Concerning the notion of ‘sub-region’: the French case

Geoforum, Vol. 6, pp. 125-136.

1975. Pergamon Press Ltd. Printed in Great Britain

Concerning the Notion of ‘SubRegion’: Zum Begriff “Subregion”

the French Case

im Falle Frankreichs

A propos de la notion de sous-rhgion : examen a partir du cas francais

H. NONN,

Strasbourg*

Summary: At least in France the sub-region is a living spatial entity. It is partly the heir of structures established in the pre-industrial epoch, receiving from the ancient ‘pays’ and old administrative structures the sense of belonging to a certain social cadre held by a population. For a long period the weak development of an hierarchy of urban services made most towns of equal standing, limiting the growth of commercial relationships end the dimensions of functional spaces. With the growth of en hierarchy of urban services, and improvement in accessibility the functional units have enlarged, breaking unequally the former cadres, and creating polarisations of various scales. Where the metropolises have not become dominant the sub-regions remain sufficiently autonomous, around a town of medium size. More often, in every case where local polarisations have been progressively effaced, and economic spaces have enlarged immeasurably and where the administrative region is seeking identity, the sub-region is reasserted as a social functional space in the pattern of customary life-style, and appears acceptable as a level in the operation of spatial management. Zusammenfassung: In Frankreich zumindest ist die Subregion eine rlumliche Realitlt. Sie ist z.T. Erbe der Strukturen aus vorindustrieller Zeit. Von den alten “Llindern” als Verwaltungseinheiten her umgibt die BevBlkerung ein Ansehen einer bestimmten sozialen Stellung. Eine lange Zeit hindurch differenzierten sich die Stedte kaum durch die Hierarchic der Dienstleistungen. Entsprechend stagnierten die Handelsbeziehungen und die Ausdehnung der Funktionalrtiume. Das lnderte sich mit dem Wachstum der Dienstleistungshierarchie. Mit der Verbesserung der Zu&nglichkeit konnten sich die funktionalen Einheiten ausdehnen. Damit brachen die alten Gefiige auf, und es entstenden Polarisationen verschiedenen AusmaRes. Sofern nicht Metropolen vorherrschend wurden, blieben jedoch die Subregionen rund urn eine Mittelstadt hinreichend autonom. Dariiberhinaus haben sich die Subregionen als soziale Gefiige-Einheiten sogar stabilisiert und bieten sich als Verwaltungskategorie an, gerade wenn die Polarisationsvorglnge und das wirtscheftsrlumlithe Wachstum unbewtiltigt bleiben. R&sumB: La sous-rggion est une entite spatiele vivante, du mains en France. Elle est en partie I’h&ti&re des structures mises progressivement en place B I’bpoque pr&industrielle, recueillant des anciens “pays” et des vieilles structures administratives le sentiment des populations d’appartenir B un certain cadre de vie sociele. Longtemps la faible hierarchisation des services offerts per les villes rend&t assez Bgeles les fonctions urbaines et limitait spatialement la vie de relations comme les dimensions des espaces fonctionnels. Ces unites fonctionnelles se sent certes Blargies, avec I’am&lioration de I’accessibilit8, la hierarchisetion des services, faisent inbgalement &later les cadres anciens, et cr&ent des polarisations d’ampleur. diverse. LB air les metropoles n’ont pu largement s’imposer, des sous-rkgions assez autonomes se sent confortbes autour d’une ville moyenne. Le plus souvent, en tous cas, tandis que s’effacent de plus en plus des polarisations trop locales et que les espaces Bconomiques s’8largissent pour leur part dbmesurbment tandis que la rbgion administrative se cherche encore, le niveau sous-rbgional en tant qu’espace social fonctionnel s’affirme sur le plan de la vie “habituelle” et apparait actuellement comme un Echelon susceptible d’Btre bien accept6 dens les operations d’ambnagement spatial.

As there

is a tendency

try to define undertake

structural

arises as to whether divisions,

in current

or explain

geographical

the concept

and regional

of region,

analysis,

literature

the question

it is valid to insist upon smaller

such as the ‘sub-region’.

to

and to spatial

One is in fact encouraged

to do so by the frequently organisation

space (KAYSER, ambiguity-cf.

Prof. Dr. Henri NONN, lnstitut de GBographie, Universitb LouisPasteur, 43 Rue Goethe, F-67 Strasbourg, France.

1969)

character

of regional

of ‘non-metropolised’

and even by the commonly (1971)-of

spatial organisations

noted

the notion which

could be

‘sub-region’.

