Conceptions of female political representation

Women's Studies International Forum 35 (2012) 286–297

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Conceptions of female political representation☆ Perspectives of Rwandan female representatives Hilde Coffé Victoria University of Wellington, Political Science & International Relations Programme, Murphy Building, Kelburn Parade, PO Box 600, Wellington, 6140, New Zealand

a r t i c l e

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Available online 9 June 2012

s y n o p s i s An increasing amount of research has investigated the number of female representatives in national Parliaments (descriptive representation) and the effect on both policy output (substantive representation) and women's political participation and trust (symbolic representation). Little research exists, however, on how female representatives themselves think about female political representation and no study has empirically investigated their conceptions of female political representation. Using Q methodology, this explorative one case study investigates the conceptions of female political representation held by female representatives in the Rwandan Parliament, which is the most gender-equal Parliament in the world. On the basis of our analysis, three groups of female representatives emerged, each with a unique conception of female political representation: female representatives focusing on (a) symbolic and descriptive representations; (b) symbolic representation and power; and (c) substantive representation. These conceptions matter because they are crucial to our understanding of female representatives' actual behavior. © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction An increasing number of women serve in Parliaments across the world, and a growing body of research has studied female political representation. Within this research line, three points of focus can be distinguished: the first looks at female representation in a descriptive manner and concentrates on the number of women in Parliament (e.g., Kittilson, 2006; Lovenduski & Norris, 1993; Paxton & Kunovich, 2003; Studlar & McAllister, 2002); the second explores substantive representation and is preliminarily concerned with the effect female representation has on policy outcomes and political styles and cultures (e.g., Britton, 2006; Grey, 2002; Meintjes, 2003; Ross, 2002; Swers, 1998; Thomas, 1994; Wängnerud, ☆ The author wishes to thank Gretchen Bauer, Hennie Boeije, Catherine Bolzendahl, Laura den Dulk, Carolien Klein Haarhuis, Kate McMillan, Laura Stoker, and Tanja van der Lippe for their helpful comments and feedback. She would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers of the journal for their useful insights. She is also grateful to Gjalt de Graaf and Pita Spruijt for their methodological help. Finally, she wishes to thank all Rwandan female representatives who gave their time and shared their comments and experiences for this study. 0277-5395/$ – see front matter © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2012.05.004

2000a,b); and the third considers symbolic representation. This third research focus suggests that female Members of Parliament (MPs) are role models for women in society, inspiring them to engage in political activity and discussion and serving to increase political trust (e.g., Atkeson, 2003; Hansen, 1997; Karp & Banducci, 2008; Koning, 2009; Lawless, 2004; Mansbridge, 1999; Verba, Burns, & Scholzman, 1997; Wolbrecht & Campbell, 2007). Even though these three conceptions of female political representation are interconnected, they have been mainly studied in isolation (Wängnerud, 2009). Moreover, to date, little scholarly attention has been devoted to the perspectives female political representatives themselves have about female political representation. Notable exceptions include Childs (2004, 2006) and Galligan and Clavero (2008) who investigated whom female representatives feel they represent. Whereas Childs (2006) found British New Labour MPs to consider themselves as acting for women, Galligan and Clavero (2008) concluded that female MPs in post-socialist Europe focus on their impact on policy making in general rather than to women as a specific social group. Based on an international survey organized by the Inter-Parliamentary Union, Waring,

H. Coffé / Women's Studies International Forum 35 (2012) 286–297

Greenwood, and Pintat (2000) argue that a vast majority of female representatives feel they should be advocates for women but are at the same time conscious of the mandate to represent the interests and needs of women, men and children alike. The group of women surveyed also believed that their presence and pressure brought changes in the political process and culture, and marked an influence in legislation on a wide range of issues affecting the daily well-being of society. Hence, they considered themselves to have a substantive influence on policy making and the political process. At the same time, many also saw themselves as an example for women to start in politics, thus focusing on their symbolic role. While offering interesting and relevant information about how women see their role in Parliament, these studies do not explore in detail female representatives' own conceptions of female political representation. Yet, studying MPs' conceptions of female political representation among female representatives may give further insights in the relevance of the three conceptions of political representation that have been identified in the literature. Although this three-fold distinction of political representation seems sound, it is possible that other conceptions might be held by female representatives or that they might draw on a combination of these ideas. We will resist a priori definitions of female political representation and leave these possibilities open for analysis. Moreover, and in contrast to for example the study of Waring et al. (2000), we will challenge female representatives to specify which ideas of female political representation (descriptive, substantive, symbolic or a mix thereof) they consider as most important. This may help to further understand women's political activity. Indeed, even though Childs (2006) argues correctly that institutional characteristics may limit the possibilities for women to directly translate their attitudes in actual behavior, knowing which ideas related to female representation female representatives themselves consider as most important, will provide further insights into how female representatives think and how these attitudes are reflected in influences on the political agenda and/ or legislation. For example, female representatives who point to elements referring to substantive representation when describing female political representation, may be expected to be more likely to influence (or at least aim at influencing) the political agenda and policy outcomes. In turn, female representatives focusing on elements related to symbolic representation may be expected to be more inclined to encourage other women to follow in their footsteps and participate actively in politics. In sum, this paper is a preliminary effort to see how female representatives themselves perceive and define female political representation. In other words, which conceptions of female political representation can be found among female representatives themselves? To answer our research question, we use the Q methodology. The Q method is a mixed qualitative–quantitative, smallsample method that allows one to explore subjective understandings from participants' perspectives and to identify possible clusters of these subjective understandings. The participants of our study were 14 female representatives in the Lower and Upper House of the Rwandan Parliament. Having more women than men in the Lower House and being the most gender-equal Parliament in the world, Rwanda offers an interesting case with which to answer our research question. Moreover, it adds to the relevant literature on female political

