Food and image on the official visitor site of Houston, Texas

Journal of Destination Marketing & Management ∎ (∎∎∎∎) ∎∎∎–∎∎∎

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Research paper

Food and image on the official visitor site of Houston, Texas Velvet Nelson Department of Geography and Geology, Sam Houston State University, Box 2148, Huntsville, TX 77341-2148, United States

art ic l e i nf o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 15 July 2015 Received in revised form 30 November 2015 Accepted 1 December 2015

Destination image, referring to the beliefs, attitudes, ideas, and impressions that potential tourists hold about a destination, plays an important role in tourists' decision-making process. Images of a destination come from various sources that target different audiences and serve different purposes. Media sources aimed at a general audience can generate interest in a destination. Non-visitors become potential firsttime visitors when they actively seek information from destination-marketing organizations intended to persuade potential visitors in their decision-making process. Thus, media attention represents an opportunity for destinations to develop their image. In recent years, Houston, Texas has gained national recognition in popular media as a food destination. The Greater Houston Convention and Visitors Bureau (GHCVB) expands upon this image through the content of the official visitors website. In this research, content and narrative analyses are used to examine the 16 webpages featured under the website's ‘restaurants’ header. In addition to providing logistical information about eating and drinking in Houston, narratives of local loyalty to an area's restaurants are used to create an attraction for visitors looking for a distinctive local experience, certify the quality of the experience, and offer insight into the nature of the destination. This local perspective has potential applications for other destinations seeking to re-create their image in light of the increased media attention on food. & 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Destination image Food tourism Tourism website Content analysis Narrative analysis Houston

1. Introduction In March 2015, TravelþLeisure named Houston, Texas first among America's food cities. The article's author acknowledged that Houston's ranking was considered a ‘Texas-sized upset’, as the city surpassed well-known American food destinations like Chicago, New Orleans, New York, and San Francisco (Hunt, 2015, para. 1). Yet in recent years, Houston's restaurant scene has gained increased national recognition with similar designations in the media, such as ‘America's newest capital of great food’ (Krader, 2013, para. 1) and ‘one of the most dynamic dining destinations in the country’ (Tasting Table – Anon., 2013, para. 1). Such popular media representations can play an important role in shaping, or reshaping, the destination image. Destination image has long been recognized for its role in tourists’ decision-making processes (Crompton, 1979; Fakeye & Crompton, 1991; Gartner, 1993; Phelps, 1986). Images of a destination come from numerous sources that may have different target audiences and/or goals: however, such images do not exist independently. For Houston, these representations of the city as a food destination in the media are a form of organic (Fakeye & Crompton, 1991) image, as they help to raise the profile of the city and encourage general audiences to think about it in a new way. E-mail address: [email protected]

This creates an opportunity for the city to build upon the new image and to give it greater depth. The depth of the induced (Fakeye & Crompton, 1991) image produced by the city's primary marketing organization is intended to persuade potential firsttime visitors to choose Houston as a destination. This paper discusses the induced image of Houston, Texas, through the restaurant pages of the Greater Houston Convention and Visitors Bureau's (GHCVB) official website. In particular, the research examines narratives of local loyalty to Houston's restaurants in the absence of a clear idea that would provide the foundation for both the city's image and its food style. The structure of the paper is as follows: Section 2 introduces destination image, food tourism, and the context of Houston, Texas. Section 3 presents the content and narrative analyses used to examine the restaurant pages of the official visitors (sic.) site for Houston. Section 4 reviews the organization of the data resulting from the content analysis and explores key themes highlighted in the narrative analysis. Section 5 discusses the implications of these findings, and Section 6 concludes with directions for further research.

2. Background 2.1. Destination image Destination image refers to the beliefs, attitudes, ideas, and

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2015.12.001 2212-571X/& 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Nelson, V. Food and image on the official visitor site of Houston, Texas. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2015.12.001i