The guiding factor definition

125

imperfect

by the existence

BEAUJEU-GARNIER

of region or dependent termed

l

evidenced

should

of the region.

naturally

JUILLARD

be the most accepted recently

re-examined

GeoforumiVolume G/Number 211975

126

the definition

(JUILLARD,

fact that it is based on a framework

1962, 1972). emphasising the system of flows, that it is a

of life in which a certain system of relations

functions and is its cohesive force. But as such frameworks

are not only the result of functional service relationships. Many elements intervene which affect the regularity of the distribution of spatial structural elements: natural ‘uneveness’ or the weight of history, the all to familiar

exist at different spatial levels, the region is “the level, just

limitation

below the national level, where the various forces, which

various kinds of borders or of the urban pattern.

are playing a role in economic and social life, acquire a structure and interact” (JUILLARD,

1972). From this point

of view, the subregion is essentially the same; it can be considered a dependent spatial unit animated by a ‘medium-sized’ town, which serves as a relay of a metropole and provider of more current services. The question is whether an approach, which relies on the organisation of a service hierarchy and of its distributive centres, as it does onthe use made of them, can be considered adequate.

imposed by administrative divisions, the role of

One also finds in geographical literature the concept of the sub-region which relies on characteristics derived from natural geography or cropping patterns and even on types of settlement and of living. (GALLOIS, 1908, p.59). This point of view is still found in numerous geography text books. The more-or-less explicit association of patterns resulting from landscapes woven by man’s past hold on his environment, and of those which derive from contemporary

socio

economic or demographic aspects, is used for the establish-

In countries like ours, with a long history of civilisation, it

ment of the subdivisions realised by I.N.S.E.E.

seems that the intermediary

National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques)

grades of spatial organisation

(Institut

‘agricultural regions! Similarly, areas are often distinguished which are noted for their dependence upon the same dominant economic factor, or even those affected by similar difficulties

(the

‘region’ or the ‘basin’ of the Lorraine coal fields, the ‘Valenciennois’,

etc.

.)

In short, closer consideration is called for: in the first place to clarify the notion itself; secondly to see more clearly if the subregion is, or ought to be, a coherent and structured spatial unit; and thirdly, if in that case it is clearly integrated into the geographical region by hierarchical processes, and what is its place in a regional planning policy.

1. The Place of the Pre-industrial ;

HAUTE-SAONE

Heritage

With respect to regional organisation, the past has bequeathed us both certain principles of standardisation and of subdivision which intervene to this day (cf. spread of agrarian systems). Because there was a lack of large scale commercial transactions, involving large numbers of people, at the time of the pre-industrial economies, the more obvious

Fig. 1 Departmental and district divisions of Lorraine: 1. actual frontiers of France 2. departmental boundaries 3. district boundaries.

regional structures were linked to aspects of the political or social life (CLAVAL, 1968, p. 312). which often had a markedly fragmented nature. A division of the land into ‘pays’, which is perpetuated by the nomenclature of present day school text books, appears

Verwaltungsgrenten in Lothringen: 1. Staatsgrenze 2. Departementgrenze 3. Distriktgrenze. La 1. 2. 3.

Lbrraine divisbe en departements et en districts: fronti&es actwelles de la France limite de departement limite de district.

to be the persistence of ancient subdivisions, still customary, of our regions. In fact this term cannot be likened to that of sub-region, considered as a functional structure, and history easily helps to prove this. However, certain entities cannot be contested; some are distinguishable by dominant physical aspects (the Sologne, the Crau, the Morvan, the Landes), others mainly by the forms of rural life (the Pays of Caux, the Beauce). But many have experienced historical

GeoforumlVolume G/Number 211975

127

vicissitudes, a good many variations in their dimensions and

by the French Revolution prolonged the existence of the

limits, in their very existence.

former regional framework.

In fact, a close look reveals that the ‘pays’ are not necessarily an exact and systematic interpretation

is

such structures, and makes it possible to assessthe first

of the preindustrial

types and dimensions of structured space of an

spatial organisation. L. GALLOIS does have the merit of

‘administrative’

having attempted to show that the permanence of a good

largest territorial

number of these ‘pays’ implies in the main the expression of

nature; (JUILLARD, 1964, 1967). The divisions of the ‘Ancien Regime are only

tolerably cohesive. The province in the 17th and 18th

a popular feeling of belonging to a space which is essentially rural.

Even if such an assertion

questionable, it at least expresses the permanent aspect of

centuries was principally of a military nature, and the

Certain ‘pays’ already existed in an ecclesiastical or an

‘g&&a/M

administrative form which covered them fairly well; others

essentially fiscal. It could also have been said

that at this moment the twelve large provinces of the ‘Etats

have constantly resisted being broken down by administrative

g&reraux’ only amounted to an official designation.

or political forces. This implies that the constitutional foundation of many ‘pays’ was not the systematic estab-

However, within these provinces the basis of a system of relations at an intermediate

lishment of hierarchical ties, or those of domination.

level was taking form, in

accordance with the improvement of transport and the

One cannot here, of course, deny the organising role of

beginnings of the development of a hierarchy of urban

towns. But obviously the ‘pays’ can only be identified with

poles. The Constituent Assembly found there its inspiration

the city, which is its animating influence, if there have been

when creating the departments.

real and reciprocal interactions between the town and its surrounding countryside, and if the town has represented a

This study also prompts the consideration ofprevious

symbol of social cohesion.

polarisations

urban

The most irn-portant point is undoubtedly

the

very poor hierarchical organisation of the towns. It was The organising influence of government-including government-of

urban

more a regular distribution of fairs and markets of local

a precise nature, has affected these close

ties and the community

interest; the services in different towns, even of different

conscience.

sizes, were very similar, the absence or insufficiency of a hierarchical organisation being both the cause and the

For that reason we must give some consideration to the weight of forme,r administrative divisions. They only really set in motion a territorial division into units of subregional size after the growth of centralised authority.