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representation that has been preliminarily concerned with established, industrialized democracies. At the same time, it is important to keep the Rwandan context of a developing nation with authoritarian characteristics in mind when interpreting our findings. At the end, our research is a one case study that explores ideas about female political representation among female representatives in the particular context of Rwanda at a specific point in time. The paper proceeds as follows. We begin with a description of the conceptions of female political representation, followed by a description of female political representation in the Rwandan context. We then move on to an introduction of the Q methodology and the participants of our study. Next, we report our empirical results, with a presentation of the conceptions of female political representation among Rwandan female MPs. Lastly, we conclude with an overview of the core findings and the contributions made to understanding female political representation. Conceptions of female political representation Three main conceptions of female political representation have been distinguished in the predominant literature on the subject: descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representations. Hereafter, we describe each of these conceptions of representation in greater detail and briefly present some empirical findings related to each topic. Descriptive representation Descriptive representation simply refers to the base number of female representatives in Parliament. Because women account for half of the population, adherents to descriptive political representation of women argue, half of the MPs should be female, whether or not that matters to policy procedures, priorities or outcomes. Yet, with a world average of 19.2% of those who hold parliamentary power being women (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010a), the proportion of national MPs who are women remains far below 50%. Rwanda currently has the highest proportion of female MPs, with 56% of representatives in the Lower House of Parliament being women; the Nordic European countries generally also hold a leading position in this regard. Arab states are generally found at the bottom of the list, with countries such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar having no women in Parliament at all (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010b). A wide variety of explanations have been presented to explain cross-national differences in the number of female representatives, including gender culture, proportional representation PR electoral systems, and gender quota explanations (see Wängnerud, 2009 for an overview). Substantive representation Whereas descriptive representation is only about ‘being represented’, the conception of substantive representation adds the idea that different social groups will bring to office varying interests and priorities. It refers to the effects that women's presence in Parliament has on policy making and outcomes. The theory of the politics of presence (Phillips, 1995) suggests that female politicians are best equipped to represent the interests of

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women. From this perspective, men and women differ substantially in everyday life experiences, and female politicians, at least to some extent, share the experiences of other women and are thus better equipped to represent women's interests (Wängnerud, 2009). In other words, there are some interests and concerns that arise from women's experiences which will be insufficiently and/or inadequately addressed by men. Studying the attitudes and behavior of MPs in the Nordic Parliaments, Wängnerud (2000a) revealed that increased female representation results in greater parliamentary attention to gender equality, family policy, and social policy. Scholars have noted that female representatives are more likely to prioritize issues that are also prioritized by female voters (Swers, 1998; Thomas, 1994; Wängnerud, 2000b). Thomas (1994, p. 7) concludes that “Women legislators embrace priorities dealing with issues of women, and children and the family. Men do not share this priority list.” Female representatives have not only prioritized different issues, compared to those prioritized by male representatives, but women have also substantially influenced policy outcomes. Grey (2002) shows that, in conjunction with the increase in the number of women elected in the New Zealand Parliament, family leave provisions for both parents, rather than for men alone, have been accepted. Similarly, Meintjes (2003) describes how women deputies in South Africa have played a crucial role in passing the 1998 Domestic Violence Bill. Bauer (2006) finds that Namibian female MPs have played a substantial role in dismantling the apartheid-era legislation that discriminated against women and in fostering legislation to assist in the economic development of women and girls. Besides influencing policy priorities and outcomes, female representation affects the political style, culture and organization of government. In South Africa, for example, the parliamentary calendar was coupled with the school calendar so that earlier ending times for debates were introduced (Britton, 2006; Ross, 2002). There is a general agreement that the presence of women in Parliament has an effect on the legislation, political culture and procedures of a country, although there is a large amount of variation between studies concerning the strength of this impact (Wängnerud, 2009). This variation in impact has been attributed to the need for a critical mass (Dahlerup, 1988; Kanter, 1977). According to critical mass theory, women are unlikely to have a substantial impact until they grow in force from a few token individuals into a considerable minority of all legislators (Childs & Krook, 2006). Yet, different scholars have expressed reservations regarding the theory of critical mass. For example, Childs and Krook (2006, 2009) argue that it is also about critical actors; both male and female representatives may seek to represent women substantively as a group. Grey (2006) argues that different critical masses may be needed, depending on the outcome sought. Bratton (2005) concludes that a critical mass is not necessary for substantive representation on the part of individual female MPs, but that increased diversity is likely to result in changes in policy outputs that reflect women's interests. Symbolic representation Symbolic representation points to the attitudinal and behavioral effects that female representatives may confer to female citizens (Lawless, 2004). Scholars who emphasize symbolic representation highlight the role model benefits that

female political elites bring to their constituents. These benefits cannot be conferred by men, regardless of their policy priorities and perspectives. This theory suggests a benefit to constituents beyond policy implications. Because women form a relevant social group within society, it is unlikely that they will feel that the political system takes care of them if that system does not include members of their group (Phillips, 1995). Having a (large) number of female representatives in Parliament is a symbol that indicates to women that women matter (Koning, 2009), and this is a message that may be related to greater trust in public officials and institutions (Mansbridge, 1999). Furthermore, female representatives are expected to shape and stimulate women's interest and activity in the political sphere (Atkeson, 2003). It is argued that, if women see others ‘like them’ being politically active, they may be inspired to also participate actively in politics (Wolbrecht & Campbell, 2007). Female representatives are a powerful symbolic cue that “politics is not just a man's game” (Karp & Banducci, 2008, p. 106). Research in the U.S. context found that the presence of female candidates and representatives increases women's political knowledge (Verba et al., 1997), political interest, engagement (Atkeson, 2003; Hansen, 1997), and political discussion (Campbell & Wolbrecht, 2006). Ulbig (2007) concludes that female descriptive representation in municipal governing bodies has positive effects on women's political trust, although only among women with moderate political awareness. Similarly, Mansbridge (1999) and Lawless (2004) indicate that women are more positive about government when more women are included in positions of political power. However, Lawless (2004) concludes that this difference does not consistently translate into political attitudes and behavior. She could not confirm that women in politics influence women's political trust, efficacy, competence, and engagement. Other studies also failed to find any substantial impact of the presence of female representatives on political attitudes (e.g., Dolan, 2006; Koch, 1997). In summary, although some studies reveal a symbolic effect of female representatives, debate exists concerning the symbolic effect of female representatives. Even though the three conceptions related to political representation described above have been well regarded and empirically tested in the prevalent literature on the subject, it remains to be seen to what extent this distinction can be found among female political representatives themselves. How female representatives define the conception of female political representation is far from understood. In this explorative study, we aim to fill this void by studying how female representatives themselves define female political representation. Do women's perspectives about female political representation relate to the conceptions presented above, or are they a mixture of different components of the (theoretical) conceptions? Furthermore, we will explore which elements are considered to be most important by female representatives. Before turning to a description of our data and method, we first briefly present female political representation in the Rwandan context. Female political representation in Rwanda Rwanda has positioned itself on the international stage as having the most gender-equal Parliament in the world