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impressions that a potential tourist holds about a destination (Crompton, 1979). The image of a destination is influential in the decision-making process, especially for those tourists who have not previously visited (Özdemir, 2010). This image results from processing information about the destination from various sources over time (Fakeye & Crompton, 1991). Gunn (1972) is credited with the earliest conceptualization of image formation. In his work, he suggests that organic images are formed from a variety of information sources, such as television, newspapers, magazines, and other media. Although this information may be acquired passively, it contributes to the destination image nonetheless (Hughes, 2008). In contrast, induced images are generated by the marketing efforts of destination stakeholders (Gunn, 1972). In Phelps' (1986) terminology, both are secondary images in that they are based on external sources rather than direct experience. Building on these works, Fakeye and Crompton (1991) conceptualize image formation as a sequential process. In particular, they recognize a relationship between organic and induced images. According to these authors, organic images are informative for a general, or non-visiting, audience. However, these images can also generate interest in a destination. In this case, non-visitors become potential first-time visitors who actively seek information about the destination. The organic image evolves with exposure to the induced images produced by the destination and intended to persuade potential visitors in their decision-making process. Then, the complex image forms for visitors, upon direct experience of the destination. Gartner's (1993) subsequent typology focuses more specifically on identifying image formation agents. Destination images can be persistent, even in light of changes at the destination (Fakeye & Crompton, 1991). Attempting to change a negative image can be especially difficult and time consuming (Avraham, 2015). Induced image agents have a direct stake in changing the image, but as agents of the destination, potential visitors may not regard their messages as credible. Moreover, potential visitors may not even consider a destination with a negative image, in which case, they would not seek out induced images. Exposure to organic images (produced by autonomous image change agents in Gartner's typology) has greater potential to effectively change peoples' perception of the destination (Gartner, 1993). Because destination-marketing organizations (DMOs) were traditionally responsible for creating the destination image (Stepchenkova & Zhan, 2012), tourism research has paid particular attention to these induced images (Smith, 2005). For example, Govers and Go (2005) and Choi, Lehto, and Morrison (2007) demonstrate that the primary objective of official tourism websites (Gartner's overt induced I) is to promote a distinctive destination image. The primary objective of websites produced by other tourism stakeholders, such as resorts and tour operators (Gartner's overt induced II), meanwhile, is to promote their products. However, studies focusing on induced images should not disregard the influence of organic images (Smith, 2005). Some studies have sought to examine the extent to which organic images challenge induced images (Stepchenkova & Zhan, 2012; Nelson, 2014), but few have considered the potential for induced images to evolve from organic images. 2.2. Food, tourism, and image In the past, food has played a supporting role in tourism: however, it has recently been brought to the foreground (Hall & Mitchell, 2000; Mykletun & Gyimóthy, 2010). Although some tourists remain fearful of trying new foods while traveling due to neophobia or concerns about quality controls or hygienic preparation conditions (Cohen & Avieli, 2004; Shaw, 2014), interest in trying unique local foods and having distinctive eating experiences

has been growing (Hall & Mitchell, 2000). The popularity of food in the media, and the expansion of ethnic restaurants, has exposed more people to the foods of places they have not yet had the opportunity to visit (Cohen & Avieli, 2004; Mak, Lumbers, & Eves, 2012). This creates a demand for the experience of both the foods and the places. Food, culinary, or gastronomic tourism is considered a relatively recent development that has become a significant segment of the tourism industry (Chuang, 2009; Fox, 2007; Horng, Liu, Chou, & Tsai, 2012; Karim & Chi, 2010; Santich, 2004). This term describes travel motivated by an interest in learning about and experiencing the food (and drink) in a place. It can include the experience of everyday foods served by street vendors and local restaurants or elaborate tasting menus served by restaurants with a Michelin star (Björk & Kauppinen-Räisänen, 2014) or featured on the S.Pellegrino and Acqua Panna World's 50 Best Restaurants list. For some, food tourism has become the primary motivation for travel to a destination, but for many tourists today, enjoying the food of a destination is simply one part of the expectations they have for their trip. Regardless of this, research indicates that food and drink has become a significant ‘pull factor’ (Okumus, Okumus, & McKercher, 2007; Chang, Kivela, & Mak, 2011) that influences tourists' destination choice (Gyimóthy & Mykletun, 2009; Karim & Chi, 2010; Kim, Yuan, Goh, & Antun, 2009; Mak et al., 2012; Mykletun & Gyimóthy, 2010). Food tourism may be considered a subset of cultural tourism (Horng & Tsai, 2010), in which tourists can observe, participate in, and gain an understanding of other peoples and places through food and eating experiences (Santich, 2004; Okumus et al., 2007; Chang et al., 2011; Lin, Pearson, & Cai, 2011). Food is a fundamental aspect of culture for a place (Mak et al., 2012) and is increasingly recognized to represent cultural identities and values (Horng & Tsai, 2012; Karim & Chi, 2010; Mykletun & Gyimóthy, 2010). Food tourists ‘consume’ this culture (Chuang, 2009). The increased exposure to, and interest in, other food cultures in the media contributes to the image of the places with which these foods are associated (Mak et al., 2012). At the same time, places around the world recognize that food is both an attraction for tourism and a tool used in tourism promotion (Cohen & Avieli, 2004; Henderson, 2004; Horng et al., 2012; Karim & Chi, 2010; Lin et al., 2011). Representations of food in the media can thus shape (or reshape) the organic image of a destination for a general audience. When these representations are sufficient to generate interest in the destination, potential visitors seek more information from induced-image agents such as the DMO. For example, Chuang (2009) argues that the growth of culinary tourism in Taiwan has been a product of attention in the mass media and promotional efforts by the government and tourism industry. While some destinations have the advantage of appealing to a well-known reputation for quality food and eating experiences, many are currently engaging in the process of defining (or redefining) a food culture that will provide the basis for an identity and the corresponding image to be communicated to external audiences (Henderson, 2004). For example, Fox (2007) calls for a transformation in the ‘gastronomic identity’ in Croatia from internationalized foods to one that better reflects the country's distinctive food culture. Further, Shaw (2014) notes that food can play a vital role in the transformation of places. This is particularly applied to traditionally industrial cities, such as Manchester. The development of unique restaurants and vibrant restaurant districts is often part of urban renewal strategies, but it is the promotion of these developments that holds the potential to change the city's image.