Going beyond

the parish or the commune, the fief has never been anything but an entity based on individual feudal relationships. ‘A castle-ward’ writes B. GUENiE, “is foremost a feudal and domainial reality.

. ,, linked to a castle are, on the one hand,

the lands and the immediate rights held by the feudal lord, on the other, the fiefs held from him.

. .” thus, ‘I. . .

generally speaking it is comprised of an enclosed town, its outskirts, and three or four nearby villages entirely dependent on the castle,: revolving round this nucleus, but separated from it, the estates and fiefs, either in groups or individually, are strewn across the countryside in such a way that, properly speaking, a castle-ward appears as an ill defined arrangement.

. of interlocking units” (GUENCE,

1963, p.68). What awareness could the common people have had of spatial organisation) From the thirteenth century onwards, this arrangement alters owing to dependence on larger, royal castle-wards. At the end of the Middle Ages, a unit thought of in the tl’opr&

twelfth century as an area dependent on a distant castle, is considered with reference to the nearest castle which encompasses it. The idea of personal ties is superceded by that of proximity, administration.

.

or of location, and by that of royal

Then in the fourteenth century comes the

progressive establishment of bailiwicks. One may consider that the cantons and the districts created

J

c ClaVerle

I1!313!

_\*__’

Fig. 2

. .

Catchment areas of urban centres in South-West France, around 1820. EinfluRbereiche stsdtischer Zentren in Sldfrankreich urn 1820 Les espaces structur6s autour des villes et des bourgs en Aquitaine et Languedoc vers 1820 (d’aprss J.P. CLAVERIE, 1973)

Geoforum/Volume

128

consequence [cLAVAL,

of a deficient

an elementary local polarisation in 1820, because of a lack

‘regional’ framework.

1968, pp. 319-325,

JUILLARD

11979, 1972:

western regions), CLAVERtE f3973, for Aquitaine and Languedoci, WE&E

11963, p.48, Paris

region).]

A study of

well-known cases shows that as far as ‘a functional organisation of space’ is concerned, certain ‘pays’ still only knew

of

Type of activity: 1. matal transformation, ironmongarr;, press, rolling, 2. basic metallurgy: foundary, steel, 3. mechanical construction, machine too& 4. electrical enginaering, screw Gutting, precision mechanics, 5. chemical industry, 6. wood, paper, furnitures, food, building. (From 6. DEZERT)

Standorte der Fabriken und Zulieferer der Peugeot-Gruppa, 1. Fabriken der Peugeot-Gruppe, 2. Fabriken direkter Zulieferer, 3. Fabriken indirek?ar Zuiiaferer. BescMftigte:

Die Kreisfllchen sind proportional zur

‘sub-regianal’ poles. Those at a distance from the and the currents

innovation could only form a structure

round

atomistic market towns (Corbieres, Sundgau.

of small

. .).

On the whole a historical approach only partially throws

Beschlftigtenzahl f 1966-671,

in Tausend.

Produktionstyp: 1, Metallverarbeitung, PreR- und Walzwerke, 2. Stahlerzeugung, Giegerei, 3. Meschinenbau, 4. alektrische Aggregate, Feinmechanik, 5. chemisehe Produkrion, 6. Hofzund Papienterarbeitung, Nahrun~smi~el, Bau.

Locstion of factoriss: 1. Factories of tha Peugeot-group, 2. factories of Peugeot’s direct sub-contractors. 3. factories of Peugeot’s indirect sub-contractors. Nwrrber ofe~pioyees: The circles are proportionais to the personnel employed at the factories flB65-67): numbers in thousands.

real

main fines of communization

Luxation of factories and sub-contractors of the Peugeot-group.

Fabrikstandorte:

G/Number 2/1975

e

fmplantation de5 usines du groupe Peugeot et da ses sowtraitants. Localisation des mines: 1. wines du groupe Peugeot, 2. kahiissement sous-traitant direct f&n&alement partielf de Peugeot, 3. &ablissement sous-traitant indirect. fmportenca c&s effectifs: cerclas prpportionnels aux personnels sur les lieux des etablissements (1965-1967) Nature d’activit& 1. transformation des metaux, quincaillerie,

emboutissage.laminage, 2. m&allurgia de base, funderie, acikie, 3. construction m&xnique, apparaillage, 4. BtectrotiCanique, decoftatage, m&xnique de p&&on, 6. industrie chimique, 6. b&r, papeterie, meubles, afimentation, batiment.

GeoforumIVolume G/Number 211975

light on theproblem

129

The hierarchical systems progressively assert themselves in

of the sub-region and of the region-

but at least it permits to underline the following aspects:

these conditions, the former spatial reality ‘explodes’. Between the residential districts and place of work or

allegiance (ancient. but ill-defined) and the progressive frameworks which transfer

to the benefit of a territory

the earlier personal links.