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(Longman, 2006). In 2003, the country adopted a gendersensitive constitution, including a guarantee that 30% of posts in all decision-making organs would be held by women. Moreover, President Kagame and his party RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) are known to have a great political will with respect to gender equality and the inclusion of women in political life and decision-making processes (Bauer & Britton, 2006; Longman, 2006; Powley, 2006). The Lower House of the Rwandan Parliament has 80 members, 53 of whom are directly elected by a proportional representation system. The additional seats are reserved for women (24), youth (2 seats), and disabled people (1 seat). As a result of this rule, women are guaranteed to hold at least 30% of the seats in the Lower House of the Parliament; a number that is added to by women elected through additional, openly-contested seats. Women are also guaranteed to hold at least 30% of the seats within the Upper House of the Rwandan Parliament (the Senate), as indicated by the constitution. The rapid increase of women's political representation since the genocide is also remarkable, from 11.4% in the first Parliament in 1994, to over 48.8% after the 2003 parliamentary elections, rising to 56% after the 2008 elections. 1 A great number of active women's groups are also characteristic for Rwanda, and they are said to form the most vibrant sector of Rwandan civil society (Devlin & Elgie, 2008). In fact, many women enter legislative work from community-based careers and previous elections drew many women out of civil society into Parliament (Burnet, 2008; Longman, 2006; Pearson & Powley, 2008). Hence, Rwanda is a nation “in which women have a considerable and active presence” (Devlin & Elgie, 2008, p. 242). Considering the high level of female political representation and women's activism in civil society, Rwanda is an interesting case for examining the conception of female political representation among female representatives. It provides a natural case to examine the ideas of female representatives in a national legislature that has nearly equal representation of men and women. It may also add to the limited scientific research on women's political representation in developing countries and in Rwanda, in particular. Notable exceptions of scientific publications regarding female representation and Rwandan politics include the following studies: Longman (2006), Devlin and Elgie (2008) and Burnet (2008, 2011). Longman (2006, p. 149) argues that “the larger number of women in Parliament today may make it easier to adopt legislation to benefit women.” At the same time, he notices that such influence of women on policy making can only happen “when it is consistent with the agenda of the RPF leadership.” In addition, Longman points to the Rwandan context where discussions are constrained (see also below) meaning that a large presence of women in Parliament does not imply that women's interests are actually represented. Devlin and Elgie (2008) and Burnet (2008, 2011) indicate that the number of women in parliament has had some effect in terms of the policy agenda, with women's issues being raised more easily and more often with the increase of the number of female MPs, but with the increase of the number of female MPs having a limited effect on policy outcomes. In fact, Devlin and Elgie (2008) and Burnet (2008, 2011) contend that few legislative gains were made after the institution of gender quota in the 2003 constitution. With our focus on the

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definition of female political representation among female representatives, our study may put these findings in a broader perspective. For example, if female representatives preliminarily point to elements of symbolic representation, this may give a reason for the limited substantial influence women have been found to have. In such a case, they may find their symbolic role to be more important than having a substantial role in policy making. In any case, when studying a developing country such as Rwanda, it should be borne in mind that the country is considered to be an authoritarian state and “not free” (Freedom House, 2010), with limited possibilities for criticism of Kagame and his ruling party (the RPF) (Reyntjens, 2004, 2011). Post-conflict governance in Rwanda continues to face democratic weaknesses, including broad political intolerance and attacks on politicians critical of the RPF (Coffé, 2011; Reyntjens, 2011). During the months leading up to the 2010 Presidential elections, Victoire Ingabire, opposition leader and President of the UDF (United Democratic Forces) was subjected to house arrest and André Kagwa Rwisereka, vice-president of the green party DGPR (Democratic Green Party Rwanda) was murdered. In addition, there is limited scope and place for political debate. Ordinary citizens fear challenging the government and discussing political issues (Beswick, 2010; Coffé, 2011; Hintjens, 2008) and the main parties do not consider themselves to be in opposition. Reyntjens (2011, p. 12) refers to a meeting of the Liberal Party in 2008 where one of its leaders said: “We are not here to oppose President Kagame, but to build the nation. Rwanda does not need a European-type of opposition.” In a similar vein, Coffé (2011, p. 582) observed how politicians who were involved in the 2010 presidential campaign and who were affiliated with another party than the RPF questioned the relevance of presenting a presidential campaign, since “the country was evolving in a good direction” and were thus themselves supporting Kagame's policy. The Rwandan electoral code also specifies that it is prohibited to “abuse or defame in any manner whatsoever another candidate” (Article 30). As happened during previous electoral campaigns, the candidates challenging Kagame in the 2010 Presidential elections also belonged to parties that were close to Kagame and his RPF (Coffé, 2011; Reyntjens, 2011). In sum, the Rwandan political system is characterized by limited party competition and political diversity. Moreover, the Parliament “lacks the capacity to serve as vigorous checks on executive authority” and has little influence on policy making (Beswick, 2010; Hintjens, 2008; Pearson & Powley, 2008, p. 38; Reyntjens, 2006). Indeed, most laws are developed by technocrats in the ministries or within the RPF executive council, after which the parliament is asked to pass them.2 Highly centralized power of the executive discourages full participation of the MPs who are generally not deeply involved in policymaking and outcomes, unless they are key figures within the RPF. As a consequence, Rwandan female MPs lack the ability to influence policy and carry out their job in particular circumstances and face unique challenges compared to female MPs in high-income, Western contexts. In addition, they have strong incentives to follow the policies dictated by the RPF so that they “retain their seats in parliament, which come with generous salaries, stipends, great social prestige and many other benefits.” (Burnet, 2011, p. 315; Longman, 2006).

