scale assessed quality of relations with parents and the other measured conflict betwcen parents and peers] orientation towards peers. (Scc Appendix x for scales and reliability data.)
A scale to indicate relative importance of various social groups : IVho wouldyou go to i f . . . ?t This scale consisted of IO items each representing a situation ranging over areas of practical need, such as help with school, as well as areas of emotional need such as someone to confide in. Each item was accompanied by a list of five groups of people whom adolescents are likely to approach (parents, teachers, siblings, friends, or religious leaders) devised following interviews with adolescents. Respondents were asked to indicate the category they would approach first and then to indicate any other which might also be approached. The scoring for these items consisted of a ratio of the number of times each category of person was nominated, weighted by a factor of 2 for every "first approach", to the total number of nominations, including the weightings for "first approach". (See Appendix 2 for scale validation data.) In addition to the two measures of quality and function of parent and peer relations, youths were asked to keep a one-week diary of activities, providing information about the amount of time spent with peers outside school.
Survey admhtistration The surveys were administered in the school auditorium. One teacher was present in addition to the author so that anyone needing attention could be helped individually. Directions were read aloud along with questions and response alternatives. Pupils were encouraged to ask for help if necessary. As a check against response bias all item distributions were examined for skewness and deviation from normality; questionnaires were also visually examined in order to detect any regular patterns which would lead one to suspect systematic bias (Oppenheim, 1966). No such evidence was found.
RESULTS The items comprising the "V~rho would you go to i f . . . ?" scale provide information about each sample's willingness to approach pcoplc who could ~"The format for this scale is similar to one used by Faulkner (x975).
x34
G.L. VALIANT
be seen as potential sources of influence or information, and the situations in which they would be approached. The five categories of groups cited as alternatives represent both older and same-age alternatives, familial, and nonrelation groups. For the Muslim sample they would also separate into Asian and British groups, with parents, siblings and religious leaders falling within the Muslim camp, and teachers primarily in the British camp.~ Although there were three Asian teachers in the school, only two of these were Muslim. Friends for the Muslim youths consisted mainly of other Muslims; while for the British, they were mostly whites. w Responses to these items are provided in Table x. Comparisons on overall reliance for each of the groups are provided in Tables z and 3In considering the overall trends it is noteworthy that both Muslims and whites tend to preserve the same broad patterns of dependeneies: in general parents are most likely to be approached, then friends, followed closely by siblings; teachers are less typically approached, as are religious leaders.
Influence of age More significant, however, is the relationship of age to willingness to approach a particular group, as shown in Table 3. While there is an inverse relationship between age and willingness to approach teachers among both samples, and a positive relationship between age and willingness to approach friends, the relationships in respect of the remaining groups are more complex. Among both samples there is a peak in the approach to parentsat around i3-.~ 4 years, with both younger and older boys tending to be less willing to approach parents, with a much more pronounced decline among the older Asian youths. This decline of parental approach in early and late adolescence may be seen against the increased reliance of younger boys irrepeetive of race, on teachers, and the tendency for older boys, again irrespective of race, to increasingly nominate friends. This would tend to indicate a shift of orientation from school to home to peers with the approach of later adolescence. We find, however, only a slight increase in the time spent with peers as the youths grow older (r (whites, age : time with peers) = o . 2 i , n = 68, P _ o.o 5 ; r (Asians, age : time with peers) : o . x 6 , n = 78, P = o.o8). We will return to the evidence about time spent with peers later. The reasons behind these apparent shifts of emphasis should become clearer upon examination of the areas that each reference group is nominated for. ++The mothers of two members of the Asian sample were white Britons. In both cases the fathers were Muslims and the children were being raised in the Islamic faith. w Although x5 Muslim youths mentioned at least one white Briton among their three "best" friends, only four Britons indicated a Muslim among their "best" friends.
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T a b l e 2. Cross-sample comparisons on "lVho u'ould you go to if?" scales* Muslints Group Friends Parents Religious leaders Siblings Teachers
IVhites
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S.D.
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0-22 0"36 0"07 o'2I o"14
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0.20 o'40 0"05 o-2o o'15
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n.s. < 0"05 < o'oi N.S. N.S.
* Scores for each sample are computed out of a maximum possible score of x. A score of 1 indicates that a group will be approached across all situations queried. N.S. = Not significant.
T a b l e 3. Relationship of age to "lVho wouM you go to if?" choices 3Xuslbns Group Friends Parents Religious leaders Siblings Teachers
Pearson r (age: group) 0"36 --o-i6 o'o3 o'o5 --o'38
Whites
N
P
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< o'ooi 0"06 n.s. n.s. < o.ooi
Pearson r (age : group) 0"26 --0"07 --0"26 o"21 --0"42
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< o-oI N.S. o.oi 0"03 < o-ooi
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R e v i e w i n g the data o n e is struck b y the p r e d o m i n a n c e of f a m i l y g r o u p s a m o n g b o t h s a m p l e s : M u s l i m s cite p a r e n t s o r siblings as a first r e s p o n s e o n n i n e of the xo items, a n d whites on seven o f the to. P e r h a p s even m o r e striking is that o n eight of i n i t e m s w h e r e p a r e n t s have n o t received the first n o m i n a t i o n they receive t h e highest p r o p o r t i o n of second n o m i n a t i o n s . T h i s w o u l d suggest that p a r e n t a l views are b e i n g solicited t h o u g h they are n o t seen as m o s t relevant o n issues w h e r e other social categories receive first n o m i n a tion. A m o n g the M u s l i m s we find the i t e m s t e n d to dichotimize i n t o those w h e r e p a r e n t s a n d siblings or siblings a n d peers receive the first n o m i n a t i o n s . O n closer e x a m i n a t i o n this d i v i d e r e p r e s e n t s m o r e of a n affective-authority c o n t i n u u m d i s t i n g u i s h i n g areas a p p r o p r i a t e for siblings a n d peers f r o m those for p a r e n t s .
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS AND PEERS
I37
Among the white youths, while there are similar trends, we find a greater diversity of response pattern, and the affective-authority continuum marking areas of parental vs. peer choice is not so evident. For example, on issues of trouble in school and religious doubts both groups turn to parents first, but on issues of confiding in someone, depending on someone, talking about girls, and borrowing money, both groups overwhelmingly rely on siblings, with friends usually a follow-up nomination. The exception is that white youths are more willing to turn tO parents than Muslim youths. Teachers also appear to play a more significant role among the white youths. In the items previously noted concerning trouble at school and religious doubts, the nomination of parents is closely followed by teachers; and in two further cases teachers appear first, namely talking about careers and as a group that understands them best.
htfluence of peers]parents It is perhaps surprising that the peer group does not figure more prominently among these adolescents. Looking at the Tables relating age to group dependence, however, one can only hypothesize that as these boys reach late adolescence the trend of declining relations with parents, coupled with a tendency to seek their advice less, will be balanced out by an increase in the trend already noted for older youths to seek out siblings and peers more frequently. This interpretation is further borne out by the results of the scales to assess quality of relations with parents and parent-peer conflict.
hzfluence of length of stay Before moving on to consider these data, it is worth noting that none of the measures of willingness to approach a particular group bears any strong relationship to the length of time that a Muslim youth has spent in Britain. The highest correlation is found between the measure of time spent in the United Kingdom and willingness to approach religious leaders (r = --o-15, n = 9 o, P _~ o.o9), indicating that longer standing residents are slightly less willing to approach religious leaders.