(b) The frameworks are principally

and selective diversification

of services as with the widening scope of demand. Under

(a) The outline of spatial frameworks going beyond local horizons relies on a dual basis: an awareness of territorial organisation of institutional

keeping with the concentration

shopping and service centres an ever greater disassociation is established, whereas, at the same time, the possibilities to escape, grow. A. FREMONT even sees a “divorce between

those of social relation-

man and location”. Superficially,

this would appear totally

ships in which they add to the feeling of sharing the same

with the present state of affairs. However, some observations

way of life. When the organising elements more or less

can be made.

combined, and reinforced each other, then the ‘pays’ and On the introduction

‘sub-regions’ (or regions) were able to emerge. In other cases, different territorial

of railways, taking into account a

certain economic uniformity,

units were partially identified

cross roads were relatively

regularly distributed, and classed simply according to the

with a specific spatial organisation.

number of branches and the classification of the roads Thus spatial dimensions are defined by the migratory

(JUILLARD, 1970). By increasing the speed of communi-

horizons of “regionalising towns” (R. SCHWAB, 1972). by

cations at least fivefold, and favouring the chief towns of

the “espace v&u”

the department as railway junctions, the railways both

(the area defined through personal

relationships), which for A. FR~MONT is “the circle of marriages,

widened the dimensions of regional life, and created or

, . inheritences, property, festivities, encounters,

increased the economic functions superimposed upon the

upon which is superimposed the hierarchy of local centres

administrative functions. Next, the appearance of the motor

and of towns (F&MONT

car modified the network, conserved from the 19th century

(c)

1973).

In fact, very often, to try to distinguish region and sub-

region, before the industrial era, is undoubtedly to solve a falseproblem.

an attempt

Real regions are then but few; thus

road system; by the intensity of traffic caused by industry or transit, and the importance of road junctions was diversified.

it is not possible to give this name to every specific historical

By correlation,

entity, nor to certain extensive economic areas, such as the

introduce changes of yet a different nature, establishing

economic field of the Rhine. E. JUILLARD has preferred the

‘labour recruiting zones’, supply areas of agricultural

the urban and industrial concentrations

designation “an economic region to the scale of the period”

products and purchasing zones. In several areas dense

for areas drained by collecting poles for rural products,

‘industrial basins’ are superimposed on a rural network, or

taking into account the time taken for transport and the

subcontract

state of the roads (cf. the Mans region about 1830,

radiate employment

JUILLARD, 1972a). Within these regions “chief towns of

ing existing equilibria:

districts, never at a distance of more than 2 or 2% hours

Choletais.

networks depending upon an organising centre in workshops and factories, transform mining districts, Porte de Bourgogne,

..

travel” offered about the same level of services as the At the same time, the volution of demands for services

principal poles. This being so, region and sub-region are

leads, quantitatively

practically indistinguishable!

and qualitatively,

to the development

of more clearly defined hierarchies of urban centres and to selective use of their amenities; this gives rise to the

2. Disturbances and New Elements Introduced the Modern Technological Era

by

flourishing of ‘regional urban networks’ (cf. HAUTREUX and ROCHEFORT, 1965).

The functional and coherent cells,,inherited from the pre-

At this point the question again arises as to how one can

industrial period, experience a considerable change with the

distinguish subregional entities. By analogy with what has

revolution in the methods of transport and the

what has been said about the ‘pays’, the term subregion

transformations

does not apply to those areas solely defined by their sharing

induced in the economic structures. Their

inherent momentum,

made of men, labour, capital and local

the same way of life, the same demographical position nor

resources is completely upset. The more fragile and less

the same landscape network reflecting a dominant activity.

organised cells, removed from the influence of innovations, and confined within a self-sufficient system, weaken,

to reveal structures capable of characterising spatial ‘groups’

But one cannot deny that these elements or positions help

lose their labour force or are absorbed by the most dynamic

or ‘subgroups’.

areas more fully endowed with progressive elements. On the

systematically study all workings of the spatial systems

other hand a certain number, mutually strengthening of communications to these riew polarisations.

integrated by the

and trade axes, respond

In order to identify them, one must

without attempting to favour the displacement poles ol; the general flows, It does in fact happen that they translate only a part of their working system.

GeoforumlVolume G/Number

130

211975

On the other hand, real sub-regions impose themselves where

For this reason this approach must be devoted to the “research of realities” (BRUNET, 1972, p.654) and to the

the regional capital has not been ‘regionalising’ and has only

identification

shown a belated interest in establishing an important hold

of cases of actual, functionally

animated,

over the surrounding area. More concerned with playing a

highly coherent subregions having a certain ‘autonomy’.

glamorous or lucrative role, the regional capital has turned An example which seems to be interesting is that of areas

towards, for example, international trade. For this reason

where the regional metropolis has lacked the means of

Strasbourg considered itself for a long time more as a

imposing itself. The polarisation which it would normally

Rhenish town than as the capital of Alsace. In the same way.

exercise has not been able to render dependent on its

ports such as Nantes or Bordeaux have had priority

impulsive force and energy, all those spatial functions which might be expected, by the level and quality of its services.

such ports, Umland and Hinterland

In fact when the ‘time-distance’ factor, which seperates the

cannot be confused.