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Data and method To study the conceptions of female political representation among Rwandan female representatives, we used the Q methodology. 3 The Q methodology was found by Stephenson (1935) and provides a foundation for the systematic study of subjectivity, and explores tastes, feelings, preferences, sentiments, judgments, etc. (Brown, 1993). The results from a Q study are clusters (or factors) that are “functional rather than logic” (De Graaf, 2011, p. 292). The factors are thus not logically constructed by the researcher, but are gathered from the empirical data. The Q methodology has been used in various fields, for example policy studies (e.g., De Graaf, 2011; Van Eeten, 2000), studies of health and illness (e.g., Stenner, Dancey, & Watts, 2000), and women's studies such as women's perspectives on mathematics, young adults' constructions of gender conformity and non-conformity, and female executives' understanding of their work environments (Anderson, 2004; Brownlie, 2006; Oswald & Harvey, 2003). The Q methodology has – to the best of our knowledge – not been previously used in research on female political representation, as such enlarging the toolkit for research on female political representation. The opportunity the methodology offers to study subjective points of view (in our case related to female political representation), makes it a very suitable method in our exploration of conceptions of female representation among Rwandan female representatives. Moreover, the Q methodology does not require a large number of subjects, with many Q studies involving between 12 and 20 Q participants, in order to get reliable results (Thomas & Baas, 1992; Webler, Danielson, & Tuler, 2009). Hence, it is a well-suited method for our explorative study in which 14 female members of the Rwandan Parliament (Lower House of Representatives and Senate) participated. The MPs studied were affiliated with different parties, had different levels of experience and power and were nominated as an MP in different ways. Note, however, that while our sample of female MPs is diverse in terms of party affiliation, actual diversity in party affiliation is limited (see above). Most parties support and belong to the RPF's cartel. Moreover, observers have argued that some individuals have switched parties as an intentional RPF strategy to control the political arena. 4 In addition, women elected to seats reserved for women were nominated, or at least vetted, by the RPF via the Forum of Political Organizations. Hence, as Burnet (2011, p. 310) notes, “most of these women owe allegiance to the RPF, rather than to the constituencies who elected them.” Table A in Appendix A provides an overview of the main characteristics of the interviewed MPs: party affiliation, 5 the method of election (directly, under quota or nominated), 6 and membership of the Lower House or Senate. The Q method starts with a sample of statements about a topic (in our case statements with respect to female political representation). Our Q set consisted of 23 statements taken from theories and previous research on female political representation.7 Each statement referred to one of the conceptions of female political representation, and each conception was approximately equally represented (ranging between 5 and 7 statements) (Table 2 below includes an overview of the statements. A French translation of the statements is provided in Appendix A Table A). 8 Using a

quasi-normal distribution (see Fig. 1), participants were asked to carry out a card-sorting task using the 23 statements related to female political representation (referred to as Q sorting). Each statement had to be placed in this frame with a quasinormal distribution which included exactly 23 (the number of statements) squares. In standard Q-sort fashion, the statements were ranked along a continuum from “most like how I think” (coded +3) to “least like how I think” (coded −3). This encouraged the participants to think systematically about the relationships between the statements, and the participants gave subjective meaning to the set of statements and revealed their subjective viewpoint. After the statement sorting, participants were asked to provide some brief supplementary comments. In particular, we asked for more information about the two statements considered to be most similar to how they thought and the two statements that they considered to be least similar to how they thought. Such information, which was transcribed, facilitated the analyses and the description of the different factors. The data were analyzed using the PQ Method Program (Centroid extraction method and Varimax rotation method). Factors of subjects who illustrate a high level of commonality with each other emerged from the analysis. The result is a factor Q sort (factor array) for each factor that represents a particular idea (in our case about female political representation). The scores reported (+3, +2, …) (see Table 2) are, in effect, factor scores that have been placed back in the original Q sort format (in our case, ranging from −3 to + 3; see Fig. 1). The factors are best understood by examining how a statement is ranked compared to other statements of the same factor. Particularly important are the statements at the extremes (−3 and +3), because the participants feel most strongly about these statements. Furthermore, comparing the rank of a statement across factors is helpful in reconstructing a factor. Results Our Q analysis led to the selection of three factors. These three factors fulfill standard criteria, with each factor presenting an Eigenvalue greater than 1 and at least one participant loading significantly onto the factor. With the exception of one participant, each of the 14 female representatives correlated significantly on one of the three factors. Most of the participants also clearly load on one particular factor indicating that they are substantially different from one another. Factor 2 has statistically significant positive and negative correlations of participants, thereby representing “Least like how I think” -3

-2

“Most like how I think” -1

0

1

Fig. 1. Fixed distribution of the Q set.

2

3

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two opposing policy arguments (Factor 2a and Factor 2b). Table 1 shows the factor loadings of the 14 participants on the three different factors. Table 2 presents the factor array scores for the three factors. As mentioned above, the scores reported (+3, +2, …) are, in effect, factor scores that have been placed back in the original Q sort format. Hereafter, each factor will be interpreted and described using the characterizing and distinguishing statements. Some explanations provided by the participants after the Q sorting are provided between quotation marks to illustrate the way of thinking for female representatives and to support the description of that viewpoint. 9 The statements from the Q set are written in italics. The corresponding numbers of the statements are noted in parentheses.