Please cite this article as: Nelson, V. Food and image on the official visitor site of Houston, Texas. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2015.12.001i

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2.3. The image of Houston, Texas Houston is located in the Gulf Coastal Plain of Texas. It is the largest city in the state and the fourth largest city in the USA (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). Houston's economy has long been tied to energy, with more than 5000 energy-related companies operating in the city. Other major industries include transportation, aeronautics, technology, and medicine (City of Houston, 2014). In 2014, Houston received 14.8 million visitors (GHCVB, 2015), with business tourism and visiting friends and relatives (Ryan, 2013) comprising the largest market segments. Despite the size and significance of the city, Houston has long struggled with its image. At best, this image has been vague and poorly defined. This problem is summarized by the introduction to an article in the popular magazine National Geographic Traveler in which the author writes, ‘Houston, we have a problem: When it comes to an essential symbol, the country's fourth-largest city is often at a loss’ (Nelson, 2007, 56). His statement is playing on one of the city's most significant stereotypes: Astronaut John Swigert, Jr.'s misquoted statement from the ill-fated 1970 Apollo 13 moon mission, ‘okay Houston, we’ve had a problem here.' At worst, however, the city's image has been negative and detrimental. In just one example, the author of an article in Business Week magazine declares, '[p]etrochem capital of the Americas, sprawl capital of the universe: Houston can seem like a city you can't escape fast enough’ (Grey, 2010, para. 1). In recent years, new ideas about the city based on economic growth, immigration, urban regeneration, and thriving cultural activities have begun to compete with longstanding stereotypes. In particular, the popular media attention that Houston has gained from its locally-driven restaurant scene discussed in Section 1 has been a key catalyst in starting the process of image change. In recognition of the potential for such articles to re-shape the organic image of the city, the GHCVB adopted a place reputation management strategy in which they featured these articles on their website as an ‘objective’ view of the city (Nelson, 2015). Further capitalizing on this potential, the GHCVB has also prioritized food and restaurants on the destination website.

3. Methodology This paper follows the work of Nelson (2015), that examines recent media articles, including print and online magazines and newspapers, on food in the city of Houston. As such, this work focuses on the organic image of Houston as a food destination. In particular, findings from this study show that articles highlight persistent stereotypes about Houston and its food (e.g. cuisine is limited to barbecue and ‘Tex-Mex’; restaurants are dominated by national corporate chains) but also represent the city in a new light through discussions of an evolving food culture (e.g. diverse ethnic populations and cuisines; distinctive landscapes and local/ family owned restaurants). Intended for a general or non-visiting audience, these media articles have the potential to initiate change in the image of Houston. Based on this insight into the organic image of the destination, the research discussed in this paper represents the next stage of the project. In particular, it focuses on the induced image of Houston as a food destination. As media articles generate new interest in the city, non-visitors become potential first-time visitors who actively seek information about the destination. Thus, data was drawn from the ‘official visitors site’ (www.visithous tontexas.com), produced by the GHCVB. This organization is designated as the primary sales and marketing division of the city of Houston and the greater metropolitan area. The Visit Houston site provides descriptive, logistical, and current information about the

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city and its ongoing events. It is organized into seven main categories (i.e. travel tools and information, things to do, coupons and discounts, hotels, restaurants, shopping, and nightlife) with numerous sub-categories. The restaurants category is one of the most detailed, with 16 additional sub-categories featuring selected types of foods (e.g. Houston's top American food restaurants), types of vendors (e.g. food trucks), and special interests (e.g. kid friendly restaurants). Fourteen of these webpages were selected for analysis because they provided a descriptive narrative of Houston's restaurant scene. Of the two that were not included, one listed opportunities to enroll in cooking classes at various venues and the other itemized awards or commendations received by area restaurants and chefs in recent years. The content of the selected webpages, accounting for approximately 75 pages of printed text, were downloaded as individual documents and archived. Content and narrative analyses were used to examine these data. Content analysis is frequently used in tourism studies to examine issues of destination image and representations (e.g. Avraham, 2015; Choi et al., 2007; Henderson, 2008; Horng & Tsai, 2010). When combined with other research methods, content analysis can be an exploratory tool that allows the researcher to become familiar with the data, highlight patterns, and identify significant themes in a verifiable and replicable way (Botterill & Platenkamp, 2012; Leiss, Kline, & Jhally, 2009). This inductive category formation involves iterative processes of examining selected texts so that themes emerge gradually from the content (Mayring, 2004). Accordingly, this study conducted a preliminary reading of the Visit Houston site to determine which pages were appropriate for inclusion in the analysis, and a second, more thorough reading of the selected content for familiarity. An iterative process of examining the contentwas then undertaken. The first step involved identifying descriptive codes that came from the data itself (i.e. they are directly stated in the content) and reflect manifest, or surface, patterns in the data (Cope, 2005). The next steps involved re-examining the content to establish the reliability of codes and track frequencies of the codes. This was followed by another iterative process of organizing the codes into an applicable hierarchy of categories and sub-categories. This process was an integral part of analysis, as descriptive codes generate analytic codes that reflect latent, or embedded, themes in the data (Cope, 2005). Content analysis is identified as ‘a great place to start’ (Botterill & Platenkamp, 2012, p. 33) for qualitative research of textual data. However, this methodology has some limitations, including the potential for researcher bias and subjectivity (Hall & Valentin, 2005). Indeed, there is a degree of subjectivity in all qualitative interpretation of data. In some studies, multiple coders may be used to limit this subjectivity when each independently codes data in the same way, although this consistency can be difficult to achieve (Cope, 2005). While the researcher was the sole coder in this study, the iterative process offers opportunities to critically reflect on initial interpretations and to consider whether subjectivity enables understanding of the data or inhibits the reliability of analysis. Although narrative analysis has been underutilized in studies of representation and promotion (Meethan, 2006), it has the potential to examine the narrative structures in the meaning-making process. This involves both what is said in a narrative text and how it is said (Smith & Weed, 2007). There is no single approach to narrative analysis (Laing & Crouch, 2009); however, paradigmatic narrative analysis generally builds upon a coding procedure, such as that used in content analysis, to investigate the meanings in central themes (Jeuring & Peters, 2013). After the content analysis was completed, the researcher returned to the data to examine the context of the identified themes.