This being so, the way has long been open for medium-

surrounding area from the capital town, becomes prohibitive,

sized towns, and even small-sized towns, to carry out, for

it is the medium-sized towns, backed up by former pre-

their inhabitants, the functions of distributing service

industrial relations, and in many cases by the strength of the departmental administrative structure which represent the

centres, animating and stimulating the region. In Alsace. Colmar and Mulhouse are important enough to limit

principal animative poles. Thus, these towns animate a region of admittedly

Strasbourg’s immediate role to the Basse Alsace and a few

restricted size, but not a definite subordinate

bordering neighbourhoods (cf. maps of the Atlas de I’Est;

subregion. For example, in the south of France, rich in its ancient urban tissue, Bayonne, Pau in Aquitaine, Perpignan,

1963;

JUILLARD,

1973). And even in the department

NONN,

Narbonne, Montpellier or Nimes in Languedoc-Roussillon spring to mind (cf. regional atlas of these regions, and DUGRAND, 1963).

Fig. 5 .

Troves. 1.

F&. 4 l

Catchment

areas of regional

1.

preferential

2.

attachments

catchment

centres

in the middle

Loire;

urbancentres

to the

regional

.

.

boundaries

of departments.

EinfluBbereiche

regionaler

1.

bevorzugtes

2.

deutliche

3.

Departmentsgrenzen.

1-2 journeys 3-5 journeys

per weekday

4.

6-9 journeys

per weekday

5.

more

than

bus journeys:

on weekdays

3.

Troyes.

per weekday

10 journeys

per weekday.

Zentren

an der mittleren

Loire:

Umland

HBufigkeit

nicht

jeden

werkt?iglicher

Busverbindungen:

Tag Verkehr

2.

1-2

Fahrten

pro Werktag

3.

3-5

Fahrten

pro Werktag

4.

6-9

Fahrten

pro Werktag

5.

mehr

als 10 Fahrten

pro Werktag.

AttraktivitStsrichtungen .

Troyes. 1.

.

of weekday always

2.

1.

capitals 3.

Frequency

not operating

areas

of subordinate

Les sires d’influence 1.

zones

d’influence

2.

rattechement

3.

limites

des centres

r8gionaux:

pref&entielle

des petits

de d8partements.

relais

urbains

aux centre

r&gionaux

interests

in which their regions have not played a sufficient role; for

Nombre

ne fonctionne

de services pas tous

d’autobus les jours

2.

1-2 services

par jour

ouvrable

3.

3-5 services

par jour

ouvrable

4.

6-9 services

par jour

5.

plus

de 10 services

ouvrable par jour

par jour

ouvrables

ouvrable.

ouvrable:

Geoforum/Volume

G/Number 2/1975

river Sambre, the ‘Pays de Maubeuge’, just as on the river

of the Bas-Rhin, centres relaying Strasbourg have been to impose themselves on a ‘sub-region’; Haguenau for example.

Escaut, the ‘Valenciennois’,

In the neighbourhood of Nantes and Bordeaux, Rennes or

are old iron and steel industrial districts, the former still

Angers, Angoullme

or Perigueux have not lacked such

are distinguished in that both

poorly linked with the subgroups in the west of the region,

possibilities.

and both coming to grips with industrial conversion, and

In the aforementioned

both still far from being integrated into the ‘metropolitan

cases, the sub-regions which have

emerged are not, however, exactly structurally comparable. Even if their existence is proved by the study of the urban polarisations of these sub-regions, this is not sufficient to

area’ which nowadays extends as far as Arras and links up with the ‘Pays Noir’ district between Bethune and Douai. At the same time a coastal subregion in the midst of transformation

describe them, so different are the regional densities, the

is being organised, due to the efforts under-

taken around the Dunkerque pole, and the fact that it is still

historical and economic conditions, so distinctive is the

cut off from the Lille area by a rural zone. In this division

urban pattern.

into subgroups, Lille’s role was hindered by the primacy of The example of Alsace is a good illustration where multiple

long dominant relations of the northern centres with Paris,

factors even lead to a veritable rivalry between subregion

or by the extra-regional links and objectives of their

and region. The high density of the regional population

industrial activities.

(190/km*),

dense urban network precociously dynamic, and

activities turned towards a market economy at an early stage, play the most important role. All these factors

Lorraine industrial districts where extra-regional investment

explain today’s ‘urban way of thinking’ marked by frequent recourse to towns. The ‘intermittent

nature’ of

Strasbourg’s regional role is also well known. The Rhenish emporium

from the 13th to 15th centuries, but slightly

orientated towards a hold on the hinterland,

and the Counter-Reformation,

of the original subregions constitued by the Longwy iron and steel basin, the ‘Pays Haut’ which ‘gives on to Thionville,

Of course the subgroups arising in this way are, for the

control of the traffic for the length of the Vosges in the the Reformation

and markets are dominant has allowed the individualisation

or the coal mining districts.

left the

hands of the Piedmont towns. The trials and tribulations

It could be even more enlightening to observe how the frailty of the directional role of Nancy and Metz over the

of

the seven-

most part, of a different nature from those previously mentioned. Here the homogeneous characteristics of

teenth century wars, and the sharing of the political or

countryside and of dominant activities, which are reinforced

religious administrative role, gave several cities the oppor-

today by the difficulties of an excessively specialised

tunity of keeping considerable influence based on close

industrial economy, are an integral part of their structure.

economic and social relations between town and country.

