Exploring married girls’ subjective experiences of well-being and challenges

Journal of Adolescence 79 (2020) 193–207

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Journal of Adolescence journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/adolescence

Exploring married girls’ subjective experiences of well-being and challenges

T

Hajara Baba, Joana Salifu Yendork∗, Samuel Atindanbila Department of Psychology, University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, Ghana

ARTICLE INFO

ABSTRACT

Keywords: Child marriage Married girls Well-being Experiences Challenges

Introduction: The well-being of married girls is often significantly affected by their early transitioning into the institution of marriage. This is accompanied by a normative shift in their focus from education and personal development to family life and motherhood. However, it is important we understand married girls’ perspectives of what their marriage mean to them and how that affects their well-being. Therefore, this study explored the subjective experiences of wellbeing and challenges among married girls in the Northern region of Ghana. Methods: A phenomenological approach was used to gather data through in-depth interviews. Twenty-one married girls between the ages of 12 and 19 years in Sagnarigu, Tolon and Mion districts of the Northern Region of Ghana were interviewed and data were analysed using thematic analysis. Results: Findings revealed that girls who perceived their marriage as early reported negative emotions whereas those who perceived their marriage as timely reported positive emotions. Married girls’ positive experiences were characterised by child bearing, higher social status, received social support and satisfaction of needs in their marriage. Challenges identified included poor socio-economic status, inadequate parenting skills, pregnancy and childbirth related distresses. Conclusions: Married girls expressed more positive outcomes in their marriage than they did for negative outcomes despite their general perception of their marriage being early. Implications for interventions and policy decision making are discussed.

1. Introduction Every year there are 15 million girls who are married as children, promoting the vicious cycles of poverty, inequality and insecurity (UNICEF [United Nations Children's Fund], 2016). Child marriage refers to the practice of a girl or boy getting married before the age of 18 years (United Nations Children Fund [UNICEF], 2015). Children who are victims of child marriage do not get to enjoy as their childhood years are cut short and their rights as humans are compromised (UNICEF, 2001). However, not all children face the risk of being victims of child marriage. A UNICEF report in 2013 on child marriage reveals that girls are more affected by child marriage than boys. Furthermore, girls from poor family backgrounds are two and a half times more likely to marry before age 18 than girls from wealthier family backgrounds, and those who marry young are more than twice as likely to be affected by poverty and remain poor (UNFPA [United Nations Population Fund], 2012; UNICEF, 2014). Initiating girls into early marriage is usually justified on the grounds that it serves as a means to prevent young girls from being

∗

Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected] (J. Salifu Yendork).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence.2020.01.009 Received 6 November 2018; Received in revised form 9 January 2020; Accepted 13 January 2020 0140-1971/ © 2020 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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influenced by Western lifestyles that may lead to immorality and premarital pregnancies (James, 2010). Again societal expectations often skew a young girl's sense of future towards producing children only. Hence, early marriage is believed to enable girls achieve self-fulfilment by assuming new roles as wives and mothers (UNICEF, 1999). Evidence also suggests that low educational levels and community norms are also contributing factors to child marriage (Parsons et al., 2015). Early marriage has several adverse effects on the well-being of the girls involved. It often leads to poor psychosocial development in married girls (UNFPA, 2012) as they lose their childhood years of formation while they are not physically, psychologically and emotionally prepared for adult roles and responsibilities. Girls who marry young face instances of isolation (Adekola, Akanbi, & Olawole-Isaac, 2016; UNICEF, 2001) which restrict their access to education and health information. They also encounter limited autonomy, power imbalance between them and their spouses, limited mobility and restriction from social interactions (Clark, Bruce, & Dude, 2006). This leads to low socio-economic status of the young girls as they are not able to develop themselves economically leading to higher poverty levels among them relative to their unmarried counterparts (UNICEF, 2001). Having highlighted some of the consequences of child marriage, it stands to reason that this practice represents a form of discrimination against girls as they are often deprived of their basic rights to health, education, development and equality which will gradually undermine eight out of the 16 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) if not properly checked. In Ghana, child marriage is illegal. Nonetheless, one in 5 girls is married before the age of 18 years with the three northern regions reporting the highest prevalence rates (22–28%) (Ghana Statistical Service, 2018). Despite the high incidence of child marriage in the country, studies devoted to this topic are scant. The few existing ones have focused largely on the causes of child marriage (Amoo, 2017; MoGCSP, 2016; Tsekpo, Afram, Boateng, & Sefa-Nyarko, 2016) and the negative consequences of early marriage on married girls (Alhassan, 2013; de Groot, Kuunyem, & Palermo, 2018). These studies used the legal definition of child marriage and authors superimposed their ideas about what ‘early’ marriage means and assume that once girls married before their 18th birthday, their marriage was early and could negatively affect their wellbeing. Additionally, these studies did not specifically focus on married girls' perspectives of the timing of their marriage and their subjective experiences of marrying early and being young mothers. It is our belief that married girls' appraisal of the timing of their marriage will have implications for their perceived preparedness for marriage and consequently their experiences in the marriage. In light of the gaps identified in existing literature, the present study explored married girls' perspectives of the timing of their marriage and their subjective experiences of wellbeing and challenges as young wives and young mothers. Well-being has been conceptualised as a multidimensional construct encompassing several dimensions. Ryff and Singer (1996) identify six dimensions including self-acceptance, positive relations with others, autonomy, environmental mastery, purpose in life and personal growth. The literature also distinguishes between subjective well-being and objective well-being. Subjective well-being encompasses overall life satisfaction, and experiences of positive and negative emotions (Diener, 1994). On the other hand, objective well-being entails more negotiable material characteristics such as socio-economic conditions, income, level of education and the absence of illness which are unique to an individual's circumstance (Schueller & Seligman, 2010). Drawing from these explanations, it can be argued that well-being is characterized by some amount of positive life conditions. In the present study, subjective wellbeing is explored in the context of child marriage as the presence of positive experiences leading to positive affect and negative experiences or challenges leading to negative affect. While early marriage has been viewed in the negative light, the individual's interpretation of their experiences may determine the effect early marriage may have on their well-being. In light of this, the transactional model of stress and coping (Lazarus, 1966; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) was used as a theoretical framework to understand married girls' perspectives of the timing of their marriage and their subjective experiences of being young wives and young mothers. This theory is able to explain how the interaction of stress and coping can result in either good or poor psychological well-being (Siemer, Mauss, & Gross, 2007). The theory proposes that positive or negative emotions are the outcome of interaction between an individual and the environment. This interaction is mediated by cognitive appraisal, which encompasses primary and secondary appraisals and coping. With primary appraisal, the individual evaluates the potential impact of the encounter to their well-being after which the encounter is judged as either irrelevant (not having any potential impact) or stressful. Stressors are identified by how much threat they pose to the individual's well-being, which may be physical or psychosocial. Stressful encounters can be judged as challenging, threatening or harmful and each appraisal determines the subsequent action by the individual. When an individual appraises an encounter as stressful, they engage in secondary appraisal whereby an evaluation of their coping capabilities is done. In such evaluation, the consequences of specific coping strategies (emotion-focused- or problem-focused coping strategies) are evaluated. Following these processes, the resulting affect (either positive or negative) is an outcome of a stressful encounter which reflects the person's judgment of the impact of the encounter to their well-being and the coping resources they have to manage the encounter. Positive affect results from an encounter that is judged as harmful or threatening but which the individual believes they have the coping resources to manage the stressor. On the other hand, negative affect results from the appraisal of an encounter as threatening, challenging or harmful but which the individual reckons that they lack the coping resources to manage the stressor. In the context of child marriage, it is our belief that although early marriage could be judged as stressful, married girls' evaluation of their marriage considering its perceived timing and their individual subjective encounters will determine whether they will report positive experiences of wellbeing or negative and challenging experiences. Adopting this approach is necessary because while UNICEF and other international organisations have clearly documented risks associated with early marriage, many girls may also encounter positive experiences which could underpin girls' desire to marry early. Understanding girls’ diverse experiences from their own perspective could have the following implications. First, findings of positive experiences could help NGOs and other organisations working with married girls to enhance positive experiences in early marriage. Second, findings of positive experiences could 194