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Using the most significant codes for each theme, the descriptions in which they were embedded were analyzed for both message and devices to understand how the GHCVB's narrative creates the image of Houston as a food destination that is projected to an audience of potential visitors.

4. Findings The content analysis of the GHCVB's restaurant pages yielded a wide range of codes intended to provide information for, and appeal to, a wide audience. These codes can be grouped into four general categories (Table 1). The first two categories, accounting for the majority of codes, describe the nature of Houston's restaurant scene (54% of codes) and its food (32% of codes). This gives readers insight into the types of eating and drinking experiences they would have if they were to visit the destination. The third category offers advice for visitors (9% of codes), and the final category includes commendations for area restaurants (5% of codes). Section 4.1 provides an overview of these categories, sub-categories, and codes. Within these categories, distinct themes emerged. The narrative analysis of these themes highlights the use of the local in the GHCVB narratives to build upon the organic image of Houston as a food destination. Section 4.2 provides a discussion of these themes. 4.1. Category formation In the description of Houston's restaurant scene, the most significant sub-category by frequency was the temporal aspect. A minority of this sub-category (15%) represents recent trends, with codes such as 'modern' and 'progressive'. However, the overwhelming majority (85%) speaks to the timeless nature of Houston's restaurants. This sub-category can be further broken down by those codes that describe the character of restaurants, such as old-fashioned, retro and reminiscent of a bygone era, and those that establish a history of restaurants. These restaurants were identified as classic, iconic, original, and institutions, and they were frequently qualified by the number of years (decades) in operation. The importance of this sub-category is apparent in its weight, as it accounts for nearly 16% of all codes. Other sub-categories pertained to the character of restaurants. For example, codes specified that highlighted restaurants are Table 1 Categories derived through content analysis and sample codes from GHCVB data. 1st level category

2nd level category

Sample codes

Time Appearance Patrons Experience Distinctiveness Visibility Price Size Ownership

Classic Comfortable Regulars Journey Authentic Hidden Wallet-friendly Pint-sized Family-owned

Cuisine Ingredients Description

Vietnamese Fresh Hearty

Practical Tips

Go early Try

Praise Recognition

Impressive Award-winning

Character of restaurants:

Character of food:

Advice:

Commendations:

distinctive and locally owned. The people who visit these restaurants were overwhelmingly (72% of codes in its sub-category) identified as locals, residents, regulars, etc. While a small proportion of codes indicated large dimensions, this is primarily in reference to restaurants' outdoor spaces (e.g. ‘enjoy the huge back patio, which has its own bar and projector playing old movies’; Patio Dining, para. 8). Perhaps surprisingly in a state that prides itself on size (as noted by the infamous saying ‘everything is bigger in Texas’), more codes (76% in its sub-category) characterized small, tiny, and even 'pint-sized' spaces. Similarly, codes suggested a , low visibilityrelating to restaurants that are hidden or tucked away. Codes regarding the appearance or ‘feel’ of restaurants varied considerably, ranging from 'bustling' and 'sophisticated' to 'low key and 'unpretentious'; however, weight is given to codes that emphasize elements of comfort and relaxation with environments that are 'friendly', 'cozy', and 'homey' (54% of codes in its sub-category). Price was a relatively minor sub-category (4% of codes describing Houston restaurants), but it was distinguished nonetheless. While codes such as upscale may be interpreted as indicative of a higher price point, those codes that specifically referenced price consisted of low-priced descriptors such as 'cheap', 'inexpensive', and 'wallet-friendly'. Finally, this category included codes that describe the experience of eating and drinking in Houston. Over half of these codes drew upon tourism terminology, where experiencing the attractions of the city's dining destinations constitute a journey. The remaining codes refered to the emotions associated with the experience, such as 'delight'. In the description of Houston's food, the most significant subcategory by frequency was the type of cuisine. This sub-category represented over 60 % of codes in its category and 19% of all codes. Emphasis was placed on the diverse American and world regions that contribute to Houston's culinary culture. While it might be expected that Latin American cuisines have the strongest presence in the city based on the state's shared border with Mexico and its long history of immigration from Mexico and Central America, Asian cuisines were discussed more frequently. In particular, Vietnamese pho is considered one of Houston's signature meals. This relates directly to the stereotypes about the city's limited options in terms of cuisine. Codes that indicate local and fresh foods were also significant in this category (23% of codes). The remaining codes (17 percent) applied adjectives to the foods served at area restaurants. Some attempt to describe the nature of foods, such as 'healthy' or 'decadent', although 'hearty' and homestyle' occured most frequently, while others simply qualified their taste. The third category represents a different strategy in image formation. Rather than providing potential visitors with information to help them in the decision-making process, this category assumes that the decision has already been made. These hypothetical visitors are given practical advice about how to make the most of their experience, such as the need to call ahead for reservations and to go early to avoid lines or to get items before they run out for the day. These visitors are also offered insider suggestions about the best way to plan their experience (e.g. where to have drinks before dinner) and what items they should order at a particular restaurant (e.g. ‘another must-try is the Pham family recipe eggrolls made with pork and crab’ Houston Food Trucks, para. 10). This even includes words of caution (e.g. ‘be careful not to fill up on the addicting house specialty, warm cheese bread’; Montrose: One Street, a World of Flavors, para. 14 or ‘fair warning these [signature martinis] are served quite strong’ Downtown's Historic District Revival, para. 15). The final category includes commendations for restaurants, their chefs, or signature dishes. The majority of this category (74% of codes) consisted of adjectives that identify those aspects that