At all events, this structure has done more to individualise

Then Mulhouse organised its own economic space at the

the subgroups within the region in which they developed

time of its growth associated with the textile industry.

than tointegrate

In fact Strasbourg only acquired a really regional role when a connection was made between the development of Strasbourg as a route centre by modern transport methods (1840-1910), (1871-1919)

its role as capital of the annexed Land and its final industrialisation.

(The return in

1919 to the level of chief town of a department has partially interrupted this development until the creation of ‘regions de programme’).

Mulhouse and Colmar were thus able to

construct subregional areas based on a complex network of well rooted relationships, and it has been possible to study which historic, even economic conditions (such as the diffuse character of industrialisation) have allowed centres of even less importance to keep up a subregional (NONN, 1974).

role

them into it.

Other categories of factors than the metropolis limited field of influence, have been able to contribute towards the vitality of subregions. With the above mentioned examples of Lorraine, or the ‘Nord’, the role of economic relationships was brought to mind. No doubt much could be said concerning them. For example, whereas, Normandy

is

increasingly integrated, on this level, into a greater Paris region, Brittany, further removed and less directly in the sphere of influence of the capital, is split up into distinct economic entities, separated by economic objectives which are different at Rennes or Brest, at Quimper or St. Malo, at Vannes or St. Brieuc. Furthermore,

while the press is talking

about a project to unite the two Norman regional planning authorities, it reveals at the same time that the ‘Comite

In other French regions the strengthening of subregional entities in relation to metropolises is the result of different

d’etude et de liaison des interets bretons’ (C.E.L.I.B.)

factors. The growth of industrial basins, over which large

for, and bestowing of administrative structures on, the

towns do not exercise sufficient control, gave rise to a

‘pays’: Cornouailles, Me&, Rance.

spatial structure of relatively autonomous subgroups. The

(Breton action committee)

proposes official recognition pays of Redon or of the

the north of France is split up into several areas, and continued to be thus subdivided until quite recently; on the

In the importance of the economic relations between

132

GeoforumlVolume

G/Number

northern Lorraine and the Sarre, Belgium or Luxembourg,

elements contribute towards the creation of a certain

can be readily found one of the reasons for the present

‘self-awareness’.

211975

assertion of the ‘subregions’ of Sarreguemines, Forbach-StAvold, Thionville and Longwy in relation to the spatial organisation of Lorraine around the Metz-Nancy

3. The Sub-region and Planning

metropolis. It is precisely this awakening of a conciousness of structural

The weight of administrative

and political structures also is

particularities which often, nowadays, leads to the insertion

not inoperative on the conditions of existence of ‘sub-groups’

of the subregion into regional planning. However, other

within the French regions. This weight is first seen, broadly

conditions intervene resulting from the latest socic-economic

speaking, in the force of the departmental

changes, notably polarisation, the relationships between

structure which

has experienced varied regimes and political transformations

towns, industries, etc.

without too much damage. Despite a progressive inability to adapt to modern conditions of life, the department has become more than an administrative structure;. departmental community

. a kind of

has grown up round the chief

In this manner, the changes in commercial structure have spatial repercussions which cannot be ignored: the wholesaler retreats in the face of progress made by the purchasing

town, a sub-group, all the more animated for being the

group, or the bulk buying of supermarkets by direct

object of frequent recourse for public administration,

contract with producers. The existence of the small scale

and

even for the private sector. Does this mean that the sub-

retail trade, based on the local influence of either a rural

region is, more often than not, identified with departmental

centre or a small market town, is threatened by ‘hypermarkets’, or by the spatial diffusion of general stores such

administrative structures?

as ‘Monoprix-Prisunic’, This would be far too rapid a generalisation. The influence of large towns (BABONAUX, this framework,

1966) generally goes beyond

and many government departments have

the hierarchical organisation of the

banking system, and the ever increasing population mobility, For these reasons a certain effacing of local centres takes place which has been studied in Alsace. (NONN,

1974).

taken to covering vaster areas for study and management in their respective sphere. This would give the impression that the socio-economic region inherited from the French Revolution has, in fact, transformed itself into a ‘subregion’, whereas, in reality, we have already seen that, where the regional population density, the economic and social life and the urban pattern make it possible, the sub-regional entities can be smaller than the department. This can also be the case when spatial ‘unevenness’ and the distance factor in the configuration

of the department

intervene; cf. Brittany

or East Lorraine (from Sarreguemines to St.DiB) for example. In the cases where, on the contrary, either distance, lower population densities or less intensive industrialisation

acts

as a brake on regional integration, would not the department take on the functions of the region? This is the case for those parts of the French territory that KAYSER as ‘non-metropolised’