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lead to interventions that may elicit positive outcomes (e.g., elevated status, self-esteem, social support) in unmarried girls living in communities that practice child marriage without them marrying early. Third, findings of negative experiences could also inform interventionists and policy makers of the nature and degree of challenges of married girls which could inform policies aimed at helping married girls manage the distresses in their marriage, and the practice of child marriage in Ghana. In the present study, a qualitative approach was used to address the following research questions: (1) How do married girls perceive the timing of their marriage? (2) What are married girls' subjective experiences of well-being as young wives and as young mothers? (3) What are married girls' subjective experiences of challenges as young wives and young mothers? Findings from this study will provide a better understanding of early marriage from the married girls’ own point of view and to discover their strengths and nurture them to enhance well-being. 2. Method 2.1. Research design This study forms part of a broader mixed-method study that employed both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore resilience and protective factors among married girls in Northern Ghana. In the present paper, a qualitative approach was used to explore married girls' perspectives of their experience of early marriage. The phenomenological approach was used to capture the married girls’ subjective lived-realities concerning their marriage (Creswell, 2013). Specifically, semi-structured in-depth interviews were used for data collection. 2.2. Research context This study was carried out in the Northern region of Ghana, which has been shown to record the highest frequency of child marriage (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014). Data was collected specifically in Sagnarigu, Tolon and Mion districts of the Northern Region of Ghana where child marriages are recorded at high rates (Naatogmah, 2016). Dagomba is the predominant ethnic group in the research context and the widely spoken language is Dagbani (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010). The prevailing cultural traditions and practices are peculiar to the Dagombas who practise the patriarchal system, where men head and control the family and inheritance. Owing to this male dominance, women are usually marginalized and sidelined in decision making and they rarely express their opinions (Bawah, Akweongo, Simmons, & Phillips, 1999; Takyi & Dodoo, 2005). The Dagombas also adhere to very strong gender role ideologies that limit the role of women to domestic tasks and producing children (Bawa et al., 1999). For this reason most girls do not get educational opportunities. The literature also shows that some of the few girls that attend school tend to drop out early to get married at some point due to reasons such as poverty (Alhassan, 2013), religion and parent's intentions to prevent girls from premarital sexual relations (Alhassan, 2013; Awusabo-Asare, Abane, & KumiKyereme, 2004; Osafo, Asampong, Langmagne, & Ahiedeke, 2014) as well as cultural norms surrounding the benefits of marriage and child bearing (Addai, Opoku-Agyeman, & Amanfu, 2015; Alhassan, 2013). Marriage is regarded as a prestigious institution and is often used as a milestone to earn social recognition and respect by both men and women because of the high value placed on chastity and child bearing. Men are allowed to practise polygamy in order to maintain respect and higher social status by having as many children as they can. However women, who are usually marginalized, tend to use marriage as a tool to be associated with their husbands’ identities and also bear children in order to gain their recognition and respect in society (Addai et al., 2015; Adinkrah, 2012; Tsekpo et al., 2016). Young girls who are groomed purposefully for marriage are regarded as full-grown women when they experience menarche (Ampofo, 2001) because of the belief that when girls experience menarche they can bear children, which is one of their socially expected roles. By virtue of this, girls are trained from childhood to assume their future roles as housekeepers by limiting them to household chores while boys are allowed to learn a trade, work or attend school (Ampofo, 2001). Other marriage norms include the expectation that wives should be respectful and submissive to their husbands who are the breadwinners of the home. The people of Northern Ghana are predominantly Muslim. Hence, the Islamic faith is dominant in some aspects of their culture such as festivals and dress codes (especially for women who cover their hair with a veil to signify their married status) (Abdul-Hamid, 2010). 2.3. Sampling and participants Convenient and purposive sampling was used to select 21 married girls between the ages of 12 and 19 years. To identify these girls, the first author carried out prior visits to the communities of focus in order to establish rapport with the residents and also prepare the grounds for successful recruitment of participants. With assistance from some NGOs operating in the Northern region, specifically the Northern Sector Action on Awareness Center (NORSAAC) and Action Aid as well as the Department of Social Welfare, potential participants were recruited for participation in the study. NORSAAC is an NGO based in the Northern region of Ghana that works to address women's rights, governance and reproductive health. They work in collaboration with Action Aid Ghana that seeks to address poverty and injustices among the poor and excluded people. These NGOs expressed great interest in the issue of child marriage; however married girls who were beneficiaries of the NGOs were not included in the study because they were older than 19 years at the time of the study although they married as children. Participants were accessed through the assistance of some unmarried girls who were beneficiaries of these NGOs and then snowballing was used to reach the rest of the participants. Potential participants were met in person and recruitment was done by word of mouth. 195

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Participants were mainly out of school adolescents; 4 of them had no form of education, 6 were primary school drop-outs, 8 were junior high school (JHS) drop-outs and 3 were senior high school (SHS) drop-outs. Although they showed different levels of education, there seemed to be no much differences among them as those who dropped out of school could not express themselves averagely in the English language which is used as a medium of teaching in Ghanaian schools. Out of the 21 girls, 2 were coerced into marriage, 13 reported engaging in courtship before marriage, 4 got married as a result of teenage pregnancy while 2 did not state why they got married. All participants identified as Muslim with 16 out of 21 of them engaged in no economic activity. Out of the 21 girls, 12 had children, 5 were without children but were expectant mothers while 4 had neither a child nor were they expectant. The married girls reported that their husbands were older men but they could not report their ages because according to them, it is disrespectful to ask their husbands of their ages (see Table 1). Table 1 Sociodemographic characteristics of participants. Participant