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are exceptional and memorable. However, the remaining codes cited external distinctions, such as James Beard Awards or recognition in national media outlets (e.g. ‘the hole-in-the-wall diner has earned plenty of national praise, including a place on Gourmet magazine's list of 20 Burgers to Eat Before It's Too Late’; Celebrating Iconic Houston Restaurants, para. 10). 4.2. Theme development The process of category formation illuminates distinct themes in the data for further qualitative analysis. In this case, narrative analysis was applied to explore the GHCVB data for both the messages and the devices used to develop the themes that would build upon the growing organic image of Houston as a food destination and give it sufficient depth to persuade potential firsttime visitors in the decision-making process. Specifically, the local is leveraged in GHCVB narratives to construct an image of the city as a well-established, high-quality food destination. These narratives use local products and cultures to illustrate connections between food and place that offer insight into the destination. In addition, they establish the significance of local restaurants and highlight strong local support for these restaurants to provide certification of the nature and quality of dining experiences at the destination. Messages suggest that these experiences regularly enjoyed by average Houston area residents will also be attractive to potential visitors with an appreciation for good food. As places must work to raise awareness and promote their products and services to potential visitors in today's competitive environment (Parker, Sears, & Smith, 2012), local distinctiveness becomes vital. Food tourism is particularly predicated on the interest in consuming unique local foods and/or having inimitable local dining experiences (Hall & Mitchell, 2000). Unsurprisingly, the GHCVB restaurant pages highlights local restaurants over national chains. However, the overarching narrative is one of ‘local eateries that offer an iconic taste of Houston, each representing unique flavors found in our big urban stew’ (15 Iconic Houston Meals, para. 1). In this narrative, celebrated local chefs are attributed with creating the ‘uniquely Houston dishes’ (Patio Dining, para. 15) that reflect the character of place. This is concomitant with Hillel, Belhassen, and Shani (2013) who argue that successful food destinations offer products and experiences that communicate the connections between food and place. With a poorly-defined image, or one based on persistent negative stereotypes, these connections are not necessarily given for Houston. Therefore, ingredients described as locally sourced or freshly prepared not only provides an attraction for consumers (Björk & Kauppinen-Räisänen, 2014) but also offers new perspectives on the city and lends credibility to the image of Houston as a food destination. For example, narrative descriptions of local restaurants remind potential visitors that Houston is a port city where fresh-caught seafood is a menu staple. In contrast with the stereotype of the ‘sprawl capital of the universe’ (see Section 2.3), narratives note that the area still supports farms and ranches that provide restaurants with seasonal produce (e.g. ‘Chef Ryan Hildebrand's locally-driven menu changes frequently depending on what's available from area farms.’; Patio Dining, para. 19). Local culture is another aspect of place that is reflected in Houston's food. Houston is a minority–majority city in which ethnic minorities comprise a majority of the population (Morris, 2012). As such, Houston is not characterized by one type of cuisine. Instead, the narrative notes that one of the destination's attractions is the opportunity to try a variety of ethnic foods, including those that may not be available in potential visitors' home communities. For example, visitors are encouraged to try Vietnamese cuisine.