Table 2 Factor Arrays. Statements

F1

1

−2 −3

2 3 4

5 6

7

Factor 1: focus on symbolic representation and power Five of the participants who participated in our study define the first factor. They are affiliated with different parties and were elected into Parliament in different ways (see Table A). They emphasized the idea that Female MPs encourage women's engagement in public life (#19). They believed that “having women in Parliament stimulates other women to become active in politics.” Furthermore, the women defining the first factor reported high values to the statements Having more women in Parliament will affect the amount of trust women in society have in politics (#11), and Greater representation of women in Parliament will motivate women in society to accept political responsibilities (#4). As one of the participants defining the first factor and who holds a key position in Parliament (Senate) stated: “The Parliament is a superior institution. If women are involved in such institutions, they stimulate other women to take responsibilities on other political levels.” The female MPs forming Factor 1 also insisted on in the statement The position and power women have in Parliament is more important than the number of female representatives in Parliament (#10). In other words, they undermine the idea of the so-called critical mass theory (Thomas, 1994) which argues that the degree to which women make a difference within representative institutions depends on their numbers or proportion within such institutions. One participant, who

8 9

10

11 12 13

14

15 16 17

18 19

20 21

Table 1 Factor matrix between participants and factors.

22

Participant

Factor 1

Factor 2

Factor 3

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

0.16 0.12 0.80a 0.10 0.75a 0.14 0.21 0.54a 0.38 0.42a 0.67a 0.15 0.46 0.17

− 0.18 0.12 − 0.12 0.37 0.15 0.63a 0.30 − 0.12 0.52a 0.13 0.14 − 0.14 − 0.74a 0.04

0.91a 0.68a 0.20 0.48a 0.24 − 0.02 0.47a 0.29 0.20 0.07 0.20 0.77a 0.09 0.32

a

Defining sort.

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23

Half of the MPs should be female because half of the population is female. The Parliament should include the best politicians, whatever their sex is. Female MPs enhance the identification of women in society with the political system. Greater representation of women in Parliament motivates women in society to accept political responsibilities. Policy outcomes differ depending on how many women or men are in Parliament. Male MPs are as capable as female members to push for changes to improve the status of women in society. The presence of female MPs influences the culture of Parliament toward a more family friendly work environment. With more women in Parliament, problem solving is more cooperative and based on consensus. The introduction of gender quotas is important for the equal representation of women and men in Parliament. The position and power women have in Parliament is more important than the number of female representatives in Parliament. Having more women in Parliament increases the level of trust women in society have in politics. The presence of women in Parliament encourages political discussion among women in society. Attention for equality between men and women comes from female MPs rather than from male members. Female MPs are more motivated than male members by social concerns and caring for the needy. If women want to be active in politics, they have to adapt to the rules of the political game. The presence of women in Parliament influences the language and behavior of male MPs. The equal political representation of women and men in Parliament increases the legitimacy of the Parliament. Women in Parliament are important and positive examples for women in society. Greater representation of women in Parliament motivates women in society to engage actively in public life. Male and female MPs can represent the interests of female voters equally well. Female MPs are elected to represent the interests of all their constituents irrespective of sex. Female MPs often have different views on policy issues in comparison to male members. Political power and political language will always be masculine.

F2

F3 1

0 −3 −2 −1

1

0

2

0

3

0 −2

0

−1

3 −1

1

0

0

−2

2

0

0 −2

2

3 −1 −2

2

0

3

1 −1

1

1

−1

0

0 −1

1

0

2 −3

0 −1 −1 −1 −2

1

1

1

2

3

0

2

−3 2 −2

3 −2 2

1

1 −1

−3 −1 −3

has a key position in Parliament (Senate) herself, argued that “the number is important, but to be able to influence politics, you need to have power. Women will have more influence when one of them holds a higher position in Parliament (e.g., President or Vice-President of the Lower House or Senate) than when they are all only ordinary MPs.” Compared to most other female representatives, those defining the first factor distinguished themselves by their greater support for the idea that The Parliament should include the best politicians, whatever their sex is (#2). They generally underlined the

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importance of possessing the necessary capacities and skills, and numeric descriptive ideas about female political representation were considered of secondary importance. They also took a neutral stance regarding the introduction of gender quotas even though some MPs representing the first factor were elected via the quota system themselves (#9) and had little affinity with the idea that Half of the MPs should be female because that is the percentage of the female population (#1). The participants defining Factor 1 were also not very supportive of the idea that Problem solving in Parliament is more cooperative and based on consensus with more women in Parliament (#8). One female representative exemplifying Factor 1 reported that “as MPs, women are similarly compared to men. They jointly take decisions.” At the same time and similar to most other female representatives, participants defining the first factor rejected the idea that Political power and language will always be masculine (#23), arguing that the time that politics was a male thing is gone. They also showed little support for the statement that Female MPs often have different views on policy issues in comparison to male members (#22), and they took neutral stances on the statements that Policy outcomes differ depending on how many women or men are in Parliament (#5) and Male members are as capable as female members to push for changes to improve the status of women in society (#6). This does not mean that male and female representatives are similar in all respects. Women who load on Factor 1 generally rejected the idea that Female MPs can represent the interest of female voters equally well (#20). As one participant defining this Factor stated: “Women are more sensitive with respect to the interests of women. They are more concerned, they have experienced the same problems.” So, even though this group of female MPs put little emphasis on substantive effects of female representation on policy outcomes, they did recognize that they are female and thus more sensitive to certain issues than are men. Overall, the female representatives in this group associated female political representation mostly with symbolic representation and emphasized the need for power rather than numeric presence. Factor 2: focus on substantive representation Three of the 14 participants of our study, with each affiliated with different parties and elected both directly and via reserved seats (see Table A), exemplified Factor 2. However, one of the defining participants loaded negatively on the factor (see Table 1). Hence, the factor is a so-called bipolar factor with two opposing viewpoints expressed by the participants who define it. The two resulting factors (Factor 2a and Factor 2b) mirror one another, making it necessary to present two narrative accounts for Factor 2. Factor 2a: no substantive policy effect of female political representation The participants loading positively on Factor 2 distinguished themselves from the other female representatives by their support for the statement that Male and female MPs can represent the interest of female voters equally well (#20). At the same time, they did not recognize themselves in the idea that Policy outcomes differ depending on how many women and men are in Parliament (#5). As one of the female representatives