Age at study period

Age at marriage

Year(s) in marriage

Level of education

Employment status

Husband's employment

No. of Children

Amina Aisha Memuna Sala Safia Mariyam Kusuum Khadija Nasiba Sanatu Alima Hawa Rukaya Zelia Safura Ayi Zaharawu Rabi Asana Fuseina Kubura

17 18 16 16 16 17 17 17 17 17 18 18 18 18 13 18 18 17 18 18 17

16 16 13 15 14 16 16 15 16 16 14 17 17 17 12 16 13 16 17 17 12

1 2 3 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 2 5 1 1 1 4

JHS JHS None SHS Primary Primary None None JHS Primary None SHS SHS Primary JHS JHS JHS Primary JHS JHS Primary

Unemployed Petty trader Petty trader Unemployed Unemployed Seamstress Unemployed Head porter Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed Carpenter Unemployed Unemployed Petty trader Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed

Plumber Nurse Farmer Mason Mason Carpenter Taxi driver Painter Barber Unemployed Sells corn Teacher Blacksmith Repairer Mason Unemployed Farmer Unemployed Unemployed Farmer Mechanic

1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 0 1 2

Note: All names are pseudonyms.

2.4. Procedure Key informants were NGO beneficiaries and staff from the social welfare department. They pre-informed married girls about the visit of the researchers. Then an interview meeting was scheduled either at school premises, offices of the National Health Insurance or married girls' parents’ homes. Married girls were interviewed by the first author solely in the Dagbani language and interviews were audio-recorded with permission from participants. Data was obtained with the use of semi-structured interview guides which allowed participants to freely express themselves from their own point of view without compromising the focus of the study. Sample questions included: What do you think of the timing of your marriage? What do you enjoy about being a young wife? What do you enjoy about being a young mother? What are the challenges you face in carrying out your duties as a young wife? What are the challenges you face in carrying out your duties as a young mother? Probes were used during the interviews to seek clarity on issues discussed by participants. Each individual interview lasted between 20 and 30 min. Some of the participants were not very expressive and provided brief responses to questions asked of them. These participants did not speak much even after probing. This was probably due to the prevailing cultural expectations that women do not express their opinions. 2.5. Ethical considerations Prior to data collection, ethical clearance was obtained from the University of Ghana's Ethics Committee for Humanities and permission was sought from the Department of Social Welfare in the Northern region of Ghana, as participants fell under the category of people managed by this institution. The first author carefully explained the purpose of the study, potential risks and benefits to participants verbally in their local dialect. Prospective benefits that were outlined to the girls included the fact that speaking openly to someone concerning their challenges could serve as a relief from suppressed thoughts and emotions that could compromise their well-being. Also, they were made to know that sharing their experiences could help researchers understand their situation better which could be useful in developing interventions. They were also informed about potential risks including emotional breakdown or recall of traumatic events that could be distressing for them. The girls were also made to understand that they were at liberty to choose to be part of the study and that if they felt uncomfortable at any point during the interview, they could opt out without any 196

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consequences to them. Consent was sought verbally from participants before they were recruited into the study and in some cases; consent was sought from parents of married girls who were temporarily living with their parents because they had just had a baby. This is usually a practice in Dagomba communities where married women temporarily move in with their parents to be guided and taught on how to care for their newly born babies. Participants again were assured of strict confidentiality and anonymity. To ensure confidentiality, participants were interviewed in private settings such as school premises and other institutional buildings that were provided by gatekeepers and the NGOs. No girl was interviewed in her marital home because we wanted them to feel safe to share their experiences. Finally, during the interviews, participants who showed signs of psychological distress such as sadness and apprehension received psychological interventions from a psychologist working with NORSAAC. A standard monetary compensation of GH 5 (US$ 0.88) was offered to participants for their time. 2.6. Data analysis Audio-recorded interviews in Dagbani were first transcribed in English by the first author who also conducted the interviews. To ensure trustworthiness of the transcribed interviews, the transcripts were reviewed for accuracy by a Dagbani language expert from the Department of Linguistics at University of Ghana. Transcripts were manually analysed using Braun and Clarke's (2006) six phases of thematic analyses. The steps involved familiarisation with the data, generating codes from data, identifying themes, reviewing of themes, defining and naming themes, and writing a report. The process of familiarisation started with the transcription of the audio-taped interviews which enabled the first author to get acquainted with participants’ narratives. Then, the transcripts were read through severally by both the first and second authors to enable them get a sense of issues discussed by the participants and also to generate coding strategies. During this stage, the authors agreed to adopt both deductive and inductive coding strategies. Deductive coding was guided by the research objectives whereas inductive coding required that sub-themes will be allowed to emerge from the data. Hence, although the study had objectives which guided questions asked of participants, the analysis did not simply summarise the responses of participants but also identified emerging themes from the data. The process of code generation began with the first author engaging in a line-by-line reading of each of the 21 transcripts. The process of open/in vivo coding was applied which allowed for the identification and labelling of meaningful segments of the transcripts after multiple readings of the raw data. These codes were organised with Microsoft Excel with the study objectives (e.g. perception on timing of marriage, challenges of early motherhood, positive experiences of early motherhood etc.) as the heading of each column and participant names (pseudonyms) were used to label each row. Afterwards, all the codes generated were reviewed by the first and second authors to identify areas of disagreement on the labelling of the codes. When agreement was reached, themes and sub-themes were identified by organising generated codes into broader categories of themes based on their similarity. To achieve this, some of the codes were copied from their original cells and were placed in different cells that were considered more appropriate for the issues highlighted in the code. When all codes were placed into broader themes and sub-themes, they were reviewed by both first and second authors to ascertain areas of redundancy. Here, some overlapping themes and those that were wrongly placed were reassigned. This process was followed until the authors were certain that themes were appropriately placed. Next, the generated themes and sub-themes were defined and names were assigned to them. Finally, report writing involved the interpretation and discussion of the themes and sub-themes in line with the existing literature and appropriate theories in the area of study. Examples of themes, sub-themes and codes that emerged from the data are presented in Table 2 below. 2.7. Trustworthiness of the findings To ensure trustworthiness of the study findings, strategies suggested by Shenton (2004) were employed to achieve credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. To ensure credibility, the following steps were taken: First, the first author embarked on a prior visit to the research settings to build rapport with the participants. Second, during the entire research process and data analyses, there were frequent debriefing sessions among the authors which helped to assess and address alternative approaches to the research and to check researcher biases during the analysis. Third, the first author conducted the interviews in the participants' own local language. The transcribed interviews were also reviewed by a Dagbani language expert. Fourth, initial coding was done by the first author and then reviewed by the second author. Subsequent stages of the data analysis were mainly done by the first and second authors in order to ensure that conclusions were based solely on participants’ accounts of their experiences but not those of the researchers. Transferability was achieved by the provision of sufficient and detailed descriptions of the research process and backgrounds of married girls. This will offer readers a better understanding of the processes undertaken during the research and allow them to compare findings with real life situations. To ensure dependability, all data collection procedures used for interviews, transcription and discussions were carefully documented to enable replication of findings. To ensure confirmability, the reasons for the choice of research methods, tools and procedures were explained with their limitations outlined for the purpose of objectivity.