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Hungry for home-style Vietnamese? Head to Huynh. There are plenty of familiar dishes-pho (soup), bun (vermicelli salad) and soft spring rolls‐that will appeal to a timid eater or neophyte to Vietnamese cooking. However, what makes this place remarkable is the gutsy home-style cooking for eaters ready to go a little deeper into the cuisine (Cheap Eats in Houston, para. 5). Visitors looking to explore their culinary options are promised an authentic experience in a place with one of the largest Vietnamese communities in the USA. In addition to ethnic cuisine such as this, typical Houston foods are distinctive fusions (e.g. VietnameseCajun crawfish) based on the city's cultural dynamic. Visitors who might have anxiety about trying an unfamiliar ethnic cuisine are reassured that they can try something new without straying too far from their comfort zone. At the same time, one of the restaurant pages features Houston's Top American Food Restaurants and notes, ‘For a city known for its delicious ethnic fare, it should come as no surprise that Houston delivers top-notch American cuisine, too’ (Houston's Top American Food Restaurants, para. 1). This page features ‘casual’ and ‘comfort’ food like rotisserie-style chicken or macaroni and cheese, that would be palatable for the less-adventurous eaters. In addition, the website highlights such a wide diversity of cuisines and restaurants that it allows visitors who have reservations about eating different foods or in a different place to choose the experiences that are acceptable to them. As tourists increasingly search for high-quality eating experiences (Björk & Kauppinen-Räisänen, 2014), they will seek assurances to help minimize the risk in the destination decision-making process. This risk may be perceived as high because the purchase of the trip to the destination is made prior to the experience, and it cannot be ‘returned’ if the tourist is not satisfied (Parker et al., 2012). For Houston, the organic image created in media articles contributes to this process. These articles identify Houston as the country's newest food city and one of its most dynamic. This implies that the city has been experiencing an ongoing process of change in its restaurant scene. The induced image created in the GHCVB restaurant pages support and reinforce this idea of the city doing something new and noteworthy in its restaurants. Descriptions of Houston's restaurant scene give attention to recent trends, such as new projects and the latest hotspots as well as the forward-thinking approaches taken. This pertains to taste combinations (e.g. ‘progressive flavor mash-ups like the lemon & mint sorbet’; Houston's Sweet Spots, para. 16), cuisine fusions (e.g. Latin American dishes with Asian spices), and concepts (e.g. a charity saloon that donates all of its profits to local organizations). However, the GHCVB narrative establishes the local significance of restaurants as another form of certification for the nature and quality of the experience. While recognizing that exciting things are happening in the city, the narrative constructs a greater history for Houston's restaurant scene. On one page, titled Celebrating Iconic Houston Restaurants, the writer notes, In a city filled with buzzy, new restaurant openings, it takes real culinary talent for a business to withstand the test of time. Mediocre cuisine and so‐so customer service just won't cut it and some of Houston's most-loved, tried-and-true institutions provide plenty of proof (Celebrating Iconic Houston Restaurants, para. 1). Dates and years of operation are matter-of-factly inserted into restaurant descriptions. As a counter to the recent installments, many of the best-known area restaurants are traced back several decades with a few going well beyond that. For example, the oldest establishment is identified as a tavern operating in Houston for more than 125 years that offers ‘a timeless challenge to the contemporary nightclub scene’ (Downtown's Historic District

Please cite this article as: Nelson, V. Food and image on the official visitor site of Houston, Texas. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2015.12.001i

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Revival, para. 16). The longest history is attributed to a family of bakers. Although they have only been in business in Houston since 1949, their legacy is traced back to Poland 200 years ago. Statements such as these establish the tradition of quality food on which the recently publicized developments are based. Those ‘iconic’ restaurants are singled out for their history but descriptions also make notes of ongoing trends and awards to indicate that they are far from static. In the case of the family above, their business has continued to evolve as they opened a new bakery in 2014. In another example, Chef Michael Cordua founded his first restaurant, Churrascos, in 1988, helping pioneer Latin cuisine in Houston and the United States. Twenty-five years later, the award-winning, fine-dining restaurant continues to garner praise, including a nod by Esquire magazine for having one of the 20 Best Steaks in America (Celebrating Iconic Houston Restaurants, para. 3). Although this local chef is identified as an early innovator, his cuisine continues to be regarded among the best in Houston and in the country based on the cited external source. Another set of descriptions feature a new generation of chefs from varied backgrounds that are bringing fresh ideas to these same restaurants. This narrative of the city's culinary history suggests to readers that Houstonians have long known what the rest of the country is now discovering. The emphasis on independent, unique, smallscale restaurants with low visibilitysupports this image of a wellkept secret. For example, one restaurant serving Southern classics is described as an ‘informal, hole-in-the-wall outpost’ but ‘longtime favorite’ of locals (Cheap Eats in Houston, para. 21). The informal narrative style of the restaurant pages, in which the writer advises readers, allows them to feel like they have been given unprecedented access to insider knowledge. The review of a local ‘burger shack’ reads: We know, eating a burger underneath a freeway does not sound terribly appealing, but trust us, Bubba's Texas Burger Shack is worth the trip. Tucked away in a well-worn shack under the Westpark Tollway, the faithful flock for ice-cold Saint Arnolds brew, jalapeno-tinged potato salad and buffalo burgers. Get it to go or grab a seat on the patio and soak up the vehicular view along Westpark Drive (Cheap Eats in Houston, para. 8). Readers are urged to forego any doubts they might about such a place based on its appearance and to trust the writer that the experience will be worthwhile. If they are still not convinced, they can follow the example of area residents, those faithful who flock there. This is an important component of the narrative intended to convince food tourists that this is an experience worth having, as ‘eating alongside locals is believed to afford a genuine cultural experience’ (Henderson, 2014, 905). Thus, the characteristics that have attracted a local following is used to certify the experience and to appeal to potential visitors. Media articles can generate interest in the destination, but potential visitors need to determine if the experience is right for them. For example, the terminology used in these articles, like ‘foodies’ and ‘dining destinations,’ may lead to misconceptions that the places featured cater to a high-end market or appeal to those interested solely in the novelty factor. The GHCVB restaurant pages note that such experiences can be had in the city. One restaurant is considered to be: [A]s famous for its upscale Mexican fare as it is for its see-andbe-seen clientele. The iconic restaurant has been a style staple among well-heeled Houstonians and celebrities for decades. Inside, white-linen topped tables set the stage for…the eatery's signature appetizer – mushroom-flecked queso flameado paired with piping-hot tortillas (Celebrating Iconic Houston Restaurants, para. 2).