defining this factor described: “Some women do not understand me. They do not understand the rights of women. By contrast, some men are good in defending the rights of women and family.” The two participants defining Factor 2a also believed that Female MPs are elected to represent the interests of all their constituents irrespective of sex (#21) and that Male MPs are as capable as female members to push for changes to improve the status of women in society (#6). One female representative argued as follows: “To talk about gender within the Parliament is not something only for women.” Compared to most other female representatives, those defining Factor 2a were less likely to define female political representation in symbolic terms. They had, on average, lower (midrange) ratings for statements such as, Greater representation of women in Parliament motivates women in society to accept political responsibilities (#4) and Having more women in Parliament increases the amount of trust women in society have in politics (#11). Furthermore, compared to most other female representatives, the women who loaded positively on Factor 2 put greater emphasis on the idea that If women want to be active in politics, they have to adapt to the rules of the political game (#15). One of the participants positioned this statement in the highest rank and argued that “Women have to integrate. They need to work hard. It is not a gift.” Another defining feature for the women defining Factor 2a, compared to the others, was their relatively limited support for the idea that Half of the MPs should be female because that is the percentage of women in Parliament (#1) and the argument that The introduction of gender quotas is important for the equal representation of women in Parliament (#9), even though one of them was herself a quota deputy. They also did not believe that equal representation of women and men in Parliament increases the legitimacy of the Parliament (#17). All this indicated the limited importance they attached to elements of descriptive representation. At the same time, however, they gave little support for the idea that The Parliament should include the best politicians, whatever their sex is (#2). Hence, they combined ideas which one would not expect to correlate considering the definition of descriptive representation. One of the representatives explained this seemingly remarkable combination of positions: “It is important to have the best politicians who have the necessary capacities. However, there are only 80 MPs who have to get elected. There are more capable men and women than 80. In other words, there is enough choice in order to have the best women and men.” They seemed to look for a balance between a focus on capacities and the numerical presence of women in Parliament. A further illustration for this balance is one of the women's remarks that “the introduction of quotas does not bother me, as long as it is based on capacities.” These arguments reflect the RPF's rhetoric about the idea that all citizens should be promoted on their merits.10 In summary, the female representatives defining Factor 2a highlighted ideas related to substantive representation, particularly in terms of policy, when talking about female political representation but see little substantive effect of such representation. They did not seem to believe that the presence of female representatives has a fundamental impact on policy outcomes. These feelings correspond with previous research which has shown that women's representation has little effect on policy outputs (Burnet, 2008, 2011; Devlin & Elgie, 2008). The two representatives, who both held their

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first mandate in Parliament at the time of interviewing, also had relatively low attention for ideas related to the symbolic representation and reported ambivalence about descriptive numerical representation of women. Factor 2b: substantive policy effect of female representation Factor 2b represents a reversal of the configuration of most statements that are characteristic for Factor 2a. The factor is represented by one female MP who loaded negatively on Factor 2. In general, she understood female political representation in substantive terms and highlighted the influence female MPs have on policy outcomes (#5). Using the examples of the introduction of a law on inheritance which established women's rights to inherit land and a bill on gender-based violence, she illustrated which influences the presence of women in Parliament have had on policy making and outcomes. She, again in contrast to those women loading positively on Factor 2, did not believe that Male and female MPs can represent the interest of female voters equally well (#20). In a similar vein, she reported lower scores on the statements that Female MPs are elected to represent the interests of all their constituents irrespective of sex (#21) and that Male MPs are as capable as female members to push for changes to improve that status of women in society (#6). Similar to the group defining Factor 2a, the participant exemplifying Factor 2b generally took a relatively neutral stance on ideas related to symbolic representation. Yet, in contrast to the participants forming Factor 2a, (but in line with those exemplifying Factor 1), she was supportive of the idea that The Parliament should include the best politicians, whatever their sex is (#2). At the same time, and in contrast to the women who defined factor 2b, she claimed that Half of the MPs should be female because that is the percentage of the female population (#1) and that The equal representation of women and men in Parliament increases the legitimacy of the Parliament (#17). So, as in Factor 2a, (but in the opposite direction), we find a combination of descriptive ideas about female representation which one might expect to correlate negatively but which are combined positively by the participant. There seemed to be a balance between the attention for the numeric presence of women and for the presence of the best politicians. Furthermore, and in line with the female representatives representing Factor 1, the respondent considered the statement that The position and power women have in Parliament is more important than the number of female representatives in Parliament (#10) of utmost importance. Being a senator and president of a commission, she argued that “As president or vice president of a commission, you have more to say. You have more influence. You can orientate things.” In sum, in comparison to those MPs loading positively on Factor 2 but also in comparison to the most other female representatives, this female MP highly valued ideas of substantial influence of female representation, in particular on policy making. Factor 3: focus on descriptive and symbolic representation Five female representatives, all affiliated with the RPF, form the group that exemplified Factor 3. Central in their viewpoints regarding female political representation is the need for the numerical presence of women in Parliament. They highly valued statements referring to the descriptive political representation of women: The introduction of gender quotas is important for the

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equal representation of women in Parliament (#9), The equal political representation of women and men in Parliament increased the legitimacy of the Parliament (#17), and Half of the MPs should be female because that is the percentage of the female population (#1). As one participant put it: “If there would have been no quotas; we would not be here.” Another participant referred to Kenya to indicate the importance of the introduction of quotas: “In Kenya, male politicians do not want to introduce gender quotas, but women do not have the same possibilities and resources as men to enter politics.” At the same time, female representatives defining this factor find the argument that The Parliament should include the best politicians, whatever their sex is (#2), less important. In contrast to the participants defining the Factor 1, there is general disagreement that The position and power women have in Parliament is more important than the number (#10). As one participant defining this factor explained: “When the president of the Parliament is a woman, she may have a lot of power, but she will not have that power on her own. We are more powerful when we are not on our own. We can do more when we are a large group.” All this supports the emphasis of the female representatives defining Factor 3 on the numeric presence of women in Parliament and the importance of a critical mass. As one female representative described: “We are creating a critical mass. We have to start with quantity. Then we can talk about quality.” In line with the female representatives who defined Factor 1, the female representatives who exemplify Factor 3 considered some issues referring to symbolic representation as key aspects of female political representation. For example, they believe that Having more women in Parliament will affect the amount of trust women in society have in politics (#11) and that Greater representation of women in Parliament will motivate women in society to accept political responsibilities (#4). One participant exemplified that “Previously women had to be encouraged to present themselves for political positions. Nowadays, women spontaneously present themselves and we have many female candidates.” Finally, in contrast to those women forming Factor 2a, female representatives adhering to Factor 3 rejected the idea that Women who want to be active in politics should adapt to the rules of the political game (#15). For example, one participant of this group said this: “When women participate in politics, they should do their own thing, in their own way. They don't have to do it the men's way. In that case, women will no longer recognize you as a woman.” Similarly, participants defining Factor 3 did not believe that Political power and political language will always be masculine (#23). One participant's comment addressed this point: “Politics is not a male thing. Women's participation and representation is a basic right.” It is clear that women in this group emphasized the numeric presence of women in Parliament. The focus of the RPF on the representation of women in major institutions and Kagame's role in advancing gender equality may relate to the emphasis on the importance of the descriptive representation of women among this group of female representatives who all belong to the RPF. Their answers seem to reflect the RPF's discourse. The female representatives representing Factor 3 focused on the idea presented in the critical mass theory and the need for a substantial number of women in Parliament, in contrast to the women exemplifying Factor 1 who focused on positional power. Similar to the female MPs