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Table 2 Examples of themes, sub-themes and codes. Themes

Sub-theme

Codes

Quotes

Perspectives on the time of marriage

An early marriage (Negative)

Regret for timing of marriage

“I can just be thinking in mind that if I had waited and searched [for a job] before I married, maybe a lot of things wouldn't have been disturbing [me]. Even if they were to disturb [me], it won't disturb [me] so much.”

Timely marriage (Positive)

Timing of marriage is predestined

“… I do think about it [consider my marriage an early one] … You will just be sitting and something … how am I even going to say this? [I struggle to find the appropriate expression to use] Something will be moving in your heart [palpitations] and you will just tell yourself that ‘if I had waited it would have been better”

Respect from society

“What I like about it [my marriage] is that, when something happens they say ‘this person's wife’ [the woman is associated with her husband's name or title], this has happened to her or she is this way or she is that way [when describing or talking about her]. If it is a good character you put up, mentioning your husband's name and then yours would make you proud but if it is something bad, you wouldn't be happy about it. It will also make you gain respect among your peers.”

Received financial assistance

“To be frank, if I ask him [my husband] to get me something he gets it for me. If he doesn't have the financial strength he tells me to exercise patience. Truly, when he gets money he buys me what I asked for.”

Benefit of childbirth

“When you get married, the most important thing is to have a child. Even if you are married and have a child but have no cloth or scarf over your head, it is what I love most about marriage. If you don't have a child, it is a disappointment to you. But for the fancy clothes and veils, you can wake up one day and you will also be able to buy yourself such things [you can buy yourself anything but a child]. For a child, if you don't [have one it is a problem] … you know a woman's time is limited and there is a time that you wouldn't be able to give birth anymore so the child is what I want.”

Fulfilment from motherhood

Happiness from childcare

“As for taking care of a child, what you can love about it is when the child has eaten and is full, and is healthy, in that case he would be a source of joy and happiness to you because there is no disturbance he can give you [he would not disturb] and there is no problem or illness.”

Elevated self-esteem

Positive body image from pregnancy

“Eeh! What I like [about motherhood] is the pregnancy that I am carrying, that is what I like. When I wasn't pregnant, I was not like this [plump]. Now that I am pregnant, my life has changed and I like it that way [I am satisfied with my body size] …”

Less stressful childbirth

Uncomplicated child birth

“In my case, as you know giving birth is painful. But I did not really experience pains. You know, when some people are giving birth, they have to be given drips [Intravenous fluids] and blood [transfusion]. But in my case, it was different. I gave birth and I was still healthy.”

Lack of money for food

“… Because my husband is not doing anything [unemployed] and am also not doing anything [unemployed] there are some days that to get food to eat is a problem [for us]. In that case it is a source of worry like that [It disturbs us a lot]. This morning, it is just ‘koko’ [a locally prepared maize porridge] that I drank before coming here!… And I have come to sit here like that [without food]. I have not eaten anything [after taking maize porridge in the morning] …

Subjective experiences of well-being Positive experiences as a High status in society young wife

Support and satisfaction of needs

Positive experiences of motherhood Joy and prospects of child bearing

Subjective experience of challenges Challenges as young wives Poor socio-economic status

(continued on next page)

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Table 2 (continued) Themes

Challenges as young mothers

Sub-theme

Codes

Quotes

Relationship problems with in-laws

Conflict with sister-in-law

“my husband has a sister, she got married but now she and her husband are divorced and she came back to the house. Every day she disturbs me, even if my friends come [to visit me], she will drive them away … When I am in my room, in the night she will come and say she wants to watch a movie, she will sit until 11pm or 12am before she leaves.”

Complete dissatisfaction with marriage

Nothing enjoyable about marriage

No challenges experienced as young wives

No experienced challenges

“Hmm. Is there really something I enjoy in marriage [as a young wife]? No. I don't enjoy anything about marriage. I am fed up with it! So because of that I don't enjoy anything about it.” “Frankly speaking because I just got married, I don't know of any problems [as a young wife]. My problems [as a wife] are rather linked to my workplace”

Distress from child rearing

Child care is difficult

“Taking care of a child is very distressing [as a young mother] … Sometimes at night and sometimes during the day. Yes [the child cries] when he is sick …”

Distress from pregnancy and childbirth

Complicated pregnancy

“Oi! It [pregnancy] is very difficult! … Just like I am sitting right now … it disturbs me … it hurts a lot. I have not been pregnant before but since I got pregnant it is like I am going to die!… Every day, hospital [frequent illness] … Yes. It [pregnancy]disturbs me a lot”

Distress from child loss

Distress from child loss

No positive experiences as young mothers

No pleasant experience from motherhood

“… he [the baby] had problem in the chest [lack of oxygen] … When he [the baby]was delivered he wasn't crying but just breathing heavily and the madams [nurses] tried their best to restore back his breathing again. They then told us that if we go home and the breathing changes again, we should come back tomorrow so they can write a note for us [for referral]. So the following day we went back and they referred us to Yendi (an urban city in the Northern region). It was at Yendi that he [the baby]died … It really disturbed me a lot because I looked at the suffering that I went through [I think of the pain I went through in giving birth].” “… I don't enjoy anything as a mother”.

3. Results The aims of the study were to explore the following: 1. Married girls' perspectives concerning the timing of their marriage. 2. Positive experiences associated with child marriage; and 3. Challenges associated with child marriage. Regarding married girls’ perspectives on the timing of their marriage, more girls (11 girls) admitted to their marriage being early than being well-timed (2 girls). Interestingly, married girls reported more positive experiences (16 participants) of well-being than they did for challenges (12 participants) they encountered as young wives. For positive experiences as mothers, 11 positive responses were obtained while 15 participants reported challenges encountered as young mothers. Below are themes that were gathered in connection to the study aims: 3.1. Perspectives on the time of marriage Varied perspectives of timing were associated with different emotions which are presented with excerpts of participants' accounts. Here, participants’ ages at the time of data collection and their ages at the time of marriage did not reflect any differences in their responses. Educational level was also not a determinant of whether or not participants expressed positive or negative views on the timing of their marriage. Below are the themes identified from the data. 3.1.1. An early marriage Some of the married girls felt their marriage was early. This is accounted for by the following excerpts: “… Hmm … a lot! [I think of my marriage as early] … Me and my colleagues who were growing [my childhood colleagues], for those [among us] who attended school, they have not even looked for men yet [they are still single], not to talk of giving birth [they have no children either]. Some of them even have jobs and are working and so they have not married yet, but I am married and even given birth when I don't even have money to take care of them [my children]. In that case, if not because I married early, I would have also been out 199