However, experiences such as this are represented as atypical. The narrative gives greater attention to those restaurants that balance taste, quality, and affordability, which allows them to be enjoyed regularly by average Houston area residents. While the quesadillas, fajitas and tortas are on point at the East End-set Brothers Taco House, it's the breakfast tacos that are the all-star (just ask anyone waiting in the line that snakes out the door). Chock-full of beans, eggs, peppers and cheese, the hearty items are cheap (less than $2, per taco) and filling. (Two is more than enough around these parts, so order accordingly.) (Cheap Eats in Houston, para. 41). As with the previous example, eating at this restaurant is presented as a distinctly local experience; although, in this case, it is estimated to cost only about $4 per person. Again, the writer offers her ‘in-the-know’ advice to readers and encourages them to ‘ask anyone’ – referring to the locals that frequent the establishment – if they need additional confirmation. Hearty food, typically served in a relaxed environment, is a pervasive theme to support this idea of a common local experience. For example, one ‘unassuming outpost … has been a culinary institution since the late 1960s. Cayenne-flecked, lick-your-fingersgood fried chicken anchors the simple menu, aided by side-order options that include spicy red jambalaya, soulful collard greens, dirty rice, and red beans and rice’ (Cheap Eats in Houston, para. 42). In this description, the hinted quality of the uncomplicated Southern soul food is used to override the need for a more sophisticated menu or setting. Explained in the case of a recently opened bar: ‘It's the kind of place where he [the owner] and his friends would frequent – no fuss, no pretension, just quality drinks in a fun atmosphere’ (Downtown's Historic District Revival, para. 3). This message – no pretension, just quality – is implied throughout the narrative to reinforce the image of a well-established and locally-supported food scene.

5. Discussion Given the increasing interest in food tourism, DMOs around the world are increasingly incorporating food into tourism promotions (Horng & Tsai, 2010). For example, Horng and Tsai (2010) examine marketing strategies for food tourism at a national level using government tourism websites in East Asia, while Kim et al. (2009) consider the strategies used at a local level using promotional websites in the West Texas region. Houston is simply one of many destinations seeking to integrate food with destination image, even within the state of Texas. However, approaches vary considerably based on each destination's pre-existing image. Austin, the capital of Texas, rivals Houston as the leading food city in the state; both regularly appear on the country's ‘best food cities’ lists. With the unofficial motto of ‘Keep Austin Weird,’ the city embraces a popular image for eccentricity. In terms of food, Austin has been primarily known for barbecue, but current attention-getting trends are in line with this image. For example, a recent TravelþLeisure article discusses new restaurants featuring dishes such as deep-fried chicken thigh with smoked-oyster aioli and freeze-dried sea urchin, chili-dusted chicharrón (fried pork rinds) with kimchi, and Indian dosa with seared antelope heart and Ethiopian berbere (Lindberg, 2015). The city's image provides the foundation for local chefs to experiment with unusual ingredients and to draw inspiration from countless sources around the world. As a food destination, Austin is a place to try foods that are likely outside of visitors' normal consumption patterns. In contrast, Houston lacks a clear (positive) image that could serve as the foundation for food styles or tourism. Instead, food is

Please cite this article as: Nelson, V. Food and image on the official visitor site of Houston, Texas. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2015.12.001i