Quality of relationships On the questionnaire dealing with quality of relations with parents the Muslims' scores are slightly, but significantly, higher than the white sample's (a higher score indicating better relations with parents). The mean for the Asian group is 2z'89 (S.D. = 3"86); the mean for the white youths is 2I'o 7 (S.D. = 4"oz), (t = 3"o, I69 d.f., P ~< o-ooQ. Furthermore, while the quality of the relationship with parents tends to decline from early to late adolescence among the white youths (r = --o.I9, n = 8i, P ~< o.o5) , among the Asians
13 8
G.L. VALIANT
this relationship is preserved throughout adolescence. The Muslim scores are only slightly lower than the whites' on the scale of parent-peer conflict, indicating marginally lower levcls of conflict, t = 1-14, 169 d.f., P < 0.20. Among both groups this parent-peer conflict is independent of age. In addition, neither the measure of quality of relations with parents or conflict between parents and peers is related to the amount of time the Muslim youth has spent in Britain. Among both samples the quality of relations with parents is significantly related to the willingness to approach both parents and peers. In general, the more favourable relations are with parents, the more likely the adolescent is to approach them (r (Asians) =0.23, n = 9 o, P ~< 0.02; r (whites) =0.25, n = 81, P ~ o.ox) and the less likely he is to approach peers (r (Asians) = - - o . z i , n = 9 ~, P ~< 0.025; r (whites) = --0.39; n = 81, P ~< o.ooi). Among the Muslim group the quality of relations with peers is unrelated to the likelihood of approaching either parents or peers. Among the white youths, however, the more conflict beween parents and peers, the less likely the youth is to approach parents (r = --o.2z, n = 9 I, P ~< o.oz) and the marginally more likely he is to approach friends (r = o.i7, n = 8I, P ~< o'o7).
Time given to relationships Lpoking more closely at the diary evidence regarding time spent with peers we find that (excluding school time) white youths are spending 16 hours (S.D. = 9"9 hours) a week, on average, with peers compared to the Muslims' 8. 5 hours (S.D. = 5-06); these differences are clearly significant, t = 5"89, 144 d.f., P ,<< o.ooI. The typical Muslim youth is spending 8. 7 hours (S.D. = 6"38) a week in the mosque; whereas his white counterpart is spending o.2 hours (S.D. = I-O5) in church, and most white youths are not attending at all. T i m e at mosque is drawn mostly from the twilight hours directly after school, a time when children are apt to extend their relationships with schoolmates through play. It is worth noting that the difference in the time each sample spends with peers is roughly equivalent to the time spent in mosque attendance. As already noted, among both samples there is a tendency for older youths to spend more time with peers than younger boys (r (Asians, play:age) =O'I6, P --- 0"08; r (whites, play:age) = o ' 2 1 , P ~< 0"05). It would appear that some of the time older Muslim youths are spending with friends is drawn from the time formerly devoted to mosque attendance, given the negative correlation between age and attendance for religious instruction (r = --0.29, P < o.oI). It is also interesting to note that the amount of time spent with peers is more closely associated with the quality of relationship with parents, rather than peers among both samples, (r (Asians, parents : time
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS AND PEERS
I39
with peers) = --o.x6, 1l = 78, P ~ o.xo; r (whites, parents: time with peers) = -- o-I 9, n -----68, P ~ 0.06). DISCUSSION Reviewing tlle data one gains an impression of the overall similarity in the dependencies of both samples, marked by contrasts indicative of the differential influence of age and culture on each. Among both groups one notes the growing role of the peer group associated with adolescence, but this is not accompanied by a straightforward decline in relations with parents. Among older Muslims there was a decline in likelihood of approaching parents, but no corresponding decrease in the quality of relations with parents. Among the white youths there was only a slight decrease in willingness to approach parents among the younger and older adolescents, but a more marked decline in the quality of relations with parents with increasing age. The lack of difference in the amount of parent-peer conflict each group was experiencing suggests that something else is contributing to the better relations of the Asian youths with their parents. It will be recalled that Coleman (I975) saw the growing role of the peer group as a consequence of the amount of time parents are spending outside the home. If this were to explain the Muslim youths enhanced relations with parents then we would expect their parents to spend more time at home than the white'sample's. While data concerning parental activities was not gathered, information was obtained about parental employment. Among the white sample 83% of tile fathers were employed, 1I% unemployed, and 6% not living with the family. Among tile Muslim sample 7o% of the fathers were employed, 24% unemployed, and 6% not living with the family. Among the mothers, 77% of the white youths' mothers were employed, 22% unemployed, and i % not living with the family; 4% of Muslim mothers were employed, 92% unemployed, and.3% not living with the family. The Muslim parents' increased availability could be seen as a contributing factor to their enhanced role among their sons, but if this were the only factor then it would still leave unexplained the reason for the decline in willingness to approach parents among the older Muslim youths. Cultural and religious differences between our samples may provide another source of explanation. Many of the Muslim parents, having been born and educated in India and grown up in an extended kin network in a rural village, would have little understanding of the social or educational difficulties of their children. Unfamiliarity with the English language, especially among the older Asian women, would serve as a further hindrance. Given the central role of the family in Islam, however, the quality of relations with parents is not affected, despite a decline in willingness to approach them. In contrast the white
,4 ~
G.L.