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there doing something for a living. My early marriage is the reason why [Early marriage caused my unemployment].” (Zaharawu; 18 years, junior high, married at 13years) “I can just be thinking in mind that if I had waited and searched [for a job] before I married, maybe a lot of things wouldn't have been disturbing [me]. Even if they were to disturb [me], it won't disturb [me] so much.” (Alima; 18 years, no education, married at 14 years) Other participants who perceived they married early also expressed regret about their early marriage. This is demonstrated by the excerpt below: “… I have ever thought of that [my marriage was rather early] … there are some days that you go through some pain that you will say if you hadn't gotten married earlier it would have been better … Like when I first got pregnant, the way it[the pregnancy] made me feel. The little-little sicknesses [frequent illness], so I thought that when I wasn't married it was better ….” (Hawa; 18 years, senior high drop-out, married 17 years) Some participants also expressed sadness in marrying early and thought they would have been happier if not for their marriage. “For me, I have not enjoyed it [marriage] from the beginning up till today. I would have been happier if I had not been married today but I am already married.” (Kubura; 17 years, primary school, married at 12 years) Anxiety was also expressed in the following excerpt. “… I do think about it [consider my marriage an early one] … You will just be sitting and something … how am I even going to say this? [I struggle to find the appropriate expression to use] Something will be moving in your heart [palpitations] and you will just tell yourself that ‘if I had waited it would have been better”. (Rukaya; 18 years, senior high, married at 17 years) Married girls who believed that they married early reported negative emotions as Zaharawu and Alima narrated. They expressed regrets for shattered dreams that happened as a result of their marriage. They demonstrated remorse for getting into marriage at an early age which they believed had ruined their chances of seeking better lives by learning a skill or searching for jobs. Hawa's narrative in the excerpt above showed remorse for marrying early. Married at the age of 17, she complained of the pregnancy-related distress which she reported was brought about by her marriage. Rukaya, an 18 year-old married girl, felt that her marriage was early because reflecting on her marriage makes her feel anxious. She associated this feeling of anxiety with something moving in her heart which she could not explain. 3.1.2. Timely marriage On the other hand, one married girl reported that she did not think her marriage was early but perceived it as timely: “I don't see it like that [my marriage was early]. Everyone and where their destiny lies [everyone has a destiny]. For all you know, God has given you your destiny early [you have discovered your destiny early], and then you say that you have married early so you leave your husband's house [quit your marriage], you will sit [remain single for a long time and] you won't get a man to marry anymore. So you don't have to see it as an early marriage.” (Asana; 18 years, junior high, married at 15 years) Another girl also reported that it was normal for a young girl to be married and have children: “… A child can get married, 15 years or 13-year-old can be married or have children.” (Memuna; 15 years, no education, married at 12 years) Menuma, who was 15 years and married at the age of 12, was confident that her marriage was not early and that it is a normal occurrence for young girls in her community to marry early. Asana, who married at the age of 15 years, described marriage as a blessing which should be appreciated when it comes early, hence she believes it did not matter which age one got into marriage. These girls viewed their marriage as timely were happy about it. The perceived blessings associated with marriage is a value that society instils in the youth which helps them justify early marriage. 3.2. Subjective experiences of well-being Themes under subjective experience of well-being among the participants were categorised into positive experiences as a young wife and positive experiences as a young mother. 3.2.1. Positive experiences as a young wife The positive experiences of young wives that were expressed included higher social status, receipt of support, satisfaction of needs and no positive experience. There were 16 girls who reported having these positive experiences while 4 girls reported of no positive experience at all. It appeared that girls who expressed positive experiences in marriage got married at relatively older ages than those who reported no positive experiences as young wives. 3.2.1.1. High status in society. Some married girls reported having a higher status in society by virtue of their marriage. This is indicated in the following excerpt: “What I like about it [my marriage] is that, when something happens they say ‘this person's wife’ [the woman is associated with her 200

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husband's name or title], this has happened to her or she is this way or she is that way [when describing or talking about her]. If it is a good character you put up, mentioning your husband's name and then yours would make you proud but if it is something bad, you wouldn't be happy about it. It will also make you gain respect among your peers.” (Rabi; 17 years, primary school, married at 15 years) Another girl also reported an elevated status in wearing a veil which defines a married woman in her society. “Madam, it [positive marriage experience] involves wearing of the veil and the fact that your husband buys you things you like.” (Ayi; 18 years, junior high, married at 17 years) Rabi, a 17 year-old who married at age 15, reported enjoying being labelled as a ‘wife’ or being identified by her husband's name or identity. In traditional Dagomba societies where women are usually marginalized, marriage remains the prestigious institution which offers women hope to be recognised and respected. This served as opportunity for young girls to increase their self-esteem and also gain respect among their peers by being associated with their husbands. 3.2.1.2. Support and satisfaction of needs. Another central issue that emerged was that marriage served as a source of support and satisfaction of basic needs. Married girls reported various ways in which their marriage serves as a source of satisfaction of their needs. The following excerpts highlight this view: “The dresses he [my husband] buys me, and when he helps me with the baby when he [the baby]is crying and I have work to do. And when we [my husband and I] eat together and also sometimes play.” (Amina; 17 years, junior high, married at 16 years) “To be frank, if I ask him [my husband] to get me something he gets it for me. If he doesn't have the financial strength he tells me to exercise patience. Truly, when he gets money he buys me what I asked for.” (Khadija; 17 years, no education, married at 15 years) Some girls also reported benefiting financial support from their marriage. This included monetary support from their husband and in-laws which enhanced positive experiences. “For pocket money [money for upkeep], he [my husband] gives me. Sometimes his mother also gives me some [money]. This also makes me happy. Apart from these, my own hard work also makes me happy.” (Mariyam, 17 years, primary school, married at 16 years) Some married girls admitted to having positive experiences as young wives because their husband provided them with their needs such as food, clothing and gifts as shown in Khadija's narrative. Others also received emotional support in the form of assistance with child care and the opportunity to eat together with their husband as reported by Amina. Given the power dynamic between a husband and a wife in the research contexts, it is an honour for a woman when her husband eats and plays with her. Mariyam's account also indicates the amount of social support some girls received from their new families which is essential for building resilience and enhancing positive outcomes. It is also worth noting that the individual's beliefs in their own effort also contribute to their happiness. To Mariyam, her own hard work, irrespective of an early marriage, also contributed to her happiness. 3.2.2. Positive experience of motherhood Concerning positive experiences of motherhood among the married girls, issues that were raised involved joy in child bearing and caring for a child, improved self-esteem, less stress and successful delivery while others reported no positive experience at all. These were responses obtained from married girls who had children or were expectant mothers. There were 9 reports of positive experiences of motherhood and 2 reports of no positive experiences of motherhood. There were no differences in the histories of young mothers who reported positive experiences and those who reported no positive experiences. 3.2.2.1. Joy and prospects of child bearing. Most of the girls were of the view that there was joy and good prospects in child bearing. For example, Khadija, a 17 year-old, is motivated to have children because she believed it will help her secure a better future. She mentioned further that child bearing is the benefit of being married. These views are highlighted in the following narratives: “When you get married, the most important thing is to have a child. Even if you are married and have a child but have no cloth or scarf over your head, it is what I love most about marriage. If you don't have a child, it is a disappointment to you. But for the fancy clothes and veils, you can wake up one day and you will also be able to buy yourself such things [you can buy yourself anything but a child]. For a child, if you don't [have one it is a problem] … you know a woman's time is limited and there is a time that you wouldn't be able to give birth anymore so the child is what I want.” (Asana; 18 years, junior high, married at 15 years) “The benefit [of being married] is child bearing. When these children go to school and are educated, in adulthood they can take care of you. That is the benefit of living with a man in wedlock [marriage].” (Khadija; 17 years, no education, married at 15 years) Another girl reported that having a child is a positive experience because it served as a learning process for her. “Previously, I didn't know what marriage was all about. I didn't know what love was. I didn't know how it felt like giving birth.” (Aisha; 18 years, junior high, married at 16 years) For these girls, having a child was an essential ingredient in their marriage and without it there would be no joy. Childbirth was significant to these girls because of marriage norms in their societies which compel young girls to give birth immediately after marriage in order to register their presence and value in the family. Childbirth is an important requirement for acceptance and honour in their new families and a source of happiness for the young wife. Further, the experiences gained in childbirth contribute to 201