(1969) qualifies

and which cover more than 20% of

the national territory. Despite this, the fact remains that the framework

of relations

of an administrative nature intervenes in the structural elements of sub-groups within the regions. French centralisation does not grant them the same weight as either the Swiss cantons, the Dutch provinces or the British counties, whose

Fig. 6 Agricultural bank 1970: 1. regional offices (one per department) 2. secondary or administrative offices (fixed and permanent) 3. catchment areas of the offices.

dimensions resemble that of our departments, but which have a more animated local existence: but at least it introduces management structures whose dimensions are nearly those which are incurred by recourse to retail

Filialen der Landwirtschaftsbenk im n6rdlichen 1. Regionalvertretung (1 pro Department) 2. Nebenstelle 3. Einzugsbereiche.

ElsaR-Lothringen,

outlets and everyday services. Under these conditions, the functional sub-region is all the more clearly defined in that the fields of these diverse animating factors actually coincide, or that autonomous

Credit agricole 1970: 1. caisses regionales (1 par dbpartement) 2. bureaux auxiliaires ou administratifs ldomicili8s et permanents) 3. aire de rattachement aux bureaux.

1970:

Geoforum/Volume

G/Number 211975

The effect of these transformations

133

is important for the

Actualittk,

21,12.1972).

The centres which benefit, maintain

subregional cemres. If they lose their attraction for certain

their advantage with respect to local centres because of

specialised trades, owing to a too limited selection in

everyday use.

competition

with the wider choice of corresponding trades

in the regional capital (e.g. luxury or less essential goods), and if they lose their privileged position for household goods and television, this time to the advantage of local centres, (because after-sales services need to be nearer to a clientele comprising a rural community),

they gain, at the same time,

a new importance with respect to modern sales techniques. The ‘hypermarkets’,

or failing them, the big supermarkets,

do not reject medium-sized towns, where the population surpasses 20,000,

or even less important chief towns. The

attraction of this type of town is also reflected by the

This is the same case for other elements shown by a map of grammar schools or I.U.T’s. Certain towns, in going beyond the functions of everyday services, gain status. Figure 7 shows the distribution

of I.U.T’s (Institut Universitaire de

Technologie). Apart from the university towns there were Institutes in Valenciennes, Bethune, Calais, Le Havre, Lannion, Quimper, Vannes and St. Nazaire, Angers, Bourges, Angouleme, Montlucon,

Egletons and Rodez,

Names and Toulon, Belfort and Colmar, Epinal, Troyes and Longwy in 1972. A study of the distribution

of regional

hospital centres would no doubt follow the same pattern.

distribution of new, reasonably-sized general stores (e.g. more than 8000m2).

To be convinced of this, one need only

Thus, a true interest for this spatial scale is shown by the

examine the lists drawn up by organisations specialised in

way various public amenities are planned, as in the policy

commercial studies (special panorama 1971, published by

practised by the big distribution

Points de Vente, July 1971 or Atlas des Super-et des

ing that the maps drawn for the Atlas de I’Est which delimit

Hypermarchtk

the commercial catchment areas, banking facilities, coach

of 1.1.1973 in the magazine Libre Service

firms. It is worth mention-

Fig. 7 l

.

University technological Institutes (I.U.T.) = Polytechnics: 1. I.U.T. in a universitv town 2. I.U.T. or I.U.T. section outside a universitv town.

Standorte van lnstituten der Tachnischen Universitat (Polytechnikum): 1. in einer Universitltsstadt 2 in einer Stadt ohne Univenitat.

.

lnstituts Universitaires de Technologie (I.U.T.): 1. I.U.T. dans una ville universitaire 2. I.U.T. ou d&artement I.U.T. hors d’une ville universitaire.

134

GeoforumlVolume

and telephone traffic, disclose a certain Constance in their

G/Number Z/1975

are, in actual fact, related to questions which concerns the

dimension and indicate clearly the intensity of subregional

populations, going beyond the communal level, but still

life.

within the dimensions of the area daily or frequently visited by the inhabitants; in so doing, the planning under considera-

Consequently it would seem logical that this level of

tion affects the population directly. Here, once again, one

spatial organisation be taken into account in town and

comes across, in a different form, and this time of a

country planning. Is this the case?

voluntary nature the desire to engender a bringing together

In fact, the planning authorities were at first preoccupied

of attitudes, an awareness of belonging and of joint

by those of the sub-regional entities whose particular

responsibility which is necessary to accept a certain

structure called for specific reanimative operations, a diver-

distribution of investments; a certain equilibrium

sification of activities and ‘opening out’. Moreover, these

the area of the S.D.A.U.

cases were brought to their attention by development committees or of local economic action, and by specific political or administrative attitudes. Such and such Breton ‘pays’, or that part of Lorraine around Longwy or Sarreguemines

However, one must guard against over-optimism. present moment the S.D.A.U’s

Until the

have rather more often

aspired to establishing a control over urbanisation than to establishing a ‘global’ planning. At least this is the case when

could be quoted as examples.

large towns are concerned. Those S.D.A.U’s

However, the means of intervention most frequently

within

used

which are

established for areas with a limited urban existence or for

up to the present moment, have not been those of ‘global’

over-restricted areas, display the over-riding importance of

planning. Various specific actions have been undertaken,

their dependency on the major centres (cf. NONN, 1971).

in

one place, ‘aid’ for developing sectors in economic difficul-

Consequently, it is perhaps in the S.D.A.U’s

ties or situated in a highly competitive frontier region, in

medium-sized towns of lesser importance, that an accordance

another, aid for industrial conversion, and elsewhere rural

between spontaneous tendencies and voluntary aspects is

renovation operations or agricultural reconversion (cf.

more likely to be realised. Be that as it may, the S.D.A.U.