VALIANT
youths continued willingness to approach parents throughout adolescence could be attributed to the constant role of their parents as advice givers and authority figures, especially given their greater familiarity with their children's lifestyle. Thus we can begin to appreciate the enhanced roles of siblings and peers among the Muslim group, especially in later adolescence, with the sibling's position strengthened due to both the family bond as well as the experiential affinity. It would appear that siblings have a role in the emotional/expressive sphere, most notably among the Asian group but significant also among white youths, equivalent to that which many authors attributc to peers (Sherif & Sherif, I954; Dunphy, i975; Brittain, i953, i957-i968 , x969). The parent's role in long-term, future planning as suggested by Brittain is only partially realized, whereas their position of authority is more pronounced among both samples. The prominent selection of teachers by both groups to talk to about future careers could imply a number of things: a recognition that they are more competent than parents to judge career suitability; that they have more knowledge about job opportunities; or, perhaps, that teachers are serving as role models and, therefore are more welcome advisers than parents. This may particularly be the case among youths of lower class backgrounds and from small towns who may want to aspire beyond (and above) the status of their parents. This may also be one of the contributing factors in the decline in relations with parents among white youths in later adolescence. As the present samples were selected to minimize differences attributable to social class rather than culture, one cannot presently test this hypothesis. Nonetheless, one might conjecture that the decline in the role of parents in future planning may be a class phenomenon with youths from higher socio-economic backgrounds looking more to their parents for future guidance, having perceived their (parents') competence by virtue of their socio-economic standing. One may wonder why religious leaders do not play a larger role among the Muslim group. Two major explanations are possible. One is that because Islam can be seen as involving a way of life, religious leaders, while respected, should play no greater role than any other group. Another interpretation could be that the Anglo-Muslim adolescent simply does not aspire to emulate the religious leaders or regard them as a reference group. The actual explanation probably lies somewhere between these. Religious leaders are not likely to be particularly useful in sorting out problems, except religious ones, which the youths are likely to encounter. Indeed, the problems religious leaders can help with could equally well be coped with parents. As with secular education, mosque attendance is somewhat compulsory given that parents expect it, the religion requires it, and most of one's peers are also attending. The position of religious leaders then can be regarded as similar
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS AND PEERS
141
tO that of teachers, only for religious matters more particularly. Given this, it is not surprising that the significanceattached to them is rather less than that afforded teachers as the religious leader's role can be seen as more specializcd. One must ask why it is that previous research has lain so much stress on the conflicting nature of male adolescents' relationships with parents and peers as compared to the complementary nature of their ro]cs. One possible reason is that relations with each group have tended to be seen in isolation from a more general context of changing potential sources of social influence. Previous studies have tended towards an "eithci'/or" approach, viewing either parents or peers as exerting a predominant and usually unitary (independent) influence. We tend to accept that attitudes arc a product of a constellation of contributing beliefs and experiences, and it would seem logical to assume that in general there arc a number of sourccs of potential influence each making a greater or lesser contribution depending on the issue at stake. So, for example, in thinking about a future career wc would expect youths to consider the views of parents, teachers, peers, siblings, etc. They may be more inclined to accept a particular view, however, depending on the quality of relationship with that group, extent of intimacy or trust, estimate of the group's competence, cultural ,notes, etc. \Vith increasing age wc would expect an increased range of experience and, concomitant with this, increased exposure to potential sources of social influcnce.It would therefore seem reasonable to conjecture that the extent of influence of earlier sources would be subject to re-evaluation in the light of these new sources. Becauseof the enduring nature of the adolescent's relationship to some of these groups, however, (e.g. parcnts, siblings, and perhaps peers) one would cxpcct youths to arrive at some equilibrium in these relationships, although thcrc may be certain fluctuations in particular regards. So, for example, in the present study it would appear that both sets of youths reached an equilibrium h propos thcir relationship with peers, though the function of the peer group changed with age, presumably as a result of the changingjudgement of pccr's competcncc in particular areas. The samewould bc true of the Muslim youths' relationships with their parents, though among white youths equilibrium sccms to have bccn cstablishcd in the functions they fulfil whereas the quality of relationship appears to change with agc. It would be interesting to scc whether the nature of these more enduring relationships exerts any influence over the extent and pattern of more recent relationships, e.g. do youths with good early relationships with their parents tend to have better relations with them later and tend to be less susceptible to influence of more recently formed relationships; and, conversely, do youths with poor early relationships tend to bc more susceptible to the influence of more recently formed relationships?
142
G.L. VALIANT
In conclusion, the present study suggests that relations among youths and various groups of would-be advisers are influenced by age as well as cultural background. In addition, the data would further support the view that relations with parents and peers do not represent mutually exclusive domains but must be seen as developing from both a consideration of the appropriate ness of each group in particular circumstances as well as the availability of other groups of significant persons. REFERENCES Ackerman, N. W. (I962). Adolescent problems: A symptom of family disorder. Family Process x, 2o2-213. Blashfield, R. K. (1976). Mixture model tests of cluster analysis: Accuracy of four agglomerative hierarchical methods. Psychological Bullethz 83 (3), 377-388. Brittain, C. V. (I963). Adolescent choices and parent-peer cross purposes. American Sociological Reviezv 28, 385-39 x. Brittain, C. V. (1967-1968). An exploration of the bases of parent-peer compliance in adolescence. Adolescence 2, 445-458 . Brittain, C. V. (1969). A comparison of rural and urban adolescents with respect to peer vs. parent compliance. Adolescence 13, 59-68. Coleman, J. C. (1974). Relationships in Adolescence. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Coleman, J. S. (I975). How do the young become adults? In Studies bz Adolescence, Grinder, R. E. (Ed.), pp. 31-39. New York: lXlacmillan Publishing Company. Dunphy, D. C. (I975). The social structure of urban adolescent peer groups. In Studies in Adolescence, Grinder, R. E. (Ed.), pp. 285-300. New York: Macmillan 9 Publishing Company. Erikson, E. H. (1963). Childhood attd Society, 2nd edn. New York: Norton. Faulkner, G. (1975). tXledia and identity: The Asian adolescent's dilemma. In IVhlte media attd Black Britain : A critical look .at the role of the mass media bt race relations today, Husband, C. (Ed.), pp. i38-16I. London: Arrow Books Ltd. Harman, H. H. (i 967). i~Iodern Factor Analysis, (revised edition). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lance, G. N. & Williams, W. T. (1966-1967). A general theory of classificatory sorting strategies I. Hierarchical systems. The Computer Journal 9, 373-38o. McQuitty, L. L. (1957). Elementary linkage analysis for isolating orthogonal and oblique types and typal relevancies. Educational and Psyschological l~Ieasurement 17, 207-229. Oppenheim, A. N. (1966). Questionnaire Design and Attitude l]Ieasurement. New York: Basic Books. Sherif, M. & Sherif, C. W. (1964). Reference groups : Explorations btto conformity attd deviation of adolescents. New York: Harper and Row. Taylor, J. H. (1976). The half-way generation : t t study of Asian youths in Newcastle upon Tyne. Windsor, Berks.: N F E R Publishing Company Ltd.