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building their knowledge base and will prepare them for subsequent childbirth. 3.2.2.2. Fulfilment in motherhood. Some of the girls expressed that caring for their children was fulfilling. The excerpts below illustrate this view: “What I enjoy [about motherhood] is that … you will still be thinking that ‘I am going to buy this, I am going to buy that’ and in the end it is the child's things you are buying [whatever you intend buying is eventually directed towards the child].” (Rukaya; 18 years, senior high, married at 17 years). “… Madam, you can be taking care of a child and his father will go somewhere and buy something like clothes that you should put on him … [when the father is supportive in providing the needs of the child] … hnnn (giggles) … Yes” [having a child is a beautiful thing]. (Ayi; 18 years, junior high, married at 17 years). Similarly, there were instances of joy and happiness experienced when the baby was healthy, showing the traits of a good and loving mother. “What I enjoy most [about motherhood] is when the baby is very healthy, it makes me happy. But when he is sick, I am not myself, because I don't know what is wrong with him unless I take him to the hospital so they can tell me what is wrong and give us medicine. When he is well again, then I become happy because the child too is healthy now.” (Rabi; 17 years, primary school, married at 15 years). “As for taking care of a child, what you can love about it is when the child has eaten and is full, and is healthy, in that case he would be a source of joy and happiness to you because there is no disturbance he can give you [he would not disturb] and there is no problem or illness.” (Asana; 18 years, junior high, married at 15 years). For some of these girls, childbirth transformed them positively and they tended to demonstrate that in the love they had for their children. Providing their children's basic needs such as food, clothing and motherly warmth demonstrates a mother's love for her child. 3.2.2.3. Elevated self-esteem. Some of the married girls found motherhood as a source of elevated self-esteem. This is demonstrated by the following excerpt; “Nhmn … for a child [Having a child] …. you can go and sit somewhere and also boast of having your own child …” (Kubura; 17 years, primary school, married at 12 years). Also, some of the girls saw motherhood as an opportunity to improve on their physical features which in turn gave them higher self-esteem. Amidst the undeniable troubles and discomfort associated with pregnancy, Hawa still loved to be pregnant because during pregnancy, she developed some physical features that made her feel good about herself. “Eeh! What I like [about motherhood] is the pregnancy that I am carrying, that is what I like. When I wasn't pregnant, I was not like this [plump]. Now that I am pregnant, my life has changed and I like it that way [I am satisfied with my body size] …”. (Hawa; 18 years, senior high, married 17 years). Improved self-esteem was gained from motherhood which caused girls to feel proud, respected among their peers and elevated their status in society. Positive feelings about oneself and improved self-esteem are good indicators of psychological well-being. 3.2.2.4. Less stressful childbirth. Some girls also reported childbirth was smooth for them because they had no complications. The following excerpt illustrates this: “In my case, as you know giving birth is painful. But I did not really experience pains. You know, when some people are giving birth, they have to be given drips [Intravenous fluids] and blood [transfusion]. But in my case, it was different. I gave birth and I was still healthy.” (Sala; 16 years, senior high, married at 15 years). When Sala compares her childbirth experience with other girls she knows who had difficult labour and childbirth, she described her experience as smooth and a positive one she was happy about. 3.3. Subjective experience of challenges In as much as the girls experienced some positives encounters in their marriages, they also had some challenges to deal with. The challenges reported were categorised into challenges as young wives and challenges as young mothers. 3.3.1. Challenges as young wives The challenges associated with being a young wife included poor socio-economic status and difficult relationship with in-laws. 3.3.1.1. Poor socio-economic status. Poor socio-economic status was a major problem for most of the married girls: “… Because my husband is not doing anything [unemployed] and am also not doing anything [unemployed] there are some days that to get food to eat is a problem [for us]. In that case it is a source of worry like that [It disturbs us a lot]. This morning, it is just ‘koko’ [a locally 202

