Does green space matter? Public knowledge and attitude towards urban greenery in Ghana

Journal Pre-proof Does green space matter? Public knowledge and attitude towards urban greenery in Ghana Kabila Abass, Divine Odame Appiah, Kwadwo Afriyie

PII:

S1618-8667(18)30683-6

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2019.126462

Reference:

UFUG 126462

To appear in:

Urban Forestry & Urban Greening

Received Date:

29 October 2018

Revised Date:

13 September 2019

Accepted Date:

16 September 2019

Please cite this article as: Abass K, Appiah DO, Afriyie K, Does green space matter? Public knowledge and attitude towards urban greenery in Ghana, Urban Forestry and amp; Urban Greening (2019), doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2019.126462

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Does green space matter? Public knowledge and attitude towards urban greenery in Ghana Kabila Abass (Corresponding Author) Department of Geography and Rural Development, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana Tel: +233 244580883 E-mail: [email protected]

Divine Odame Appiah

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Department of Geography and Rural Development,


Tel: +233 267979012

E-mail: [email protected]

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Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana

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Kwadwo Afriyie Department of Geography and Rural Development, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology Kumasi, Ghana Tel: +233 208113239 E-mail: [email protected]

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HIGHLIGHTS

Respondents demonstrated knowledge of the benefits green space benefits

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Knowledge of green space benefits did not translate into the desire and practical steps to

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conserve it. 

The green space of Greater Kumasi has substantially dwindled at the expense of urban nongreen infrastructure.

Strict policy enforcement and public education would help restore the green space of

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

Greater Kumasi.

Abstract In this paper, we examined the spatial depletion of urban green space, public knowledge and attitude towards urban greenery in Greater Kumasi. This is a qualitative study involving 120 1

randomly selected household respondents from eight communities and 8 purposively sampled key informants representing heads of their respective institutions. Additionally, field observations were made of human encroachments and conversions of the green landscape in the study communities. While respondents demonstrated knowledge on what green space can offer, their desire for and readiness to protect it was expressly low. Indeed, respondents’ needs for land within the urban and peri-urban space for residential, commercial and other requirements were placed far above the

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need for urban greenery. Key informants were expectedly knowledgeable about urban green space

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benefits. Strangely, institutions mandated to ensure the protection of the urban greenery rather blamed others for the problem. The consequence is that Greater Kumasi has over the years lost

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most of its greenery. Since the current land use practices are unsustainable, we recommend

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adoption and enforcement of smart growth policies that will help protect urban green space. This will also demand institutional strengthening, enforcement of land use regulations that protect urban

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green space as well as public education in order to make the city liveable for all. Keywords: Green infrastructure, Knowledge, Public attitude, Sustainability, Greater Kumasi,

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Urban Ghana

1. Introduction

The world’s population urbanised rapidly between 1950 and 2014, with the proportion of urban

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areas rising from 30% in 1950 to 54% in 2014. It is projected that by the year 2050, 66% of the world’s population would be urban (United Nations Population Division, 2015). Africa and Asia are urbanising at a much faster rate than the other regions and are projected to become 56% and 64% urban respectively by the year 2050 (United Nations Population Division, 2015). This increasing urbanisation has been associated with radical modification of the ecology of urban landscapes with habitats altered and novel habitat types created (Wood and Pullin, 2000). 2

The problem of green space depletion cuts across both developed and developing countries (Cobbinah and Darkwah, 2016). In Europe, between 7.3 and 41 % of land reserved for urban greenery was lost to different land uses in 25 cities and urban areas between the 1950s and 1990s (European Environment Agency, 2002). Similar findings were reported in the USA where about 1.4 million hectares of urban greenery was lost to other uses in 274 metropolitan areas between 1990 and 2000 (McDonald et al., 2010). Several works have also reported on loss of urban green

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space in Africa (Abass et al., 2018b; Adjei Mensah, 2014a; Arku et al., 2016; Dumenu, 2013;

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Quagraine, 2011; Analo, 2011; Mpofu, 2013; Oduwaye, 2013). These examples suggest that the issue of urban greenery depletion is a global challenge. However, developing countries are

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challenged with managing urban greenery due to rapid urbanisation combined with resource

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constraints and weak institutions (Abass et al., 2018b).

In developing countries, urbanisation has been identified as a key factor hampering the

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effective management of green spaces by city authorities (Cohen, 2006). Rapid urbanisation of cities has often occurred at the expense of green spaces with negative implications for city dwellers

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and the different animal species therein (Byomkesh et al., 2012). Urbanisation, though, could not solely be blamed for the urban environmental deterioration in African cities (Darkwah and Cobbinah, 2014). In the view of Akamani (2006), urban policy interventions in Africa often do not capture environmental issues and in particular urban green spaces and its management. But

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urban greenery has various social, economic and ecological functions including therapeutic benefits, a desired surrounding for raising children, social integration, conservation easements, and community development potential (Douglas et al., 2017; Francis et al., 2016; Kaźmierczak, 2013). It is in recognition of the many functions of urban greenery that city authorities in the advanced countries have put in place appropriate policies to protect and maintain them. While the developed

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countries raised the WHO international minimum standard of urban greenery from 9 m2 to 20 m2 green space per city resident, and making economic gains from such spaces, cities in developing countries are yet to appreciate the value of urban greenery (Darkwah and Cobbinah, 2014). Different conceptualisations of attitude have been captured in the literature from it being a state of readiness for mental and physical activity, to the inclination for an individual to evaluate objects or aspects in a favorable or unfavorable manner (Dawes, 1972). In this paper, attitude is