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I43
A P P E N D I X i. Parent-peer scales (A) R e l a t i o n s w i t h p a r e n t s John spends most of his free time on his own doing his own hobbies. T o m finds that the older he gets, the less like his friends and more like his parents he becomes. Steve thinks his parents are strict with him, but doesn't mind because he thinks his parents have a better sense of right and wrong than he does. Tel spends most of his free time reading or studying. Paul gets on well with his parents. Gavin spends a lot of his free time at home with members of his family. Anwar feels that on the whole, it is easier to talk with his family than his friends, after all, his family understand him better. Hanif respects his parents and hopes to treat his own children as his father treats him. Dick enjoys doing things as much with his family as he does with his friends. fil = 0"29 ~--- 0.79 (B) Conflict between parents and peers/orientation towards peers T i m would like to have more friends, but he never knows what to say to the other boys in his class. H e vr like to join in, but is always being left out. Leslie would like to get on better with his parents than he does, but finds he does not agree with many of the things his parents believe in. Ismail sometimes tells his parents he is going to see one friend, and instead goes to see a different friend, because he knows his parents do not like him to spend time with the person he would like to see. Dan sometlmes tells his parents he is going one place, and then goes somewhere else, because he knows his parents would be unhappy if theyknew where he was really going. l~,|ark doesn't take much notice of his parents. Jim sometimes does things with his friends which he doesn't think he should, or which he doesn't think are right, but he is afraid that he may lose their friendship if he doesn't join in. Sharif worries about losing his friends. Ahmed finds it difficult to make friends. Les cares more about his friends than he does about his family. rl| = 0"27 ~ 0.76 n~lJ
i + ( n - x)~lj (There are two forms for each scale, one using English and one using Asian names, for use with the respective samples.) T h e format for the present instrument was adapted from a study by Dembo (I973) on aggression and media use among British adolescents. In that studyDembo presented a series of vignettes each portraying a different type of youth and respondents were asked to indicate how like the protot3"pe he perceived himself to be. In the present study some of the statements used were adapted from D em b o and others originated in group discussions yielding a total of 29 statements. T h e s e were presented to a pilot sample of 48 youths (male) representing three racial groups: white Britons, West Indians and Asians.
I44
G . L . VALIANT
All of the Likcrt scales wcrc assigned a value of I - 4 , a score of x indicating "Very different from m e " and 4 indicating " A lot like m e " . Th e data were subjected to a princlple component analysis using a Varlmax rotation (IIarman, I967). T h e factor analysis enables the researcher to select those items which arc most representative (load most highly) on the dimensions (factors) underlying the measure. T h e adequacy of the factor analytic solution was checked by obtaining an average linkage cluster analysis (h'IcQuitt3', x957) on the same data. This clustering technique assigns items to the clusters by placing items within the cluster in which they have the highest average correlation with all other cluster items, thereby ensuring homogeneity and unidlmenslonallty (Lance & Williams, i966-i967, Blashficld, I976). Th r ee clearly defined clusters emerged containing a total of 2i items. It was decided to use Clusters one and two as separate scales to assess the quality of rclatlons with parents and conflict between parents and peers/orientation towards peers, respectively (see above scales). A further dcgrcc of support for the structure of these clusters was obtained by performing an elementary linkage cluster analysis on the data provided by the final samples. This allocated ' 7 of the 18 items originally comprising the two scales to the appropriate cluster. Reliability coefficients for these clusters were 0"82 and 0"75, respectively. A P P E N D I X 2. W h o would you go to i f . . .
? scale
Discussions during exploratory work indicated that while parents and peers were important to the adolescent's everyday life, so too were other social groups such as teachers, religious leaders and siblings. T h e Significance of each of these groups, though, varied depending on the situation. It was thought that by gaining an estimate of willingness to approach each of these groups in a range of circumstances it would be possible to gain an estimate of the relative salience of these persons for each youth. T o this end Io items covering a range of situations were selected; each item accompanied by a list of five people whom adolescents were likely to approach--parents, teachers, brothers or sisters, friends, religious leaders. A sixth category was left for youths to fill in if none of the forementioned was appropriate. This scale was presented to the same group of 48 youths who responded to the parent-peer scale items. T h e y were asked to read each statement and rank the persons from i - 6 to indicate the order in which they would approach each, I indicating a person would be approached first, and so on. Scoring consisted of computing the relative frequency of approach weighted by the order in which that group was approached. As a measure of validation the results of these endorsements were correlated with the scales measuring parent-peer relations. N o relationship was demonstrated between the quality of relationship with parents and willingness to approach parents; however, willingness to approach both siblings and peers negatively correlated with quality of relationship with parents (r = --o-28, P~< o'o 5 and r = --o'27, P < o'06). A positive correlation existed between willingness to approach friends and a measure of integration with friends (r = 0"28, P~< o'o5). In the final survey it was decided to maintain the same pilot format, but to omit the open response category. Also instead of forcing a ranking of all groups, youths were asked to indicate the person or group which would be approached first, and then any other groups which might also be approached. T h i s allowed youths to eliminate certain categories entirely. T h e scoring for these items then consisted of a ratio of the number of times a group was nominated, weighted by a factor of z for every "first approach" nomination, to the total number of nominations, including the w~ighting for "first approaches".
Adolescents, parents, and peers: W h a t is o n e w i t h or w i t h o u t the other? GAYLE L. V A L I A N T ~ Tile present study investigates the relationship between Asian and white adolescents, resident in Britain, and their parents and peers. Ninety Asian and 8I white youths aged between II and I6 years, completed questionnaires concerning the quality of relations with parents; conflict between parents and peers; and willingness to approach parents, peers, siblings, teachers, and religious leaders in particular situations. In addition, diaries of time spent with peers were kept for a one week period. The data tend to show that relations among youths and groups of would-be advisers are influenced by both age and cultural background. Also, they would further support the view that relations with parents and peers do not represent mutually exclusive domains, but must be seen as developing from both a consideration of the appropriateness of each group in particular circumstances as well as the availability of other groups of "significant" persons. INTRODUCTION T h e respective roles of parents and peers in influencing the adolescent have long been an issue of debate. Results of research in this area have tended to fall within two camps: on the one hand the studies which stress the declining role of the parents in response to the increased role of the peer group; and on the other, those studies w h i c h note a distinct area of influence for each group, without claiming a particular advantage for either. T h e decline in relations with parents has been variously attributed to the decline of the family as ~i source of occupational learning (Coleman, x975), to the conflicting values between parent and peer groups (Sherif & Sherif, I964), and to the role of peers in promoting the adolescent's independence from his family (Dunphy, i975). Research by Brittain 0963, I967-I968, i969) however, has emphasized the significance of both groups, but in distinct realms: parents in long-term, future planning, e.g. educational or vocational plans, and peers in day to day encounters. T h e s e findings are based on research conducted among American, predominantly male, samples. T h e r e have been few studies conducted in this field a m o n g British youths, and still less research a m o n g youths from nonWestern cultures. Wilmott's study (I966) of boys in East London indicates * A p a r t m e n t 3o8, x
Soldier's Field Park, Boston, MA ozi63,
oz4o-z97zl83lozoz3I + z4 $o3.oo[o
U.S.A.