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prepared maize porridge] that I drank before coming here!… And I have come to sit here like that [without food]. I have not eaten anything [after taking maize porridge in the morning] …” (Sanatu; 17 years, primary school, married 16 years) “If I want something to buy but have no money, and I go to tell my husband [that I want money to buy that thing] if he tells me he has no money but I also love that thing, it can worry me a lot.” (Safura; 13 years, junior high, married at 12 years). Similarly married girls complained of unemployment and financial difficulties, which made it difficult for them to take care of their families. “I have faced a lot of challenges [as a young wife] but right now my main problem is that I just want a job or something to do. If I could also just get something to sell [as my business] so I could earn something for me and my children to feed. That is my greatest challenge.” (Kubura; 17 years, primary school, married at 12 years). “You can just wish to do something but you don't have [money], in order to do it. Or you can just encounter some problem, but you don't have [money] so you sit down and be brooding over it.” (Alima; 18 years, no education, married at 14 years) Considering the fact that most of the married girls were typically school dropouts with little or no education, most of them depended solely on their husbands. In cases where their husbands were not able to meet their financial needs, they got into distress because of unmet expectations and needs. 3.3.1.2. Relationship problems with in-laws. Again, some girls expressed relationship problems with their in-laws and had limited autonomy in their home. “my husband has a sister, she got married but now she and her husband are divorced and she came back to the house. Every day she disturbs me, even if my friends come [to visit me], she will drive them away … When I am in my room, in the night she will come and say she wants to watch a movie, she will sit until 11pm or 12am before she leaves.” (Nasiba; 17 years, junior high, married at 16 years) “… I think of my relationship with my mother-in-law, my sisters-in-law and my brothers-in-law. I do not know that if I do this [anything can offend them] … or you can just be happy and someone can come and tell you that this-this and that [they always want me troubled] and you will switch to the thoughts of that one too … [it distracts me a lot]” (Rabi; 17 years, primary school, married at 16 years) These young girls experienced distress because of their difficult and overbearing in-laws. This limited the freedom they had to pursue their own dreams and aspirations and they could not engage in activities that brought them happiness. 3.3.1.3. Complete dissatisfaction with marriage. Some of the married girls reported no positive experiences as young wives. These views are illustrated in the excerpts below: “Me, I don't just enjoy anything! [concerning marriage] Aye! I don't like anything [about being a wife].” (Alima, 18 years, no education, married at 14 years). “Hmm. Is there really something I enjoy in marriage [as a young wife]? No. I don't enjoy anything about marriage. I am fed up with it! So because of that I don't enjoy anything about it.” (Kubura, 17 years, primary, married at 12 years). One girl also mentioned that she enjoyed nothing about being married because she was unemployed. “Aye! What I would have enjoyed is that I wanted to be in it [marriage] and have my own business and working … Yes [but there is no job] I am still sitting [unemployed].” (Rukaya, 18 years, senior high, married at 17 years). These girls expressed so much loathing and dissatisfaction with their marriage because of unmet needs and expectations. In comparison with girls who expressed positive experiences as wives, many of those who expressed no positive experience at all in their marriage turned out to have been married at relatively younger ages. 3.3.1.4. No experienced challenges as young wives. There were also married girls who reported experiencing no challenges in their marriages. “Frankly speaking because I just got married, I don't know of any problems [as a young wife]. My problems [as a wife] are rather linked to my workplace” (Mariyam; 17 years, primary school, married at 16 years) “There is nothing worrying me [as a young wife]. If it were so, I would have told you.” (Safia, 16 years, primary, married at 14 years). One of the girls was newly married and believed that the short duration of her marriage is the reason why she had not yet experienced any challenges. Another married girl expressed not experiencing any challenges at all in her marriage. These findings are contrary to the general expectation that married girls go through numerous challenges in their marriages because they are made to assume adult roles at a tender age. 3.3.2. Challenges as young mothers For participants with children, issues raised included: distress associated with child rearing (worry over child's illness, insufficient funds to afford quality health care and lack of support), pregnancy-related discomforts and loss of a child. 203

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3.3.2.1. Distress from child rearing. Distress involved in child rearing in general was raised as an issue that challenged young mothers. “… Right now, concerning taking care of a child, when the baby is healthy, you won't see the problems associated with having a child. Unless the child is sick, that is when you will know that it is not easy. [The child] won't eat. You won't know what is wrong with him unless you take him to the hospital … At night, you will just be struggling with him unless your mother-in-law collects him and help you hold [soothe] him. Or unless your husband is there and both of you will hold [soothe] him. If your mother-in-law likes she will wake up and help you or if she likes she won't help” (Rabi; 17 years, primary school, married at 15 years) “Taking care of a child is very distressing [as a young mother] … Sometimes at night and sometimes during the day. Yes [the child cries] when he is sick …” (Ayi; 18 years, junior high, married at 17 years) Participants reported distress associated with feeding of their infants. Insufficient breast milk was cited as a main problem which prevented young mothers from providing sufficient nourishment for their baby. “The problems I face [as a young mother] is that … [caring for the baby is stressful], when you want to rest sometimes and he [the baby] is with you, or you may not have enough breast milk and he [the baby] too is not old enough to eat real food [solid food], it will be a source of worry to you [you will be worried]concerning what he will eat because there is no breastmilk for him to suck. If he [the baby] is old enough to eat, but the day begins and there is nothing for you to give to him to eat. It will also make you worry a lot” (Asana; 18 years, junior high, married at 15 years) From the above excerpts, it was observed that married girls lacked the experiences and skills to identify causes of children's distress and the appropriate solutions needed to manage them. Young mothers also lacked the resources needed to manage challenges of motherhood. For example, problems of insufficient breast milk were compounded by financial difficulties mainly due to young mothers' unemployed status which rendered them unable to afford the necessary food supplements for their infants. Young mothers again reported of distress involved in being a guardian of an active and developing infant. While the achievement of the various milestones were rewarding, the tasks that comes with ensuring their safety and wellbeing were reported to be very challenging and stressful. In all of these challenges, the benefits of having supportive and willing in-laws that could provide assistance and interim relief from child rearing distress was emphasized by one participant. This support could promote better well-being of the young mothers and their children. 3.3.2.2. Distress from pregnancy and childbirth. Other issues pertained to problems associated with pregnancy and childbirth. The challenges they experienced during pregnancy included feelings of restlessness, body aches and the need to change their lifestyle to ensure the safety of their unborn baby and their health. “I just got pregnant. There are some days that you won't know how to sit down [you feel so uncomfortable], you will not just be yourself [feel uneasy] till sunset. But because everything is about being strong [you always have to be strong], you will just try and do things little by little [you try to cope]. (Sanatu; 17 years, primary school, married at 16 years). “Oi! It [pregnancy] is very difficult! … Just like I am sitting right now … it disturbs me … it hurts a lot. I have not been pregnant before but since I got pregnant it is like I am going to die!… Every day, hospital [frequent illness] … Yes. It [pregnancy]disturbs me a lot” (Rukaya; 18 years, senior high, married at 17 years) Some participants likened their frequent pregnancy discomforting experiences to that of a chronically sick person. “… If you are sitting all the time you are not yourself! [You are frequently feeling uneasy] … And how can it be enjoyable to you? When you get pregnant, then you are in the position of a sick person [pregnancy makes you often feel sick]. (Sanatu, 17 years, primary, married at 16 years). Participants also reported severe pain associated with childbirth and prolonged labour. “Madam, [childbirth] was painful. Yes. Before I gave birth I suffered [laboured] for a long time … When I was pregnant, I frequently took ill … it was [unbearable]. In the night you will always be struggling [it was difficult to sleep at night]” (Khadija; 17 years, no education, married at 15 years) “… yes I felt that [I was dying because of the pains associated with childbirth] … the pain … For me, I did not vomit [no nausea]. But my feet were aching” (Amina; 17 years, junior high, married at 16 years) Young mothers described the journey of pregnancy and birthing their children with severe pain and unbearable discomfort. Despite these challenges, some of the girls echoed society's expectation of them to be able to handle marital and motherhood challenges on their own since they have assumed adulthood roles. Hence, they tried to be strong and managed their own challenges. 3.3.2.3. Distress from child loss. Distress following the loss of a baby was mentioned by one young mother. “… he [the baby] had problem in the chest [lack of oxygen] … When he [the baby]was delivered he wasn't crying but just breathing heavily and the madams [nurses] tried their best to restore back his breathing again. They then told us that if we go home and the breathing changes again, we should come back tomorrow so they can write a note for us [for referral]. So the following day we went back and they referred us to Yendi (an urban city in the Northern region). It was at Yendi that he [the baby]died … It really disturbed me a lot because I looked at the suffering that I went through [I think of the pain I went through in giving birth].” (Safura; 13 years, junior high, married at 12 years) 204