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representing Factor 1, however, those exemplifying Factor 3 recognize the symbolic effect of female politicians. Consensus statements Before concluding, it is interesting to look at the so-called consensus statements. These four statements did not distinguish between any pair of factors and thus expressed consensus among factors. They are: Female MPs enhance the identification of women in society with the political system (#3); The presence of female MPs influences the culture of Parliament towards a more family friendly work environment (#7); Women in Parliament are important and positive examples for women in society (#18); and Female MPs are elected to represent the interests of all their constituents irrespective of their sex (#21). From these four statements, the last was considered to be most important among the female representatives. Different female representatives argued that they have been elected both by men and women and that they should thus represent both. Others referred to the constitution that states (Article 64): “Every MP represents the whole nation and not just those who elected or nominated him or her or the political organization on whose ticket he or she stood for election.” Furthermore, some representatives related the issue of gender to the issue of family, as such including men and women. As one representative reported: “As a female MP, I represent the interests of the family which includes more than only women. I represent the whole community: women, men, sons and daughters.” Conclusion A growing body of research has investigated descriptive female political representation and its substantive and symbolic effect. To date, however, little scholarly attention has been devoted to the female representatives' own perspectives about female political representation and no study has empirically investigated conceptions of female political representation among female representatives. Yet, these perspectives and conceptions are important because they may eventually indicate how female representatives behave. Our study helps to fill this gap through exploring and describing the meanings and understanding of female political representation among Rwandan female representatives using the Q methodology which allows for the exploration of multiple conceptions about female political representation. Three unique types of conceptions regarding female political representation emerged from our analysis, indicating that not all Rwandan female representatives have similar conceptions of female political representation and view female political participation from the same perspective. One group, (Factor 3), treats the political representation of women mainly as a numbers game and focuses on descriptive representation. This group puts little emphasis on the substantive effect of female political representation but is aware of the symbolic effect they have. Another group (Factor 1) also associates female political representation with its symbolic function, but in contrast to Factor 3, these women ascribed greater value to power than to numbers. A final group (Factor 2) treats female political representation mainly as a substantive issue, but one sub-group saw a low substantive effect of female political representation and another sub-group emphasized the

substantive effect of female political representation on policy outcomes. Our analysis revealed some unexpected combinations of ideas that do not fit the theoretical conceptions of descriptive, substantive and symbolic representations. For example, the balance between capacities and numerical presence presented in Factor 2 shows the relevance of leaving conceptions of female political representation open. In general, however, we find some clustering around ideas of descriptive, substantive and symbolic representations. Furthermore, our study shows little emphasis among Rwandan female representatives on substantive policy effects. Some female representatives consider themselves as better at representing women because they have experienced the same problems and know the problems that women are facing. Some even argue that they have put gender issues on the political agenda. However, support for the idea that female representatives have a substantial influence on policy outcomes is limited. Rwandan female representatives value the function as role models more than an actual role in policy making. This may be related to previous research on female political representation in Rwanda (e.g., Burnet, 2008; Devlin & Elgie, 2008) which found a limited effect of female representation on policy outputs. Although we can obviously not confirm the causality of the relationship, the ideas most women have regarding female political representation and women's actual role and influence in Parliament do seem to be interrelated. At the same time, it is important to keep the Rwandan political context in mind, in which few policy differences between MPs are discussed in public. Indeed, during the interviews with the female representatives, it was often repeated that all MPs have generally the same ideas. As one female representative reported: “All MPs have to work together on issues which are good for the Rwandan society as a whole, for all Rwandan citizens. In general, all MPs have the same ideas and points of view. If everyone wants good things for society, there is not much difference between the MPs.” This attitude reflects very much the political environment and culture in Rwanda where political diversity is limited. In addition, previous reports and research indicated limited scope and place for political debate within Rwandan Parliament, and limited capacity of the MPs to check and influence executive authority (Gready, 2010; Longman, 2006; Pearson & Powley, 2008). The highly centralized power of the executive also “discourages full democratic participation regardless of gender” (Bauer & Britton, 2006, p. 23). Such limited opportunities to actually influence policy making, may be related to female MPs focus on their role model rather than their substantive role. Given the specific Rwandan context, it would be interesting to replicate the study in other developing, as well as established, democracies to verify to what extent our findings are specific for the Rwandan context. One case study can explore ideas in a particular setting and at a particular point in time, but the generalizability of these ideas to other nations and political settings obviously needs further examination. In particular, a comparative study using the same Q methodology and set of statements as those used in the current project would allow a direct comparison on how female MPs define female political representation in different political contexts.