9 x983 T h e Association for the Psychiatric Study of Adolescents I3I
I32
G.L. VALIANT
that the peer group exerts the greatest influenceduring mid-adolescence(i 415 years). Coleman (i974) notes a steady increase in negativethemes among British youths of 13-I7 writing about their parents and a concomitant increase in favourable themes towards peers. The limited data about Asian youths resident in Britain suggests that they experience less conflict than indigenous youths (Taylor, i976). These researches have tended to focus on one aspect of the adolescent's relationship with his parents or peers: they have looked at quality, function, or time devoted to the relationship without seeking a more precise understanding of the interdependenciesamong these. The present study therefore aims to explore the relationships of adolescents with their parents and peers in the context of the roles which youths attribute to these groups as well as to other groups of potential significance,i.e. teachers, siblings, and religious leaders. In addition, these patterns will be examinedamongboth an indigenous white population and among an Asian (Sluslim) group resident in Britain in order to explore how far cultural backgroundmay be contributing to the pattern of parent-peer relations. For comparabilitythis study will also focus on male adolescents. METHOD Subjects To ascertain the role of culture, one needs to select a relatively homogeneous pol~ulation which maintains its cultural integrity despite its minority status and to minimize differences attributable to social class. The sample consisted of Asian and white British male youths between the ages of i i - i 6 years drawn from a single-sexed high school in Yorkshire, England. Samples were matched for age, school class and housing area and were based on an almost complete sample of Asians drawn from the first three forms. All Asians were either first generation immgriants (n : 59) or the children of first generation immigrants (n = 34*) from the Gujerat in India. A total of 9 o Muslims and 9 ~ white youths were selected. Owing to illness and absence, the final sample consisted of 9 ~ Muslim youths and 8r white Britons.
)llaterials A measure of parent-peer relations This instrument was intended to provide an index of quality of relations with parents and peers. It consisted of two separate scales each composed * T h e M u s l i m s n u m b e r e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2800 o u t o f a total population of 41,ooo resident in the t o w n a n d constituted t h e largest a n d only visible m i n o r i t y group. G i v e n their p r o m i n e n c e M u s l i m p a r e n t s were able to act in a concerted m a n n e r to foster the cultural a n d religious traditions of Islam, e.g. t h e y successfully lobbied the school for religious i n s t r u c t i o n on Fridays, t h e Islamic Sabbath, a n d for halal meals.
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTSAND PEERS
I33
of nine statements covering situations involving both parents and pecrs. Some statcmcnts were adapted from a study by Dembo (1973) and others originated in group discussions with adolescents. Each statement was accompanied by a 4-point Likert scale, viz.: A lot like me; A bit like me; Not very much like me; Very different from me. One scale assessed quality of relations with parents and the other measured conflict betwcen parents and peers] orientation towards peers. (Scc Appendix x for scales and reliability data.)
A scale to indicate relative importance of various social groups : IVho wouldyou go to i f . . . ?t This scale consisted of IO items each representing a situation ranging over areas of practical need, such as help with school, as well as areas of emotional need such as someone to confide in. Each item was accompanied by a list of five groups of people whom adolescents are likely to approach (parents, teachers, siblings, friends, or religious leaders) devised following interviews with adolescents. Respondents were asked to indicate the category they would approach first and then to indicate any other which might also be approached. The scoring for these items consisted of a ratio of the number of times each category of person was nominated, weighted by a factor of 2 for every "first approach", to the total number of nominations, including the weightings for "first approach". (See Appendix 2 for scale validation data.) In addition to the two measures of quality and function of parent and peer relations, youths were asked to keep a one-week diary of activities, providing information about the amount of time spent with peers outside school.
Survey admhtistration The surveys were administered in the school auditorium. One teacher was present in addition to the author so that anyone needing attention could be helped individually. Directions were read aloud along with questions and response alternatives. Pupils were encouraged to ask for help if necessary. As a check against response bias all item distributions were examined for skewness and deviation from normality; questionnaires were also visually examined in order to detect any regular patterns which would lead one to suspect systematic bias (Oppenheim, 1966). No such evidence was found.
RESULTS The items comprising the "V~rho would you go to i f . . . ?" scale provide information about each sample's willingness to approach pcoplc who could ~"The format for this scale is similar to one used by Faulkner (x975).
x34
G.L. VALIANT
be seen as potential sources of influence or information, and the situations in which they would be approached. The five categories of groups cited as alternatives represent both older and same-age alternatives, familial, and nonrelation groups. For the Muslim sample they would also separate into Asian and British groups, with parents, siblings and religious leaders falling within the Muslim camp, and teachers primarily in the British camp.~ Although there were three Asian teachers in the school, only two of these were Muslim. Friends for the Muslim youths consisted mainly of other Muslims; while for the British, they were mostly whites. w Responses to these items are provided in Table x. Comparisons on overall reliance for each of the groups are provided in Tables z and 3In considering the overall trends it is noteworthy that both Muslims and whites tend to preserve the same broad patterns of dependeneies: in general parents are most likely to be approached, then friends, followed closely by siblings; teachers are less typically approached, as are religious leaders.
Influence of age More significant, however, is the relationship of age to willingness to approach a particular group, as shown in Table 3. While there is an inverse relationship between age and willingness to approach teachers among both samples, and a positive relationship between age and willingness to approach friends, the relationships in respect of the remaining groups are more complex. Among both samples there is a peak in the approach to parentsat around i3-.~ 4 years, with both younger and older boys tending to be less willing to approach parents, with a much more pronounced decline among the older Asian youths. This decline of parental approach in early and late adolescence may be seen against the increased reliance of younger boys irrepeetive of race, on teachers, and the tendency for older boys, again irrespective of race, to increasingly nominate friends. This would tend to indicate a shift of orientation from school to home to peers with the approach of later adolescence. We find, however, only a slight increase in the time spent with peers as the youths grow older (r (whites, age : time with peers) = o . 2 i , n = 68, P _ o.o 5 ; r (Asians, age : time with peers) : o . x 6 , n = 78, P = o.o8). We will return to the evidence about time spent with peers later. The reasons behind these apparent shifts of emphasis should become clearer upon examination of the areas that each reference group is nominated for. ++The mothers of two members of the Asian sample were white Britons. In both cases the fathers were Muslims and the children were being raised in the Islamic faith. w Although x5 Muslim youths mentioned at least one white Briton among their three "best" friends, only four Britons indicated a Muslim among their "best" friends.
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G. L. VALIANT
I36
T a b l e 2. Cross-sample comparisons on "lVho u'ould you go to if?" scales* Muslints Group Friends Parents Religious leaders Siblings Teachers
IVhites
"X
S.D.
"X
0-22 0"36 0"07 o'2I o"14
o-I2 0"09 0"05 o.io o"o9
0.20 o'40 0"05 o-2o o'15
s.n.
Comparison(t) d.f.
o'II o-12 0"05 o.12 o'o8
= = = = =
0"83 2"35 2.60 o'43 o'58
P
I69 I69 169 169 169
n.s. < 0"05 < o'oi N.S. N.S.
* Scores for each sample are computed out of a maximum possible score of x. A score of 1 indicates that a group will be approached across all situations queried. N.S. = Not significant.