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used to mean a learned and summary evaluation that influences thoughts and actions (Balram and

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Dragicevic, 2005). Attitude is thus a complex construct made up of cognitive, affective and conative components, where these components parallel knowledge, feeling and behaviour

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respectively of individuals (Walmsley and Lewis, 1984). As such attitude is formed and affected

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by social, economic, cultural and biophysical interactions (Balram and Dragicevic, 2005). Evidence shows that an individual’s attitude is an influential factor in shaping land use

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transformation (Erickson et al., 2002). Attitude is also a powerful predictor of behaviour and thus an important tool in determining human response to policies and planning decisions (Kaiser et al.,

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1999). Since knowledge is a key component of attitude, it is logical to infer that knowledge or perceived knowledge of an individual regarding the value of urban greenery could influence or shape one’s attitude towards or support for urban green space. The green spaces in the major cities in Ghana have tremendously suffered conversions to

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various non-green urban infrastructure (Adjei Mensah, 2014a; Quagraine, 2011). Interestingly, the depletion of urban greenery is taking place at a time when the many environmental, socio-cultural and economic functions of urban green spaces are widely known and globally reported. The problem has been allowed to fester due to lack of commitment from the city authorities to protect the green infrastructure of the city. Empirical research in Ghana has focused largely on spatio-

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temporal changes in green space as a result of urbanisation (Adjei Mensah, 2014a; Adjei Mensah, 2014b; Quagraine, 2011). Evidence has pointed to individual’s attitude as an influential factor in shaping land use transformation (Balram and Dragicevic, 2005). But the study of public attitude towards urban green space is lacking in the Ghanaian context. Following Swanwick et al. (2003), we use the term urban green space in this paper to encompass all unpaved surfaces, natural or manmade, whether or not it is opened to the public or under public management. It includes forest

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reserves, urban trees, playgrounds, recreational and entertainment parks, sacred groves, burial

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grounds, fallow and arable lands, and wetlands among others. These are unpaved and permeable land surfaces. This paper addresses two key questions: How does the public perceive the benefits

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of urban greenery? To what extent does the public support the protection of urban green space?

2. Materials and methods

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2.1 Study context and design

This paper is part of a larger study that was conducted between March and June 2017 to examine

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green space depletion in urban Ghana. This paper focuses on Kumasi Metropolis and five municipal assemblies carved out of it (herein referred to as Greater Kumasi) and lie between latitudes 6035' and 6040'N and longitudes 1030' and 1035'W. Located within the Wet SubEquatorial Climatic type, Greater Kumasi has an average minimum temperature of 21.5 degrees

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Centigrade and the maximum average temperature is about 30.7 degrees Centigrade. It has double maxima rainfall regime (214.3mm in June and 165.2mm in September) with humidity averaging about 84.16 percent at sunrise and 60 percent at sunset. The study region has expanded tremendously in the area of population and infrastructure between the 1984 and 2000 inter-censal years, growing at 5.2 % per annum but at a higher rate of 5.4% between 2000 and 2010. Compared

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to the national growth rate of 2.4%, these figures have been about double that of the national one (Afrane and Amoako, 2011). In terms of area, it is approximately 214 km2. A number of factors account for this. Kumasi is the administrative capital of Ashanti Region and the capital of the Asante Kingdom. Its advantageous position as a nodal city, coupled with its vast and varied natural resources make it an important commercial centre and a transit point for migrants from far and near (Quagraine, 2011). The population of the region according to the 2010 census is 1,730,249

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and represents 36.2% of the total population of the Ashanti Region (GSS, 2014).

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Several empirical works have shown that Greater Kumasi has lost most of its greenery due to uncontrolled urban expansion (Abass et al., 2018a; Abass et al., 2018b; Adjei Mensah, 2014a;

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Adjei Mensah, 2014b; Afriyie et al., 2014; Cobbinah and Darkwah, 2016; Quagraine, 2011).

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Spatio-temporal multispectral Landsat image analysis of Greater Kumasi (Figures 1a and 1b) has shown a substantial decline of green space from 76.66% to 22.44% between 1986 and 2016 while

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built-up increased from 23.34% to 77.56% within the same period (Abass et al., 2018b) A change detection analysis showed built-up gaining from both farmlands and vegetation. Vegetation

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however lost to both built-up and farmlands with farmlands gaining from vegetation but losing to

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built-up (Abass et al., 2018b).

Figure 1a: Classified land cover of Greater Kumasi, 1986 (Source: Abass et al. (2018b)

Figure 1b: Classified land cover of Greater Kumasi, 2016 (Source: Abass et6 al. (2018b)

The study adopted a cross-sectional research design involving qualitative study (of individual households and key informants) and quantitative approach using geospatial techniques. A combination of simple random, purposive and convenience sampling were used in the study.

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From the list of 20 largest communities in Greater Kumasi as captured in the 2014 Ghana Statistical Service report, eight communities were selected by a simple random sampling technique using the

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fishbowl draw method (Kumar, 2011). The selected communities include Kwadaso, Bantama,

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Asafo, Buokrom, Oforikrom, Atonsu, Breman and Old Tafo. In each community, 15 respondents being household heads were conveniently sampled for in-depth interview. This yielded a total

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sample size of 120. Besides, one key informant each from Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly (KMA),

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Town and Country Planning Department (T&CPD), Department of Parks and Gardens (DP&G) and five (5) traditional authorities were purposively sampled for interview. In all, eight key

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informants participated in the research.