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Her experience illustrates typical cases where young married girls lack access to proper medical interventions which put them and their babies at risk during pregnancy and childbirth. 3.3.2.4. Complete dissatisfaction with motherhood. One participant reported to be completely dissatisfied with motherhood. She expressed not experiencing anything positive about motherhood. “… I don't enjoy anything as a mother”. (Alima, 18 years, no education, married at 14 years). 4. Discussion In this study, we explored married girls' perceptions of, and associated emotions regarding, the timing of their marriages, as well as the positive and negative experiences that affected their well-being as young wives and mothers. Findings showed that the majority of married girls perceived the timing of their marriages as early and negative while a few others considered it as timely and positive. However, married girls reported more positive aspects in their marriage than they did negative aspects. These findings challenge reports of previous studies that have focused mainly on the negative experiences associated with child marriage (e.g., Hodgkinson, 2016; Levine, Lloyd, Greene, & Grown, 2008; Parsons et al., 2015; UNICEF, 2001). It is out contention that girls' perspectives of the timing of their marriage were influential in determining how they appraised the demands of marriage and how they managed the distress that came their way. This may be attributed to the significant influence of unquestioned cultural norms that have normalised practices that are harmful to young girls (e.g., wives’ submission to husbands, young girls getting married at the beginning of puberty, etc.). It is also possible that married girls reported more positive aspects of their marriage because they may be making the best of their lives, although they know it is not the best of all possible lives they might have had. The findings of several positive experiences also suggest that girls possess an interdependent ‘self-construal’ by virtue of the nature of their cultural backgrounds which can be considered collectivist. This self-construct is characterised by an individual's connectedness with their society that lends them the ability to adjust, restrain themselves and maintain harmony with their social or cultural context (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Married girls have in turn learned to adopt their cultural norms, hence their reports of more positive outcomes of their marriage despite their negative views concerning early marriage. In addition, cultural norms that shape married girls' ideas about marriage have it that early marriage enables self-fulfilment by ushering young girls into motherhood which is supposed to be their purpose in life (UNICEF, 1999). This creates a sense of joy and fulfilment in the girls when they are married and bring forth children as a form of achievement in their lives. In relation to Lazarus and Folkman’ (1986) theory, people's appraisals of events can be determined by their motivations, dispositions, values and goals. These girls are usually indoctrinated by marriage expectations that involve sociocultural and socioeconomic achievements involving the need for support from a husband (Yarrow, Apland, Anderson, & Hamilton, 2015) and the social recognition marriage confer on them (UNFPA, 2012). When these expectations or goals are met in their marriages, they emerge as positive experiences as a result of fulfilled needs and aspirations. In the case of some of the married girls, their needs for financial and emotional support and social recognition were fulfilled in their marriage. On the other hand, married girls expressed negative outcomes as a result of unmet needs and expectations such as low socio-economic status and lack of employment. This may be attributed to the fact that the married girls in the present study are school dropouts with low education which reduces their opportunities for future economic independence and employment (Levine et al., 2008). This makes them depend solely on their husbands and if their husbands are not able to meet their needs, they go into distress because of unmet expectations or goals. An important policy implication is to encourage girls to stay in school and secure better economic opportunities so as to prevent them from perceiving early marriage as a form of leverage to enhance their well-being. This should also include active involvement of families and societies to allow and encourage young girls to obtain education and develop themselves economically before considering marriage. Also, by identifying married girls’ perceived benefits of marriage such as financial support and social recognition, policies could be designed to direct unmarried girls towards fulfilling these needs without indulging in early marriages. In as much as the girls experience some positives outcomes, the evidence of negative outcomes are also clearly compelling and interventions that may provide a framework to enable these young mothers cope in their condition should focus on factors that have been associated with resilience while addressing factors that pose as challenges to resilience. Some of these interventions could be geared towards providing social support such as financial and emotional support to the family, childcare assistance, professional consultation, health and parenting education (UNICEF, 2007). Also, it is important that these young wives and mothers receive social support that gives them opportunity to access basic resources such as food, clothing and shelter, and to education, economic development and medical assistance which can enable them deal with their challenges (Ungar et al., 2007). 5. Limitations The present study has four limitations. First, data was gathered on married girls’ experiences at only one time point. Thus, longterm experiences of girls and the impact on their well-being could not be explored. Future studies should adopt a longitudinal approach to explore the experiences of married girls at different stages of their marriages as well as the long-term outcomes on their marriages. Second, the study was limited to only Dagomba married girls which restricted the findings to the Dagomba context. This leaves out other ethnic groups in the Northern region that also engage in child marriage practices. It is therefore important for future 205

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research to involve married girls from diverse cultures in the Northern region in order to elicit varied accounts of experiences. Third, we were unable to conduct member checking of transcripts and findings to enhance the trustworthiness of the findings. This was mainly due to the low levels of education that the girls possessed, making it impossible for them to go through the transcripts for verification. It was also difficult to get married girls for a second round of interaction due to the diverse settings that were used for data collection. Future studies that use married girls with no or little education could incorporate other means of ensuring the credibility of the study findings where member checking is impossible. Fourth, although not all participants were recruited through the NGOs, nonetheless, the use of the NGOs could have led to the inclusion of married girls who had similar characteristics. This approach may have affected the diversity of participants used for research and subsequently the nature of experiences obtained. Future studies could consider using a random sampling approach which may enhance the diversity of the study sample and consequently the experiences obtained from participants. 6. Conclusion The study revealed that married girls expressed more positive outcomes in their marriages than they did for the negative outcomes despite their general perception of their marriages as early (negative). This has been argued on the grounds that as culture shapes the behaviour of an individual, married girls have been influenced by cultural norms that guide their perception and expectations in marriage. By virtue of this, married girls express more positive experiences due to their expectations and needs being met in their marriages. On the other hand, negative experiences were also attributed to unmet expectations and needs. 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