T a b l e 3. Relationship of age to "lVho wouM you go to if?" choices 3Xuslbns Group Friends Parents Religious leaders Siblings Teachers
Pearson r (age: group) 0"36 --o-i6 o'o3 o'o5 --o'38
Whites
N
P
90 9~ 90 90 90
< o'ooi 0"06 n.s. n.s. < o.ooi
Pearson r (age : group) 0"26 --0"07 --0"26 o"21 --0"42
N
P
81 81 8I 81 8I
< o-oI N.S. o.oi 0"03 < o-ooi
N.S. = Not significant.
R e v i e w i n g the data o n e is struck b y the p r e d o m i n a n c e of f a m i l y g r o u p s a m o n g b o t h s a m p l e s : M u s l i m s cite p a r e n t s o r siblings as a first r e s p o n s e o n n i n e of the xo items, a n d whites on seven o f the to. P e r h a p s even m o r e striking is that o n eight of i n i t e m s w h e r e p a r e n t s have n o t received the first n o m i n a t i o n they receive t h e highest p r o p o r t i o n of second n o m i n a t i o n s . T h i s w o u l d suggest that p a r e n t a l views are b e i n g solicited t h o u g h they are n o t seen as m o s t relevant o n issues w h e r e other social categories receive first n o m i n a tion. A m o n g the M u s l i m s we find the i t e m s t e n d to dichotimize i n t o those w h e r e p a r e n t s a n d siblings or siblings a n d peers receive the first n o m i n a t i o n s . O n closer e x a m i n a t i o n this d i v i d e r e p r e s e n t s m o r e of a n affective-authority c o n t i n u u m d i s t i n g u i s h i n g areas a p p r o p r i a t e for siblings a n d peers f r o m those for p a r e n t s .
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS AND PEERS
I37
Among the white youths, while there are similar trends, we find a greater diversity of response pattern, and the affective-authority continuum marking areas of parental vs. peer choice is not so evident. For example, on issues of trouble in school and religious doubts both groups turn to parents first, but on issues of confiding in someone, depending on someone, talking about girls, and borrowing money, both groups overwhelmingly rely on siblings, with friends usually a follow-up nomination. The exception is that white youths are more willing to turn tO parents than Muslim youths. Teachers also appear to play a more significant role among the white youths. In the items previously noted concerning trouble at school and religious doubts, the nomination of parents is closely followed by teachers; and in two further cases teachers appear first, namely talking about careers and as a group that understands them best.
htfluence of peers]parents It is perhaps surprising that the peer group does not figure more prominently among these adolescents. Looking at the Tables relating age to group dependence, however, one can only hypothesize that as these boys reach late adolescence the trend of declining relations with parents, coupled with a tendency to seek their advice less, will be balanced out by an increase in the trend already noted for older youths to seek out siblings and peers more frequently. This interpretation is further borne out by the results of the scales to assess quality of relations with parents and parent-peer conflict.
hzfluence of length of stay Before moving on to consider these data, it is worth noting that none of the measures of willingness to approach a particular group bears any strong relationship to the length of time that a Muslim youth has spent in Britain. The highest correlation is found between the measure of time spent in the United Kingdom and willingness to approach religious leaders (r = --o-15, n = 9 o, P _~ o.o9), indicating that longer standing residents are slightly less willing to approach religious leaders.
Quality of relationships On the questionnaire dealing with quality of relations with parents the Muslims' scores are slightly, but significantly, higher than the white sample's (a higher score indicating better relations with parents). The mean for the Asian group is 2z'89 (S.D. = 3"86); the mean for the white youths is 2I'o 7 (S.D. = 4"oz), (t = 3"o, I69 d.f., P ~< o-ooQ. Furthermore, while the quality of the relationship with parents tends to decline from early to late adolescence among the white youths (r = --o.I9, n = 8i, P ~< o.o5) , among the Asians
13 8
G.L. VALIANT
this relationship is preserved throughout adolescence. The Muslim scores are only slightly lower than the whites' on the scale of parent-peer conflict, indicating marginally lower levcls of conflict, t = 1-14, 169 d.f., P < 0.20. Among both groups this parent-peer conflict is independent of age. In addition, neither the measure of quality of relations with parents or conflict between parents and peers is related to the amount of time the Muslim youth has spent in Britain. Among both samples the quality of relations with parents is significantly related to the willingness to approach both parents and peers. In general, the more favourable relations are with parents, the more likely the adolescent is to approach them (r (Asians) =0.23, n = 9 o, P ~< 0.02; r (whites) =0.25, n = 81, P ~ o.ox) and the less likely he is to approach peers (r (Asians) = - - o . z i , n = 9 ~, P ~< 0.025; r (whites) = --0.39; n = 81, P ~< o.ooi). Among the Muslim group the quality of relations with peers is unrelated to the likelihood of approaching either parents or peers. Among the white youths, however, the more conflict beween parents and peers, the less likely the youth is to approach parents (r = --o.2z, n = 9 I, P ~< o.oz) and the marginally more likely he is to approach friends (r = o.i7, n = 8I, P ~< o'o7).
Time given to relationships Lpoking more closely at the diary evidence regarding time spent with peers we find that (excluding school time) white youths are spending 16 hours (S.D. = 9"9 hours) a week, on average, with peers compared to the Muslims' 8. 5 hours (S.D. = 5-06); these differences are clearly significant, t = 5"89, 144 d.f., P ,<< o.ooI. The typical Muslim youth is spending 8. 7 hours (S.D. = 6"38) a week in the mosque; whereas his white counterpart is spending o.2 hours (S.D. = I-O5) in church, and most white youths are not attending at all. T i m e at mosque is drawn mostly from the twilight hours directly after school, a time when children are apt to extend their relationships with schoolmates through play. It is worth noting that the difference in the time each sample spends with peers is roughly equivalent to the time spent in mosque attendance. As already noted, among both samples there is a tendency for older youths to spend more time with peers than younger boys (r (Asians, play:age) =O'I6, P --- 0"08; r (whites, play:age) = o ' 2 1 , P ~< 0"05). It would appear that some of the time older Muslim youths are spending with friends is drawn from the time formerly devoted to mosque attendance, given the negative correlation between age and attendance for religious instruction (r = --0.29, P < o.oI). It is also interesting to note that the amount of time spent with peers is more closely associated with the quality of relationship with parents, rather than peers among both samples, (r (Asians, parents : time
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS AND PEERS
I39
with peers) = --o.x6, 1l = 78, P ~ o.xo; r (whites, parents: time with peers) = -- o-I 9, n -----68, P ~ 0.06). DISCUSSION Reviewing tlle data one gains an impression of the overall similarity in the dependencies of both samples, marked by contrasts indicative of the differential influence of age and culture on each. Among both groups one notes the growing role of the peer group associated with adolescence, but this is not accompanied by a straightforward decline in relations with parents. Among older Muslims there was a decline in likelihood of approaching parents, but no corresponding decrease in the quality of relations with parents. Among the white youths there was only a slight decrease in willingness to approach parents among the younger and older adolescents, but a more marked decline in the quality of relations with parents with increasing age. The lack of difference in the amount of parent-peer conflict each group was experiencing suggests that something else is contributing to the better relations of the Asian youths with their parents. It will be recalled that Coleman (I975) saw the growing role of the peer group as a consequence of the amount of time parents are spending outside the home. If this were to explain the Muslim youths enhanced relations with parents then we would expect their parents to spend more time at home than the white'sample's. While data concerning parental activities was not gathered, information was obtained about parental employment. Among the white sample 83% of tile fathers were employed, 1I% unemployed, and 6% not living with the family. Among tile Muslim sample 7o% of the fathers were employed, 24% unemployed, and 6% not living with the family. Among the mothers, 77% of the white youths' mothers were employed, 22% unemployed, and i % not living with the family; 4% of Muslim mothers were employed, 92% unemployed, and.3% not living with the family. The Muslim parents' increased availability could be seen as a contributing factor to their enhanced role among their sons, but if this were the only factor then it would still leave unexplained the reason for the decline in willingness to approach parents among the older Muslim youths. Cultural and religious differences between our samples may provide another source of explanation. Many of the Muslim parents, having been born and educated in India and grown up in an extended kin network in a rural village, would have little understanding of the social or educational difficulties of their children. Unfamiliarity with the English language, especially among the older Asian women, would serve as a further hindrance. Given the central role of the family in Islam, however, the quality of relations with parents is not affected, despite a decline in willingness to approach them. In contrast the white
,4 ~
G.L.