2.2 Interviews

An Interview schedule was used to collect quantitative background data on respondents’ age, sex,

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education, occupation, religion, ethnic background marital status and household size. This also included housing characteristics of respondents in terms of presence of green space and some aspects of the issues investigated. Qualitative primary information was collected through in-depth interviews (IDIs). The instrument used for the in-depth interview was interview guide, which made it possible for flexibility of probing in the interview process. Reliability of the research instruments was achieved by pre-testing. This was carried out by the three authors and two graduate research 7

assistants recruited from the Department of Geography and Rural Development, KNUST. A twoday training session with the graduate assistants was held to afford the research team to go through the instruments theme-by-theme and question-by-question for a common understanding of the questions and consistency in the interpretation. The purpose of the pre-test was to identify any weakness with the instruments and for possible correction before the actual survey. As Backstrom and Hursch (1963) have pointed out, there is no amount of intellectual exercise that can substitute

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for testing an instrument designed to communicate with ordinary people. Pretesting the instrument

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helped the research team to refine some questions and expand on the green space-environment sub-themes. As is the rule, the pre-testing was carried out at Ayeduase, a community which was

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not part of the study communities. The selection of this community was premised on the fact that

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it is urban and has population with characteristics similar to those of the actual study population. Ten individuals representing household heads participated during the pretesting stage. The pre-test

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was later followed by the actual interviews. Since household was the unit of data collection, all interviews involving households were conducted in their homes. The discussions were conducted

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mainly in Twi with the households and traditional leaders, since this is the local dialect predominantly used in the study communities. Key informant Interviews were held in English. Household in-depth interviews centred on the following themes: Depletion and conversion of urban greenery in Greater Kumasi; knowledge of the environmental, socio-cultural and economic

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benefits of urban green space; and public attitudes in protecting and managing neighbourhood and public green space in Greater Kumasi. With the key informants, the focus of interview was on depletion of urban green space, their depth of knowledge on the value of urban green infrastructure and their attitude as regards protection and enforcement of land use regulations. The average time for the interviews was about 45 minutes. All interviews were audio-taped using a tape recorder.

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2.3 Observation Observation, being another primary method of data collection, covered changes that have taken place in green and some public open spaces such as parks and garden, forest reserves, sacred groves, trees along principal streets and the Kumasi Zoo in order to present a true picture of the level of encroachment, depletion and transformation. We also observed how human settlements

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have encroached on previously existing green infrastructure and how much vegetal cover was left

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at all the places visited. The presence of neighbourhood green spaces and street-lined trees were also observed. Some specific sites visited based on researchers’ knowledge as well as information

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obtained from Department of Parks and Gardens include the following: Atonsu, Bantama, Subin

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and Kaasi Natural Reserves; Adehyeman Gardens; Jackson, Abbey, Dogo Moro and Kotoko parks; Atasemanso sacred grove; Amakom Children’s Park; KNUST Botanic Gardens; and the Rattray

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Park. Observation was made using observation checklist. Observation notes and photographs were taken as supplementary information to the audio-recorded interviews. The combination of these

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methods as Lincoln and Guba (1985) noted helps in triangulation of the different data collection modes for more credible and reliable results.

2.4 Qualitative data analysis

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Data collected on background characteristics of respondents and other quantitative variables was analysed using IBM SPSS (Version 21). Qualitative data was however analysed by means of thematic analytical framework, a method for identifying, analysing, organising, describing, and reporting themes found within a data set (Nowell et al., 2017). This analytical method involved several steps. In the first place, the household audio recordings were transcribed and translated

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from Twi into English. This enabled the researchers to have closer observation of the data collected through repeated careful listening. Besides, the transcripts afforded us the opportunity to read more slowly and thoughtfully over portions of text documents, mark on them and organise them for the purpose of coding (Evers, 2011). The three authors transcribed all the tape-recorded items since they have a good understanding of the local dialect. This was followed by meticulous reading of the transcripts, field interview and observational notes by all the three authors in order

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to familiarise oneself with the data. Following, the transcribed interviews were exported to NVivo

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9 analytical software, during which deductive and inductive coding of data was done (Fereday and Muir-Cochrane, 2006; Schadewitz and Jachna, 2007). Codes are ‘tags or labels for assigning units

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of meaning to the descriptive or inferential information compiled during a study’ and can be

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attached to words, phrases, sentences, or whole paragraphs (Miles and Huberman, 1994, p.56). During coding, the researchers identified key sections of text to which labels were attached in order

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to index them because they related to a theme or an issue in the data. The coding process continued to a theoretical saturation point. At this stage of the data analysis, no new concepts emerged from

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further coding of data. To avoid falling victim to systematic and nonsystematic errors in the complex tasks of developing and applying codes to the data, we followed the suggestion of Bernard (1995) by using multiple, well-trained coders and ensuring intercoder reliability is high. Coding was done by all the authors and the two graduate assistants. All these five coders are adept in

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qualitative data coding and have worked together from data collection stage and transcription. This notwithstanding, some minor disagreements were observed but were quickly resolved. The third step began when all data were initially coded and collated and a list of the different codes identified across the data set was developed. Step three mainly involved sorting and collating all the potentially relevant coded data extracts into themes. The fourth step began after obtaining the set

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of themes that required refinement. At this stage, the coded data extracts were reviewed themeby-theme in order to ascertain whether they form a coherent pattern. The validity of each theme was considered to determine whether each appropriately or accurately reflects the meanings captured in the whole data set. This made it possible for identification and correction of all inadequacies in the initial coding and themes. Next, themes were defined and named to give readers a sense of what it is exactly about. The story that each theme tells was then identified

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followed by a detailed analysis of each individual theme. The final thematic categories identified

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and sub-categories have been presented as narratives (storylines) while making sure that no distortion or misrepresentation occurred regarding the perspectives of the research participants.