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Although we concentrated on female representatives in this explorative study, future research could also include male representatives and study possible gender differences in conceptions about female political representation. Because they make up half (and in most countries, substantially more than half) of the representatives, male representatives influence the effects female political representatives will have. Hence, it would also be very relevant to know their perspectives and conceptions about female political representation. In the end, this single case study is not exhaustive but explored a general overview of conceptions related to female political representation that exists among female representatives in Rwanda. We believe that it represents the beginning of our understanding of what female representatives think about female political representation and that it is unique in empirically investigating conceptions related to female political representation among female representatives themselves. Furthermore, it included the different conceptions of female representation in one study, whereas most previous studies have focused on one of the different conceptions, and it considered differences between female representatives. It also illustrated the usefulness of the Q methodology and shows how Q methodology as a means of capturing ideas and conceptions about female political representation can add value to the research on political representation. We have further enlarged the toolkit for research on women in politics in general and female political representation, in particular.

End Notes 1 In the eighties, before the genocide of 1994, the percentage of women in – what was then called – the National Development Council ranged between 6.3% and 17.1% (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 1995). 2 We would like to thank one of the reviewers for pointing this out. 3 The Q exercise was part of in-depth interviews with female representatives regarding their ideas about female political representation, their policy interests and experiences. With the exception of two interviews, all interviews were conducted in French. The Q exercises were organized face to face with each MP individually in the Parliament in Kigali between October 6 and October 20, 2010. 4 We are grateful to one of the reviewers for calling attention to this issue. 5 Note that female MPs elected under quota may also be affiliated to a particular political party. 6 Recall that 24 of the 80 seats (30%) in the Rwandan Lower House are reserved for women and elected by specific councils (women's councils and district councils). Hence, these women are not elected in openly competed seats. However, others are directly elected by a PR system as member of a party. In the Upper House (Senate), some members are elected on the local administration level, and others are appointed by the President or other organs (e.g., universities and Forum of Political Parties). 7 It is a common practice in research using the Q-method to start from a theory or theoretical concepts. The main importance in the choice of statements is that the researcher selects statements that differ from one another in order to make the Q set broadly representative (Brown, 1980). Also, by starting from theoretical insights, Q studies may add to existing theories. In the case of our study, taking the three different perspectives on female representation (descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation) as our starting point, we were able to asses to what extent these different concepts which are often used in the literature on female representation, also occur among female representatives themselves. Note also that we offered the possibility to the participants to notify items they had missed in the statements at the end of the Q sorting exercise. We could not identify items that (a substantial number of) female representatives seemed to be missing among our statements related to female political representation. 8 For the conception of substantial representation, a distinction was made between effects of female representation on policy making and outcomes, and on political procedures and culture.

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9 Quotes are presented anonymously in the text to protect the individuals' identity. 10 While the official discourse of the RPF emphasizes equality between all citizens and promotion based on merits, country reports on Human Rights note different exceptions, including 215 Jehovah's Witness teachers being fired for failing to participate in government-sponsored solidarity camps on religious grounds (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, 2009). Commentators have also observed that when teachers and nurses were required to participate in solidarity camps, they were not allowed to return home unless they joined the RPF. These observations illustrate fundamental inequalities and the need to support or join the RPF in order to be hired or promoted.

Appendix A Table A French translation of statements. Statements 1

La moitié des membres du parlement devrait être féminine, puisque la moitié de la population est féminine. 2 Le parlement devrait inclure les meilleurs politiciens, n'importe quel sexe. 3 Des membres du parlement féminins renforcent l'identification des femmes dans la société avec le système politique. 4 Une plus grande représentation des femmes au parlement stimule des femmes dans la société à accepter des responsabilités politiques. 5 Le résultat du processus de décision politique est différent en fonction de la proportion des femmes et des hommes au parlement. 6 Les députés masculins sont aussi capables de forcer des changements contribuant à l'amélioration de la position des femmes dans la société que des membres féminins. 7 La présence des membres du parlement féminins contribue à l'évolution de la culture du parlement vers un environnement de travail plus favorable à la famille. 8 Avec une plus grande représentation des femmes dans le parlement, la résolution des problèmes se fait d'une manière plus consultative et basé sur le consensus. 9 L'introduction de quotas de sexe est importante pour la représentation égale des femmes dans le parlement. 10 La position et le pouvoir que les femmes ont dans le parlement sont plus importants que le nombre des femmes dans le parlement. 11 Une plus grande représentation de femmes au parlement augmente le niveau de la confiance que les femmes dans la société ont dans la politique. 12 La présence des femmes au parlement stimule des discussions politiques parmi les femmes dans la société. 13 L'attention pour l'égalité des femmes et des hommes vient plutôt des membres du parlement féminins que des membres masculins. 14 Les membres du parlement féminins sont plus motivés par des aspects sociaux et des soins des faibles en comparaison avec les membres masculins. 15 Si les femmes veulent être actives en politique, elles doivent s'adapter aux règles du jeu politique. 16 La présence des membres du parlement féminins influence la langue et le comportement des membres masculins. 17 La représentation égale des femmes et des hommes au parlement augmente la légitimité du parlement. 18 Les femmes au parlement sont des exemples importants et positifs pour les femmes dans la société. 19 Une plus grande représentation des femmes au parlement stimule des femmes pour s'engager activement dans la vie publique. 20 Les députés masculins et féminins peuvent représenter des intérêts de l'électorat féminin aussi bien. 21 Les membres féminins du parlement sont élus pour représenter les intérêts de tous les électeurs, quel que soient leurs sexes. 22 Les membres du parlement ont souvent des points de vue différents sur des questions de politique en comparaison avec des membres masculins. 23 Le pouvoir et la langue politique seront toujours masculins.

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Table B Description of participants. Participant Party Way of election affiliation 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

RPFa RPF RPF RPF PSDb PSD RPF PPCc None PLd PL

12 13 14

RPF RPF RPF

a b c d

Elected directly Elected directly Nominated by the President Elected directly Quota Elected directly Quota Nominated by the President Quota Quota Nominated by the forum of political parties Nominated by the President Elected directly Elected directly

Lower House/ Senate Lower House Lower House Senate Lower House Lower House Lower House Lower House Senate Lower House Lower House Senate Senate Senate Lower House

Rwandan Patriotic Front. Social Democratic Party. Party for Progress and Concord. Liberal Party.

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