VALIANT
youths continued willingness to approach parents throughout adolescence could be attributed to the constant role of their parents as advice givers and authority figures, especially given their greater familiarity with their children's lifestyle. Thus we can begin to appreciate the enhanced roles of siblings and peers among the Muslim group, especially in later adolescence, with the sibling's position strengthened due to both the family bond as well as the experiential affinity. It would appear that siblings have a role in the emotional/expressive sphere, most notably among the Asian group but significant also among white youths, equivalent to that which many authors attributc to peers (Sherif & Sherif, I954; Dunphy, i975; Brittain, i953, i957-i968 , x969). The parent's role in long-term, future planning as suggested by Brittain is only partially realized, whereas their position of authority is more pronounced among both samples. The prominent selection of teachers by both groups to talk to about future careers could imply a number of things: a recognition that they are more competent than parents to judge career suitability; that they have more knowledge about job opportunities; or, perhaps, that teachers are serving as role models and, therefore are more welcome advisers than parents. This may particularly be the case among youths of lower class backgrounds and from small towns who may want to aspire beyond (and above) the status of their parents. This may also be one of the contributing factors in the decline in relations with parents among white youths in later adolescence. As the present samples were selected to minimize differences attributable to social class rather than culture, one cannot presently test this hypothesis. Nonetheless, one might conjecture that the decline in the role of parents in future planning may be a class phenomenon with youths from higher socio-economic backgrounds looking more to their parents for future guidance, having perceived their (parents') competence by virtue of their socio-economic standing. One may wonder why religious leaders do not play a larger role among the Muslim group. Two major explanations are possible. One is that because Islam can be seen as involving a way of life, religious leaders, while respected, should play no greater role than any other group. Another interpretation could be that the Anglo-Muslim adolescent simply does not aspire to emulate the religious leaders or regard them as a reference group. The actual explanation probably lies somewhere between these. Religious leaders are not likely to be particularly useful in sorting out problems, except religious ones, which the youths are likely to encounter. Indeed, the problems religious leaders can help with could equally well be coped with parents. As with secular education, mosque attendance is somewhat compulsory given that parents expect it, the religion requires it, and most of one's peers are also attending. The position of religious leaders then can be regarded as similar
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS AND PEERS
141
tO that of teachers, only for religious matters more particularly. Given this, it is not surprising that the significanceattached to them is rather less than that afforded teachers as the religious leader's role can be seen as more specializcd. One must ask why it is that previous research has lain so much stress on the conflicting nature of male adolescents' relationships with parents and peers as compared to the complementary nature of their ro]cs. One possible reason is that relations with each group have tended to be seen in isolation from a more general context of changing potential sources of social influence. Previous studies have tended towards an "eithci'/or" approach, viewing either parents or peers as exerting a predominant and usually unitary (independent) influence. We tend to accept that attitudes arc a product of a constellation of contributing beliefs and experiences, and it would seem logical to assume that in general there arc a number of sourccs of potential influence each making a greater or lesser contribution depending on the issue at stake. So, for example, in thinking about a future career wc would expect youths to consider the views of parents, teachers, peers, siblings, etc. They may be more inclined to accept a particular view, however, depending on the quality of relationship with that group, extent of intimacy or trust, estimate of the group's competence, cultural ,notes, etc. \Vith increasing age wc would expect an increased range of experience and, concomitant with this, increased exposure to potential sources of social influcnce.It would therefore seem reasonable to conjecture that the extent of influence of earlier sources would be subject to re-evaluation in the light of these new sources. Becauseof the enduring nature of the adolescent's relationship to some of these groups, however, (e.g. parcnts, siblings, and perhaps peers) one would cxpcct youths to arrive at some equilibrium in these relationships, although thcrc may be certain fluctuations in particular regards. So, for example, in the present study it would appear that both sets of youths reached an equilibrium h propos thcir relationship with peers, though the function of the peer group changed with age, presumably as a result of the changingjudgement of pccr's competcncc in particular areas. The samewould bc true of the Muslim youths' relationships with their parents, though among white youths equilibrium sccms to have bccn cstablishcd in the functions they fulfil whereas the quality of relationship appears to change with agc. It would be interesting to scc whether the nature of these more enduring relationships exerts any influence over the extent and pattern of more recent relationships, e.g. do youths with good early relationships with their parents tend to have better relations with them later and tend to be less susceptible to influence of more recently formed relationships; and, conversely, do youths with poor early relationships tend to bc more susceptible to the influence of more recently formed relationships?