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Direct or verbatim quotations from interview transcripts were used to illustrate relevant themes

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where necessary.

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3 . Results

3.1 Perceived benefits and attitude towards urban greenery

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3.1.1 Profile of respondents

Out of 120 interviewees majority were males (65%). Majority (85%) of the participants were aged between 34 and 65 years, with 65% having below secondary school education. Christianity and Islam constituted the two dominant religious groups with Christians (82%) being in the majority.

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Furthermore, 94% of the respondents were with the average household size of about four persons. The dominant ethnic group were the Akans (71%). Commercial activities (80%) were the principal sources of livelihood for majority of respondents. All the eight key informants were males including a city engineer, head of physical development unit of T&CPD, head of DP&G and five chiefs. Their ages range from 42 to 63 years

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with 50% having tertiary level of education, 25% secondary level of education and the remaining 25% had below secondary level of education.

3.1.2 Perceived biodiversity and environmental benefits of green space Knowledge of potential benefits of urban green space could influence public attitude towards its protection and maintenance. In view of this, we sought respondents’ views as regards perceived

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benefits that green space offer. Specifically, the environmental benefits of green space were

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discussed. Perceived benefits of the environmental and health effects of urban greenery were greatly influenced by respondents’ level of formal education, where those more educated were

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more knowledgeable. Urban green spaces according to majority of the respondents (85%) are

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habitats of different plants (including medicinal ones) and animals. Absence of trees therefore means the variety or diversity of plants and animals would be lost. A male respondent noted:

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If we destroy the forest, then we destroy the habitat of different species of animals. Some of these plants also serve as medicine. If the forest is destroyed the medicinal plants also go with it. (Male participant, IDI, Atonsu)

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Green space can have a positive impact on climate. There is no doubt that trees are inducers of rainfall and are key in regulating the temperature of the environment. Only a small proportion (37%) of household interviewees demonstrated a link between vegetative cover and climate.

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However, all the key informants demonstrated in-depth knowledge of the influence of trees on climate. They indicated that trees attract rainfall, provide fresh air and keep environmental temperature low, and the absence of vegetative cover can have adverse repercussions on weather and climate. A female respondent in an in-depth interview shared this: If we destroy our forest, then we are exposing ourselves to more heat from the sun. Trees bring rainfall and make the environment cool. That is why we mostly sit under them during hot days. We must therefore protect them to protect our climate. (IDI, Atonsu) 12

There were those respondents who held the view that such green spaces as parks, forest reserves, parks and gardens are unnecessary public nuisance as they only serve as breeding grounds for dangerous reptiles such as snakes, debilitating insects as mosquitoes and safe haven for criminals. Since such spaces are often not maintained, they tend to pose health and security threats to urban residents. In order to make people feel secure, more females (95%) than males (43%)

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were of the view that such places should be rezoned or converted to other beneficial uses. While

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this view was strongly gendered, it had no relationship with respondents’ ethnic background, age, level of education or geographical locations. However, more respondents in Oforikrom than in

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other studied communities indicated how abandoned public spaces have been taken over by

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individuals with suspicious character. This may not be surprising though because of the proximity of the community to the popular Amakom Children’s Park. A participant remarked:

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Another participant noted:

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That place (referring to Amakom Children’s Park) is a den for criminals. It is dangerous passing here in the night. These criminals would attack and rob you. During the day, they are calm. You see them resting or sleeping in the yard. (Female participant, IDI, Oforikrom)

Green spaces are breeding grounds for mosquitoes and other insects, the absence of which in my view would rid our environment of these harmful insects. (Male participant, IDI, Kwadaso)

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One area where household respondents demonstrated little knowledge of was the effects of

urban green infrastructure on flooding. In view of the rising incidence of floods in Greater Kumasi, discussions centred on how green space could help address the problem. The results corresponded with respondents’ level of education and prevalence of floods. About 72% interviewees from all

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the eight communities could not link the presence of green space to flood control. A female respondent gave this interesting link between green space and flooding: To me, green surfaces would rather promote floods. Is it not the case that some of the water that cause floods come from underground? Concrete surfaces in this case would stop water rising up from the ground level which would result in flooding. (IDI, Atonsu)

This response may not be surprising because Atonsu has been a scene of perennial floods in Greater

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Kumasi. This viewpoint may not be wrong in areas with high water-table. While only a small proportion (28%) of household respondents showed knowledge of the link between green space

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and flood control, all the key informants demonstrated that urban green infrastructure can be a key

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approach to minimising the incidence of and vulnerability of urban population to urban floods. These respondents, who were highly educated, were of the view that green and non-concrete

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surfaces will permit easy infiltration and percolation of water and thus reduce surface runoff. A

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respondent explained:

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When every place is sealed or covered where would the excess water pass? The roofs of our buildings and the concrete surfaces we have everywhere in our city would not be able to absorb all the rainwater that falls. If this trend is not reversed, my brother, the flood problem would stay with us. (Male participant, IDI, Old Tafo)

The Metropolitan Engineer shared similar view this way:

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…The truth is that concrete surfaces would only aggravate flood problems. The original plan of the city included green infrastructure. No doubt, Kumasi had a lot of trees and public open spaces than today. It was not for nothing that the city was called the Garden City. Over the years, rezoning has taken place in response to the needs and demands of the day. This in a way has affected the original structure or plan of the City with the green spaces often sacrificed. But the problem is more than this. Land transaction and its allocation to the individual for the purpose of development in the city involves a complex process, with a number of actors including our traditional leaders. We here may not be able to see or know everything that goes on all the time. The trend is worrying. (Male, Key Informant, KMA)

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It is however strange why this knowledge of the environmental benefits of urban greenery has not translated into practical steps to protect or conserve it.