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creating an opportunity for the city to change its image. The recent media attention on Houston as an up-and-coming food city has the potential to start the process of getting people to think about the city in a new way. If sufficient interest is generated, those who had not previously considered the destination will begin to search for more information about what it has to offer from sources such as the official visitors site. In addition to providing logistical information about eating and drinking in Houston, the narrative of this site expands upon the organic image of the city as a food destination. The induced image created through this narrative reflects the nature of the city. It highlights Houston's advantages in terms of access to food resources, such as fresh seafood and seasonal produce, and diverse cultural influences, through ethnic traditions and unique fusions. Perhaps more importantly, the narrative leverages local loyalty for Houston's restaurants to convince potential visitors to choose the destination. In an extremely competitive market, local loyalty for area restaurants certifies the quality of the experience. It can also provide an attraction for visitors looking for a local experience that they would not have anywhere else. Furthermore, such an experience can provide insight into the nature of that place. Thus, the restaurant narratives construct an image of Houston as a well-established food destination but also more generally an image of the city that combines the amenities of a major metropolitan area and the experiences of a local community. The case of Houston has lessons for other places facing similar challenges in re-creating their image. For example, Lima, Peru has struggled with its image as well. According to a writer for Departures Magazine, ‘Lima is not exactly a “pretty city.” It squats under a sullen, nicotine-yellow fog, its arteries clogged and furred with the fumes and fury of a million clapped-out cars' (Nilsson, 2014, para. 3). The city was seen as a transit hub, not a destination for tourists. However, a cadre of local chefs have transformed Lima into ‘the culinary capital of South America’ (Miroff, 2014, para. 2) that played an integral role in Peru's ranking as the ‘World's Leading Culinary Destination’ in 2013 and 2014 (World Travel Awards, 2015). As with Houston, this increased recognition for food in the media (the organic image) can start the process of changing the city's image amongst general audiences and help it to further develop, as these audiences become potential visitors. PromPerú’s (2014) Official Travel and Tourism Portal (the induced image) emphasizes the country's cultural and geographic diversity that influences its cuisine and creates a distinctive food tourism experience (Nelson, forthcoming). While the site situates Peru's regional cuisines in the context of daily life (e.g. ‘On Sunday mornings in Arequipa, you will find adobo, a main dish made from pork ají pepper, onion and chicha de jora corn beer.’; Arequipa Cuisine, para. 6), it makes only passing reference to Lima residents (e.g. ‘its culinary variety delights locals and visitors alike’; Lima Cuisine, para. 1). This represents a missed opportunity not only to highlight local endorsement of this growing restaurant scene but also to certify the authenticity of the experience and to offer potential food tourists a unique experience of place.

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rankings, encountered through active searching on the subject or passive browsing of lifestyle media, discuss the food associated with places. This begins to build a new organic image in the minds of a general audience. When it generates enough interest or curiosity that the audience specifically seeks out information on the place, the organic image evolves into an induced image. This type of image is intended to provide the depth needed to convince these potential visitors in the destination decision-making process. Food – including the type of ingredients, cooking styles, or culinary fusions – has the advantage of being distinctive to that place. As seen in the case of Texas, both Houston and Austin have growing reputations for food but in very different ways. While Austin is able to use its image as a basis for food tourism, food is creating an opportunity for Houston to generate new interest in the city as a destination. In the absence of a strong central idea that would provide the foundation for its image, though, the GHCVB narrative uses the local to indicate the nature of food experiences in Houston and to certify the quality of these experiences for potential visitors. The tourism literature acknowledges that food tourism presents an opportunity for visitors to observe, participate in, and gain an understanding of other peoples and places (see Chang et al. (2011), Lin et al. (2011), Okumus et al. (2007); Santich (2004),). However, inclusion of local people in image formation for food tourism destinations remains scarce. Emphasis in tourism promotions is placed on the distinctiveness of local food items (e.g. Fox, 2007), their role in local culture (e.g. Horng & Tsai, 2010), or their relationship to place (e.g. Frochot, 2003). The case study of Houston provides insight into the incorporation of local people in destination narratives of food and restaurants. Through these narratives, residents' support for area restaurants is used to signify an authentic experience of life in the city as well as the desirability of the experience beyond media hype. For Houston, this aspect of the destination is becoming increasingly significant in the process creating a new image; local enthusiasm can be a powerful force for change in the face of persistent negative stereotypes. Additionally, the local can play a supporting role for destinations such as Lima, where the organic image has undergone a dramatic change in recent years, but the induced image still needs to convince potential tourists that the experience is worth having. The GHCVB official visitors website was chosen for this study because of the importance of the DMO in creating the destination image. However, in today's market, social media also plays an important role (see, for example, Hays, Page, & Buhalis, 2013; Hudson & Thal, 2013; Xiang & Gretzel, 2010). Future research will consider the image constructed by destination stakeholders in these media as well. For example, the Visit Houston home page provides links to Facebook (194,317 likes), Twitter (46,121 followers), Pinterest (20 boards with 4160 followers), YouTube (112 videos, including the ‘Houston in Two Minutes’ video that has been viewed 54,942 times, and 569 subscribers), and Instagram (283 posts and 7254 followers). Additionally, the next stage of research will focus on the images held by non-visitor and potential visitor audiences and the influence of both organic and induced images on these audiences.

6. Conclusion Changing the image of a destination is often a difficult process, especially for a destination to undertake on its own. Autonomous image inducing agents can be more persuasive than inducing agents (Gartner, 1993), but in the absence of a strong central idea, images can also be slow to change (Nelson, 2014). The increased popularity of food in the media has the potential to serve as that idea that will help bring about change. Countless articles and

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Dr. Velvet Nelson is an Associate Professor in the Department of Geography and Geology at Sam Houston Huntsville, Texas, USA. She is a human geographer with a specialization in the geography of tourism. She is a former Fulbright Scholar and the author of An Introduction to the Geography of Tourism (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2013).

Please cite this article as: Nelson, V. Food and image on the official visitor site of Houston, Texas. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2015.12.001i