Armagnac, Auvergne, Limousin, Landes.

. .). In other

established for

would be a possible instrument for the constitution

of a

functional and coherent space.

words, a ‘sectoral’ planning policy. It is above all the elaboration of sch6mas directeurs

The objectives given to the present promotion

~arn~~ag~en~

sized towns in France, also concern this study. Upheld by

et d’ur~nisme

(S.D.A.U.1

(development

plans) which makes it possible to develop a ‘global’ planning

of medium-

the excessive cost of large concentrations of population

programme on a scale which interests us. The S.D.A.U’s.

(external diseconomies), by the demands for a better

defined by the town and country planning act (30.12.1967,

quality of life, by the regular aspect of the French urban

French offical gazette 3.1.1968 28.5.19691,

and connected measures

“fixes the basic objectives for the planning of

pattern, abundant in medium-sized towns, and by the very ‘modest’ density found in France, this policy is capable of

the areas concerned, with particular reference to the exten-

providing the new supports for the expanded and dynamised

sion of urban centres”. Taking into account the relations

organisation of the sub-regions.

between these centres and the neighbouring regions, and “the balance that ought to be conserved between urban growth, agricultural activities, the existence of specialised farms and the conservation of forests and natural sites, these general plans determine, in particular, general land use, the route to be taken by the most important elements of the infrastructure,

the organisation of transport, the

localisation of services and activities.

.” Thus, if urban poles

are the prime consideration, they motivate a combined treatment of all territorial sectors for which they are responsible. S.D.A.U. complementary

example, the medium-sized town. If its function is to take the place of a handicapped or too distant metropolis, its deficiencies, not only on the scale of the built-up area, but also on the regional population scale would have to be If, on the other hand, its function is to relay the impact of

of

economic or social interests which exist between the urban centre and its ‘environment’,

above, concerning the unequal role of metropolises. The action to be undertaken must consider the roie of, for

made up. Is it, therefore, necessary to reinforce its ‘autonomy’

must take into consideration the

aspects and coherence, the community

In fact here one could introduce important nuances which would lead us to the rediscovery of distinctions, established

and expediently

organise all of the resultant exchanges.

the capital, as is the case for the Parisian ‘villes de la couronne’. and to constitute a ‘point d’appui’ or base of operation for the decentralisation and for the planning of a ‘big region’, should the action be carried out from the point of viewof a dependence and framework,

or on a competitive

As they are designed to cover urban centres with more than

basis? If again the medium-sized town is the result of

10,000 inhabitants, and are established on a scale of

industrial or touristic development, and because of the

l/25,000-l/50,000,

recent nature of its development, superimposed on a

the S.D.A.U’s

are concerned with

practically all sub-regional centres. The aspects considered

network of preexistent

centres, what policy must be

GeoforumlVolume

G/Number 211975

practised?Without

135

doubt, toconsolidate

regional foundation,

better its sub

References

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Atlas

Briefly, these questions need to be gone into more deeply, but this is not the place for further discussion. At least they have the advantage of showing the complexity

of the

problem under review. Yet it would seern that the outcome of this analysis is that the notion of subregion is of a truly ‘functional’

nature,

it probably stands out better from the spatial entity defined by the ‘countryside’ or by the sole structures of the

BABONAUX, S.A.B.R.I.

Y. (1966):

Villes

et r&ions

BEAUJEU-GARNIER, J. (1971): perspectives. Paris.

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P. (1973): Principes

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grands

DOLLFUS,

0. (1970): L’espacegiographique.

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0. (1971): L’analysegtiographique. R. (19631: Villes etcampagnes

or not, the social aspects are at least as important as the

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traits of economic: cohesion.

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least powerful, administrative existence. In

the functional characters of the sub-region, autonomous

pensge

Today, where the industrial area is being over-enlarged, is even being delocallised’, or where ‘espace v&u A. FREMONT

explodes as

says, man feels the need for reference frame-

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It is now, in my opinion, in the sub-region

that the essential part of family life, work, and weekend activities takes place. This does not, of course, exclude regional consciousness. However, because this consciousness relies upon less frequent

recourse, and on even frailer bases

(except perhaps when solid mutual cultural elements exist) it has not been very assertive up till now, as certain difficulties of the regionalisation policy show. The sub-region unit, as a cell with a certain social cohesion, can even, as has been seen, tend to become the basic unit of planning that people will more easily accept over and above the out-of-date local framework,

and which will then help

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