3.1.3 Socio-cultural benefits of green space Public open spaces such as parks and gardens have been sources of attraction to small groups of holidaymakers and other urban dwellers during festive occasions such as Easter. Some use these

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spaces (e.g. botanic gardens) as prayer camps on specific days. Others like golf courses and

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football parks have also attracted both the youth group and the affluent old. Household respondents in all communities demonstrated a good knowledge of the importance of open spaces as religious,

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recreational or entertainment centres as well as places for relaxation. Knowledge of the subject

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matter had no correlation with respondents’ level of formal education and ethnic background. Respondents agreed that urban green spaces, when well-maintained can be useful places of

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entertainment and relaxation for city dwellers. Kumasi Zoo was particularly popular among the respondents and so was the recently renovated Rattary Park due to probably the negative media

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reportage over the cost of its renovation. One interviewee said this: A park like the Rattary Park is simply nice. I have visited that place about three times. It is always refreshing when you spend some time there with your family. I have also visited the Zoo with my family. Beyond the entertainment and relaxation, they are of educational importance. (Female participant, Old Tafo, IDI)

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Such knowledge however did not translate to actual use by many of the respondents. Out of 120 interviewees 59% indicated occasional visits to places like Kumasi Zoo, Rattray Park, KNUST Botanic Garden while 41% said they have never visited such places. More females than males indicated lack of time, inadequate security and poor maintenance of such facilities in the past have discouraged them from patronising those places. A middle-aged man recounted his personal experience this way in an in-depth interview: 15

This place (referring to the Amakom Children’s Park) used to be a popular place; where we used to go with our family for entertainment and relaxation. Due to poor maintenance culture it has been left to rot. It is today a dead place. They have turned the pavilion to a place of worship on Sundays. They come here to do their own things. (IDI, Oforikrom)

Of those who visited urban green space, majority were males (78%). Some of these include sport facilities (stadia and golf parks), the Rattray Park, Kumasi Zoo and botanic gardens. The dominant use of green spaces by female respondents was for prayer camps. The KNUST Botanic Garden for

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instance, has become a popular place for religious activities. A related perspective of the role of

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urban greenery came from a traditional leader. He noted that urban green spaces are burial places and are of cultural and religious significance. Referring to trees and in particular sacred groves, he

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put it this way:

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It is not for nothing that some places have been designated as sacred groves. These are sacred places, which to us as people, are of religious and cultural significance. (Male, Traditional leader)

The link between green space and environmental beautification or the general aesthetics of the environment was also interrogated. To both household respondents and key informants, urban

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greenery will add to the city’s or neighbourhood’s beauty. It was argued that when Kumasi was truly the ‘Garden City’, it was far more beautiful than it is today. One respondent said:

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Trees lined up along streets are delight to watch. Concrete surfaces interspersed with green space give a sense of appeal. It draws you closer to nature. (Female participant, IDI, Buokrom) A key informant noted this: Trees and urban green spaces add to the city’s aesthetics. They provide huge visual appeal to any area and also enhance the design of a streetscape. (Male, Key Informant, T&CPD)

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The question still remains why this knowledge has not influenced stakeholders attitude to conserve the city’s green infrastructure. If there is a thematic area that the household participants showed limited knowledge of, then it is the link between green space and health. Here again, the level of education made the difference in the kind of responses we got. On this subject, 85% of the respondents could not tell or explain convincingly the positive impact of urban greenery on human health. When asked for

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instance what the presence of trees could do to one’s health, respondents noted the use of trees for

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herbal medicinal purposes. The importance of trees and other vegetative covers in solving stressand psychologically related problems were not mentioned at all. In relation to green space and

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health, one participant explained it this way:

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Some trees and plants are sources of variety of herbal medicines. (Female participant, IDI, Old Tafo)

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But a rather general view came from a 45-year old teacher. He explained: Plants also make the environment clean for human beings. Without plants, our health would be negatively affected. (Male participant, IDI, Breman)

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Interviews with the officers from KMA, T&CPD, DP&G and some traditional leaders revealed indirect health effects of vegetation and in particular trees through their cooling effects. They stressed that beyond the use of green spaces as centres of entertainment, they are centres of

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relaxation with additional advantage of helping people reduce their stress and psychological health problems.

3.1.4 Perceived economic benefits of green space Respondents recognised economic gains from urban medicinal plants. Sacred groves, botanic gardens and other urban forest reserves as they pointed out are potential sources of herbal 17

medicines, and a good source of income for urban-based herbal medical practitioners. Besides, respondents shared the view that a well-maintained and aesthetically pleasing green space can attract people from both far and near. As visitors pay money for use of such facilities, revenue is generated. However, inadequate facilities coupled with lack of maintenance and security concerns have not made these centres attractive. Unlike the key informants, indirect economic benefits such as the creation of a healthy population from sound environment that can impact positively on

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productivity were missing in household respondents’ narratives. A key informant at the DP&G,

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Kumasi said:

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Public green or open spaces can be a source of revenue for the city authorities when they are well maintained to attract tourists. It is a fact that such open and public spaces may not attract much revenue when compared to alternative uses, but green spaces offer other benefits that can have indirect economic impact. A healthy environment produces healthy people. This is why I’m worried about the rapid loss of the green infrastructure of the city over the years. City authorities and some of the chiefs are to take the blame. (Male, DP&D, Kumasi)

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Yet, the understanding of economic benefits of urban greenery at both the household and institutional levels was not enough to motivate them to protect it from destruction or conversion

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to concrete infrastructure.