142
G.L. VALIANT
In conclusion, the present study suggests that relations among youths and various groups of would-be advisers are influenced by age as well as cultural background. In addition, the data would further support the view that relations with parents and peers do not represent mutually exclusive domains but must be seen as developing from both a consideration of the appropriate ness of each group in particular circumstances as well as the availability of other groups of significant persons. REFERENCES Ackerman, N. W. (I962). Adolescent problems: A symptom of family disorder. Family Process x, 2o2-213. Blashfield, R. K. (1976). Mixture model tests of cluster analysis: Accuracy of four agglomerative hierarchical methods. Psychological Bullethz 83 (3), 377-388. Brittain, C. V. (I963). Adolescent choices and parent-peer cross purposes. American Sociological Reviezv 28, 385-39 x. Brittain, C. V. (1967-1968). An exploration of the bases of parent-peer compliance in adolescence. Adolescence 2, 445-458 . Brittain, C. V. (1969). A comparison of rural and urban adolescents with respect to peer vs. parent compliance. Adolescence 13, 59-68. Coleman, J. C. (1974). Relationships in Adolescence. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Coleman, J. S. (I975). How do the young become adults? In Studies bz Adolescence, Grinder, R. E. (Ed.), pp. 31-39. New York: lXlacmillan Publishing Company. Dunphy, D. C. (I975). The social structure of urban adolescent peer groups. In Studies in Adolescence, Grinder, R. E. (Ed.), pp. 285-300. New York: Macmillan 9 Publishing Company. Erikson, E. H. (1963). Childhood attd Society, 2nd edn. New York: Norton. Faulkner, G. (1975). tXledia and identity: The Asian adolescent's dilemma. In IVhlte media attd Black Britain : A critical look .at the role of the mass media bt race relations today, Husband, C. (Ed.), pp. i38-16I. London: Arrow Books Ltd. Harman, H. H. (i 967). i~Iodern Factor Analysis, (revised edition). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lance, G. N. & Williams, W. T. (1966-1967). A general theory of classificatory sorting strategies I. Hierarchical systems. The Computer Journal 9, 373-38o. McQuitty, L. L. (1957). Elementary linkage analysis for isolating orthogonal and oblique types and typal relevancies. Educational and Psyschological l~Ieasurement 17, 207-229. Oppenheim, A. N. (1966). Questionnaire Design and Attitude l]Ieasurement. New York: Basic Books. Sherif, M. & Sherif, C. W. (1964). Reference groups : Explorations btto conformity attd deviation of adolescents. New York: Harper and Row. Taylor, J. H. (1976). The half-way generation : t t study of Asian youths in Newcastle upon Tyne. Windsor, Berks.: N F E R Publishing Company Ltd.
ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS AND PEERS
I43
A P P E N D I X i. Parent-peer scales (A) R e l a t i o n s w i t h p a r e n t s John spends most of his free time on his own doing his own hobbies. T o m finds that the older he gets, the less like his friends and more like his parents he becomes. Steve thinks his parents are strict with him, but doesn't mind because he thinks his parents have a better sense of right and wrong than he does. Tel spends most of his free time reading or studying. Paul gets on well with his parents. Gavin spends a lot of his free time at home with members of his family. Anwar feels that on the whole, it is easier to talk with his family than his friends, after all, his family understand him better. Hanif respects his parents and hopes to treat his own children as his father treats him. Dick enjoys doing things as much with his family as he does with his friends. fil = 0"29 ~--- 0.79 (B) Conflict between parents and peers/orientation towards peers T i m would like to have more friends, but he never knows what to say to the other boys in his class. H e vr like to join in, but is always being left out. Leslie would like to get on better with his parents than he does, but finds he does not agree with many of the things his parents believe in. Ismail sometimes tells his parents he is going to see one friend, and instead goes to see a different friend, because he knows his parents do not like him to spend time with the person he would like to see. Dan sometlmes tells his parents he is going one place, and then goes somewhere else, because he knows his parents would be unhappy if theyknew where he was really going. l~,|ark doesn't take much notice of his parents. Jim sometimes does things with his friends which he doesn't think he should, or which he doesn't think are right, but he is afraid that he may lose their friendship if he doesn't join in. Sharif worries about losing his friends. Ahmed finds it difficult to make friends. Les cares more about his friends than he does about his family. rl| = 0"27 ~ 0.76 n~lJ
i + ( n - x)~lj (There are two forms for each scale, one using English and one using Asian names, for use with the respective samples.) T h e format for the present instrument was adapted from a study by Dembo (I973) on aggression and media use among British adolescents. In that studyDembo presented a series of vignettes each portraying a different type of youth and respondents were asked to indicate how like the protot3"pe he perceived himself to be. In the present study some of the statements used were adapted from D em b o and others originated in group discussions yielding a total of 29 statements. T h e s e were presented to a pilot sample of 48 youths (male) representing three racial groups: white Britons, West Indians and Asians.
I44
G . L . VALIANT
All of the Likcrt scales wcrc assigned a value of I - 4 , a score of x indicating "Very different from m e " and 4 indicating " A lot like m e " . Th e data were subjected to a princlple component analysis using a Varlmax rotation (IIarman, I967). T h e factor analysis enables the researcher to select those items which arc most representative (load most highly) on the dimensions (factors) underlying the measure. T h e adequacy of the factor analytic solution was checked by obtaining an average linkage cluster analysis (h'IcQuitt3', x957) on the same data. This clustering technique assigns items to the clusters by placing items within the cluster in which they have the highest average correlation with all other cluster items, thereby ensuring homogeneity and unidlmenslonallty (Lance & Williams, i966-i967, Blashficld, I976). Th r ee clearly defined clusters emerged containing a total of 2i items. It was decided to use Clusters one and two as separate scales to assess the quality of rclatlons with parents and conflict between parents and peers/orientation towards peers, respectively (see above scales). A further dcgrcc of support for the structure of these clusters was obtained by performing an elementary linkage cluster analysis on the data provided by the final samples. This allocated ' 7 of the 18 items originally comprising the two scales to the appropriate cluster. Reliability coefficients for these clusters were 0"82 and 0"75, respectively. A P P E N D I X 2. W h o would you go to i f . . .
? scale
Discussions during exploratory work indicated that while parents and peers were important to the adolescent's everyday life, so too were other social groups such as teachers, religious leaders and siblings. T h e Significance of each of these groups, though, varied depending on the situation. It was thought that by gaining an estimate of willingness to approach each of these groups in a range of circumstances it would be possible to gain an estimate of the relative salience of these persons for each youth. T o this end Io items covering a range of situations were selected; each item accompanied by a list of five people whom adolescents were likely to approach--parents, teachers, brothers or sisters, friends, religious leaders. A sixth category was left for youths to fill in if none of the forementioned was appropriate. This scale was presented to the same group of 48 youths who responded to the parent-peer scale items. T h e y were asked to read each statement and rank the persons from i - 6 to indicate the order in which they would approach each, I indicating a person would be approached first, and so on. Scoring consisted of computing the relative frequency of approach weighted by the order in which that group was approached. As a measure of validation the results of these endorsements were correlated with the scales measuring parent-peer relations. N o relationship was demonstrated between the quality of relationship with parents and willingness to approach parents; however, willingness to approach both siblings and peers negatively correlated with quality of relationship with parents (r = --o-28, P~< o'o 5 and r = --o'27, P < o'06). A positive correlation existed between willingness to approach friends and a measure of integration with friends (r = 0"28, P~< o'o5). In the final survey it was decided to maintain the same pilot format, but to omit the open response category. Also instead of forcing a ranking of all groups, youths were asked to indicate the person or group which would be approached first, and then any other groups which might also be approached. T h i s allowed youths to eliminate certain categories entirely. T h e scoring for these items then consisted of a ratio of the number of times a group was nominated, weighted by a factor of z for every "first approach" nomination, to the total number of nominations, including the w~ighting for "first approaches".