3.1.5 Urban green space: Current state and public support for conservation We observed from the field that many public green spaces have either been neglected or

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converted to other uses (See Figures 2-6). The Jacksons (now Jubilee Park) in Fante New Town is no longer a natural park that it used to be while Adehyeman Gardens in Kejetia, which hitherto was a recreational centre, was found to be currently a centre for brisk commercial activities. The popular Abbey’s park in Ashanti New Town was observed to have been degraded to the extent that no visible sign of grass nor tree could be found. Like other parks, it has been left to its fate. Atasemanso sacred grove was found to have suffered heavy encroachment from residential 18

development. The Amakom Children’s Park that used to be a recreational centre, is today in a deplorable state. It no longer serves the purpose for which it was established. Even though some patches of degraded vegetation can still be found, the one-time busy centre is now engulfed with filth generated by the invaders (see Figure 6). It was however interesting to find most of the physical structures in terms of buildings still present albeit showing signs of deterioration due to lack of maintenance. While the pavilion has become a worship centre on Sundays, other structures

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have become homes for some individuals. Similarly, the once popular Kumasi Zoo is fast losing

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its popularity reflecting in the low public patronage. Not only has the population and variety of animals reduced, it has also suffered reduction in density of trees which hitherto provided the Zoo

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its continuous canopy. The Asafo Tennis Court, Addo, Rivoli, Dogo Moro and Kotoko parks have

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all been converted to different forms of use. This could not however be said of the KNUST Botanic Gardens that has seen a good level of maintenance under the management of the University.

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Although it is also open to the general public, the University has put in place right measures to maintain its quality. It is secured from unauthorised persons or intruders.

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The state of the urban green space is succinctly captured in the following statement by a key informant:

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Hmmm! This is no longer the Garden City I knew. Kumasi years ago was more beautiful than you are seeing now. Those days, you will find trees everywhere. Buildings have taken over the place of trees. The streets also had trees along them but most of them are gone due to road construction and expansion. (Key Informant, DP&G) The changing green landscape to concrete surface was also expressed as a worrying trend by a sixty-five-year old resident of Atonsu.

Kumasi is now a huge city. The population has grown and so are residential facilities. Several years ago, the city was a lovely place to live because of its greenery. Most of the trees and green areas that made the city admirable are no longer there. We have destroyed them. (Male participant, IDI) 19

Fig. 3: Current state of Adehyeman Gardens

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Fig. 2: Jubilee Park

Fig. 5: Heavily encroached and degraded Atasemanso sacred grove

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Fig. 4: Abbey Park with no vegetal cover cover

Fig. 6: Abandoned Amakom Children’s Park strewn with solid waste

Fig. 7: Degraded Kumasi Zoo

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Household interview sought the views of respondents on whether they were willing to support local and city-wide green infrastructure project. All respondents answered in the affirmative stating various reasons including aesthetics, place of relaxation and entertainment. When asked whether they will devote part of their plot area (if they had one) for green space, the general response was negative. Reasons for this position included space for building projects as well as difficulty and additional cost involved in maintaining such spaces. One major concern of

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urban residents is where to get land to put up a business or residential facility. Besides, the need

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for space for more economically rewarding urban projects in the face of rapid population growth and urban expansion has led city authorities to rezone and convert available spaces to concrete

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infrastructure. It was therefore unsurprising to note that even though respondents indicated their

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willingness to support urban greenery, the commitment to do so was not there. To this category of respondents, human need for land for the purposes of residential and commercial building

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construction should be given the utmost priority. In other words, to these respondents, the need for more space for residential and commercial infrastructure is more important than the environmental,

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socio-cultural and economic benefits of urban green space conservation. This is reflected in the following views expressed by one of the participants:

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When we clear these areas, we can get more land for other developmental projects. Why should we keep forest in the city when people are looking for space to erect residential buildings or commercial enterprises? (Male participant, IDI, Bantama) This mindset explains why most respondents left no space for greenery in designing their compounds. Some wealthy respondents however kept space for grass both within their compounds and outside. It is a common thing to find individual developers pulling down trees and other vegetative cover for building projects. Of the 120 households sampled for the purpose of interview, only 11(9.2%) planted grass in and around their compounds as part of the landscape design, 45 21

(37.5%) had bare land surface (no concrete or planted grass) while 64 (53.3%) had their compounds cemented or tiled. Many of these residential facilities also lacked natural or planted trees. But a key informant at T&CPD had a different view:

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Nobody can deny the fact that urban green infrastructure comes with a lot of benefits. Beside city beautification, urban vegetative cover has tremendous environmental, social and health benefits. The parks and gardens are sources of income to individuals and revenue to the assemblies. I am worried that the city has lost many of its trees, parks and gardens. The problem is caused by all of us. Everybody wants to build in the City. Developers remove trees to pave way for their projects. In more developed countries, my brother, green spaces are integral part of housing and street designs. Here the story is different. It is clear in the kind of building designs we see these days. Instead of maintaining green spaces within their building area, people prefer concrete surfaces and tiles in the name of modernity. This mentality must change. (Male, T&CPD)

Regarding a wider community or city green infrastructure project, all respondents indicated

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willingness to give their support. On the specific support they will offer, they indicated planting

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and watering of trees, grass and flowers when invitation is extended to them. When asked whether beyond their participation they would be ready to make financial commitments or pay more taxes to the assemblies to enable them restore the city’s green spaces, responses were generally negative.

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The research also probed into why institutions have not been able to ensure that the existing green and open spaces were protected. It was evident from key informant interviews that there are influential actors in the whole land allocation and sales arrangement who make economic gains

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from land transactions. The process of land allocation and development is a complex one involving a number of actors from the assemblies, Land Commission and the Traditional Authority. This, among others makes it very difficult for these institutions to enforce land use regulations. A key informant from the T&CPD of KMA indicated that: Our outfit cannot be held for uncontrolled physical development in the city. There are clear policy guidelines but the problem is enforcement lax. There are powerful and influential players in the whole land sale business. It is practically very difficult to stop 22

people from building in areas not zoned for that project because these powerful people often are behind them. Individuals have taken the laws into their own hands and act with impunity. They know the laws don’t work and indiscipline is everywhere. (Male, IDI)

A key informant from the Department of Parks and Gardens expressed worry about the way physical development in Greater Kumasi is ripping the city of its green and open spaces. He remarked:

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Our Department (Parks and Gardens) is a decentralised one under Kumasi Metropolis…We are not an autonomous institution. We take instructions from the Assembly and we do not have any say regarding where and where not to develop in the city. I will put the blame squarely on the Assembly and in particular the Kumasi Planning Committee which has representatives from the Assembly, Lands Commission, Manhyia and other bodies associated with land. They should be blamed as they do the rezoning and, in the process, creates the mess. (Male, IDI)

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4. Discussion

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Both household respondents and key informants demonstrated appreciable knowledge of the importance of green space and trees to the environment and all of them were able to link green space to some benefits. The key informants, unsurprisingly, exhibited deep knowledge of

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environmental, socio-cultural and economic benefits of urban greenery. This is at variance with the findings of Craik et al. (2015), where respondents in some study communities believed that green spaces offer no benefits. Respondents’ views that green space serves as a habitat for different

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species of plants and animals is well grounded in literature (Aronson et al., 2017). The link between green space and climate as indicated by respondents is equally reported in numerous works (Bowler et al., 2010; Hardin and Jensen, 2007). The current findings are consistent with the empirical findings of Pincetl and Gearin (2005), where participants showed an understanding of the role of trees in improving the urban environment by cooling the atmosphere, buffering noise, absorbing air pollution, and serving as habitat for wildlife. Regarding the role of green space in 23

flood control, most respondents could not link the presence of green infrastructure to flood risk reduction. Several studies have however demonstrated the role green spaces play in hydrological improvement and flood risk control (Gill et al., 2007; Munang et al., 2013). The research reveals that the public has a good knowledge of the use of urban green space as a place for social functions, entertainment and relaxation. As Grahn et al. (2010) noted, people find such environments conducive for relaxation and recuperation. Our findings concur with Craik

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et al. (2015) where respondents demonstrated good knowledge of social functions of urban

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greenery. This knowledge notwithstanding, a good number of the study population did not patronise these public open places for social functions, particularly the female respondents. While

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non-use of these spaces has been attributed to family pressure, poor maintenance and security

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concerns, it is also true that in this part of the world, where poverty is grim, recreational activities during leisure times may not be an essential part of people’s way of life. Distance was not seen as

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barrier but economic status of respondents was a major push or motivating factor for use of public open spaces for entertainment and relaxation. The observation that fewer females patronised public

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green spaces aligns with the findings of Pillay and Pahlad (2014). It is also widely recognised that safety concerns related to green spaces are more salient for females than males (Jorgensen et al., 2007). As Jim and Chen (2006) observed, residents in some cases express attitudes of insecurity associated with green areas, with women in particular more likely to perceive green spaces such

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as parks as unsafe (Omoleke, 2012). Thus, gender perceptions relating to the social quality of green spaces (maintenance, aesthetics, recreation and crime) were more important for women than men. Respondents assertion that green infrastructure enhances the beauty of urban areas is valid.

The Central Park in New York, the Royal Parks in London, and the Red Square in Moscow are vivid examples of green spaces in city centres that characterise and enhance the image of their

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respective cities (Tajima, 2003). Household respondents generally demonstrated little understanding of the effects of vegetative cover on health. The generally low educational background and probably lack of knowledge of these respondents could have accounted for this. But the recognition that urban greenery can be a useful source of herbal medicine is incontrovertible. However, the link between urban greenery and human health is more complex than this. There is abundant evidence to show

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how urban green spaces have contributed to both the physical and mental well-being of the general

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public (Thompson et al., 2012; Wolch et al., 2014). Studies have shown a significant positive association between green space and perceived mental health (Beyer et al., 2014; Paquet et al.,

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2013; White et al., 2013).

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From the point of view of both household respondents and key informants, green spaces are of little importance in economic terms. Household respondents did not miss the point that

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public open spaces would benefit the city in economic terms and not the individuals. Such a view may appear however misplaced. After all, a city is an aggregation of individuals. Both the kind of

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responses given and manifestations on the ground clearly showed that traditional leaders and city authorities stand to gain in economic terms when urban land is used for or converted to commercial enterprises such as stores, lorry stations and offices. The current economic reality and expectations of higher economic returns from such investments make it increasingly unattractive to protect the

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green infrastructure of the city. Several studies, however, suggest that green construction can result in significant economic benefits by among other things increasing property value, increasing employee productivity and reducing energy, maintenance and operational costs (Heidt and Neef, 2008; Mwendwa and Giliba, 2012). It is clear from the current study that the level of formal education and gender correlate

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with knowledge of certain benefits of urban greenery. The dominant use of green spaces by female Christian respondents for prayer camps shows the influence of gender. The higher and in-depth knowledge displayed by the key respondents relative to household respondents could be linked to their higher level of education and professional background. Knowledge and perceptions of respondents and their views regarding green space preservation and restoration did not vary across the different localities, ethnic, and age groups.

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While the public is not oblivious of the associated benefits of keeping the city green, there

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was generally lack of motivation or interest to support its conservation in practical terms. This may be due to the generally low economic status of households and lack of economic incentives for

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protecting existing green spaces as well as embarking on a project of creating new ones. In a related

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study, Zhang et al. (2007) found a positive relationship between participants economic status and their willingness to donate money and voluntarily contribute time toward urban forestry

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programmes and activities. In this current study, participants generally showed positive attitude towards urban greenery, with majority of respondents in favour of urban tree activities. While

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individual households showed little interest in protecting or making green spaces integral part of their building plans, the city authorities by their actions and inactions suggest that urban green spaces are of little or no importance. This is evident in the manner in which existing green infrastructure (parks and gardens etc.) in the city have been converted to business and commercial

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enterprises such as commercial lorry stations and market squares. The need for space for residential and commercial buildings has pushed both individuals, metropolitan and municipal assemblies to continue to sacrifice any available open or green spaces in the urban and peri-urban areas. Of course, direct economic returns from these alternative investments is higher than keeping such spaces as urban greens. In effect, large area of Greater Kumasi that used to have vegetative cover

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including the public open spaces have been covered by concrete surfaces as reported in many empirical studies (Abass et al., 2018a; Afriyie et al., 2014; Quagraine, 2011). Arku et al. (2016) noted that planning for green spaces including parks is a major missing link in urban planning and design process in most cities in developing countries. Urban (re)development has not only removed some public green and open spaces but also recent planning policies have failed to preserve natural pockets and corridors, even as development continues to consume green fields

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(Arku et al., 2016). Studies from Ghana (Abass et al., 2018b; Adjei Mensah, 2014a; Arku et al.,

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2016; Dumenu, 2013; Quagraine, 2011), and other African countries (Analo, 2011; Mpofu, 2013; Oduwaye, 2013) have shown how policy failure and negative attitude of the general public have

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led to reduction and degradation of urban green spaces. The apparent inertia of public institutions

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themselves have been compromised.

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in the face of land use infractions may in the view of Intsiful (2016) suggest that these institutions

5. Conclusion and policy recommendations

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In general, respondents demonstrated appreciable knowledge about the environmental, social and economic benefits of urban green space. However, the commitment to protect and preserve it from both the household and institutional levels was lacking. The need to provide residential facilities for the growing population, buildings for industrial and commercial purposes, roads for

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transportation needs in the city and many others has led to massive destruction of urban greenery in Greater Kumasi. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first research that focused on public knowledge of

and attitude towards urban green space in Ghana. This novel contribution, however, must be weighed against the backdrop of the limitation of using a purely qualitative approach. In particular,

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this approach made it impossible to determine the strength of association between dependent variables (knowledge and perceptions) and explanatory background variables of respondents. This notwithstanding, the combined use of interview quide and schedule, the analytical approach adapted and the use of a relatively large sample not only make the results objective but the findings can be generalised beyond the study area. To protect the urban green space, we recommend enforcement of smart growth policies.

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This will demand among other things institutional strengthening, enforcement of land use

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legislation that protect urban green space as well as public education. Land use control must be enforced by the metropolitan and municipal assemblies. Given the magnitude of the problem,

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placing the responsibility solely on the city authorities may not address the problem. A dynamic

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management process that involves city authorities, traditional authorities and urban residents is necessary. A new generation of citizens ready to support the city authorities to ensure a more

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sustainable use of the urban environment is needed. Public education on the need to protect urban greenery through the mass media by various assemblies in collaboration with other relevant

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institutions is a matter of necessity. This may go a long way to engender behavioural change and positive attitude towards green space conservation. Neighbourhood tree planting and open spaces should be encouraged. In areas where trees have been removed, planned tree replanting must be undertaken with priority and prominence given to maintenance requirements by the Department

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of Parks and Gardens.

Acknowledgements We are particularly grateful to Dr. Edward Mathew Osei Jnr. and Beatrice Acheampong from Department of Geomatic Engineering, KNUST for their support in improving the quality of the paper. We also acknowledge the support and cooperation received from the officials of Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly, Town & Country Planning Department, Department of Parks & Gardens and many other institutions. To all other individuals who supported us in diverse ways, particularly 28

the two graduate assistants, we are sincerely grateful. We also want to thank the editors and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments and suggestions on an earlier version of this manuscript. We are equally indebted to all the interviewees for participating in this research. References Abass, K., Adanu, S. K., and Agyemang, S. (2018a). Peri-urbanisation and loss of arable land in Kumasi Metropolis in three decades: Evidence from remote sensing image analysis. Land Use Policy, 72, 470-479. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2018.01.013

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