Male allies of women's movements: Women's organizing within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain

Women's Studies International Forum 62 (2017) 43–51

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Male allies of women's movements: Women's organizing within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain Celia Valiente Department of Social Sciences, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Calle Madrid 135, 28903 Getafe-Madrid, Spain

a r t i c l e

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Article history: Received 12 July 2016 Received in revised form 21 December 2016 Accepted 27 March 2017 Available online xxxx Keywords: Women's movements Men Allies Catholic Church Spain Franco

a b s t r a c t Scholarship proposes that allies of social movements are usually collective actors, and movements frequently pay a price for their reliance on allies: moderation. This article investigates the impact of allies on social movements by analyzing the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain and its male allies. Drawing on published documents and twenty-four interviews, I find that individuals can function as allies for movements. In addition, allies may predispose activists towards moderation in some domains but not necessarily in others. Moreover, allies may themselves be more radical than activists in some regards and thus have the potential to radicalize protests. © 2017 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Introduction Gender inequality means that women (as a group) have less access than men (as a group) to economic resources, political power and prestige. All over the world, feminist protests have developed to define gender inequality as unjust and improve women's status through collective efforts. At times, feminist activists have relied on men to bring about social change. In finding and interacting with male allies, feminist movements are not different from other social movements that look for and interrelate with allies. This article investigates the impact of male allies on feminist movements: the benefits gained through this alliance and changes in women's organizing due to the relation with male allies. Social movement literature usually makes two assumptions: allies are collective actors (rather than individuals), and movements (or parts of them) moderate their demands and strategies while engaging with allies. Analyzing women's organizing within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain, I question both assumptions. Based on published documents and twenty-four in-depth interviews, I document that activists can gain important benefits while interacting with allies who are not collective actors but individual men. I also find that activists do not necessarily abandon radical goals and confrontational strategies when interacting with allies. Rather, the continuous interrelation between activists and their allies at times render some pre-existing moderate features of the protest more salient. Moreover, some allies maintain more

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radical positions on certain issues than activists, and thus might influence activists to take a more radical stand on these issues. In this article, I proceed in four steps. In the first section, I review the literature on allies of social movements. In the second section, I present the empirical case and specify the sources used in this research. Subsequently, this article studies the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain. In what follows, members, activists and leaders of this protest are called “Catholic feminists” (see below for a brief discussion of this terminology). In the third section, I analyze the benefits gained by Catholic feminists while relying on male allies. In the fourth section, I assess the long-lasting impact of male allies on Catholic feminists' mobilization. This article does not analyze male allies of the feminist protest within the Spanish Catholic Church in and of themselves but rather focuses only on the impact of male allies on the aforementioned protest.1 Theory Social movement scholarship usually mentions allies among the features of the political opportunity structure that social movements face. By relying on allies, movements obtain tangible resources such as facilities and financial aid (Klandermans, 1990, 126; Zald & Ash, 1966, 335). Allies provide movements with intangible resources such as “organizational experience, leadership, strategical and tactical know-how, [and] ideological justification” (Klandermans, 1990, 126). Allies help movements achieve goals in general (Jenkins & Perrow, 1977, 263; Zald & Ash, 1966, 335) and policy goals in particular (McCammon & Campbell, 2002; **Olzak, Soule, Coddou, & Muñoz, 2016). However,

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movements may find important allies in the polity but still do not achieve policy goals (Amenta and Zylan, 1991, 335) or obtain only symbolic rewards (Lipsky, 1968). Social movement literature often studies allies of social movements which are collective actors, such as political parties, labor unions, civic associations and other social movements (Amenta and Zylan, 1991; Jenkins & Perrow, 1977; Klandermans, 1990; McCammon & Campbell, 2002). This emphasis on collective actors is understandable, given the centrality of them as allies of many social movements, such as leftwing parties as allies of gay and lesbian movements in numerous countries. Admittedly, works on political opportunity refer to political elites which in principle can include both groups and individuals. But this scholarship tends to mention individual polity members only at specific or processed in the/or processed in the policy-making arena (Jenkins & Perrow, 1977, 260–62; Olzak et al., 2016). Analyses of social movements as networks highlight the ties among actors within movements and around them (Diani & McAdam, 2003) and in theory, these networks may comprise both organizations and individuals. Social movement scholarship at times makes passing reference to individuals who support social movements, for instance, financial backers of the civil rights movement (Zald & Ash, 1966, 329, 332). But generally speaking, individual allies of social movements have received till now minimal attention (in comparison with allies which are collective actors). The interaction between allies and social movements has an impact on the latter. Although various types of impact are described in the literature, an impact that is frequently mentioned is the moderation of part of the movement, and/or the division between this moderate part of the movement and the more radical part which does not rely on allies (Flesher Fominaya, 2010, 388–89). Before reviewing studies on women's and feminist movements, a conceptual clarification is necessary. Women's movements are “all organizing of women explicitly as women to make any sort of social change.” Women's organizing as women is usually termed “feminist” when it makes “efforts to challenge and change gender relations that subordinate women to men” (Ferree & Mueller, 2004, 577). Thus, feminist movements are a subset of women's movements. Some scholars only resort to the word “feminist” when activists under study self-identify as such. As shown below, some (but not all) Spanish Catholic activists utilize the word “feminist” in self-presentation. Nonetheless, I name all of them “feminist” regardless of self-identification because all of them tried to challenge at least some aspects of gender inequality. In this decision, I follow the renowned study of the feminist protest within the Catholic Church and the military in the United States (Katzenstein, 1998, 20–1, 86–7). Feminist theories and feminist movements often consider that men as a group benefit from women's underprivileged status, and that men are responsible for women's subordination. But some men supported feminist campaigns and movements, for instance, in Western societies at least since the eighteenth century (Kimmel, 1992; Messner, Greenberg, and Peretz, 2015; Offen, 1988, 134, 151). Studies on the suffrage movement era in Western countries identify male allies as crucial agents in the approval of laws that enfranchised women (Banaszak, 1996; John & Eustance, 1997). Scholarship in more contemporary times, from the era of state feminism, shows that male politicians have at times functioned as key backers to women's movement activists' (inside and outside the state) policy gains (Banaszak, 2010; Stetson & Mazur, 1995). Nevertheless, these studies also categorize other men (and women) as major opponents of gender equality policy making. Surprisingly, the literature on women's and feminist movements has not extensively researched male allies. Major syntheses of women's movements around the world do not mention male allies or mention them only in passing (Ferree & Mueller, 2004). This is also the case of the aforementioned study on the feminist protest within the United States Catholic Church since the 1970s (Katzenstein, 1998, 136, 147– 48, 168–69). Probably, the effort of this literature to unravel women's

agency, autonomy and voice to improve women's status puts the focus of attention on women and discourages the analysis of men (as allies). But male allies of feminist movements existed and exist. Of course, not all feminist movements invest energy in finding male allies. Feminist movements are more likely to search for male allies if driven by gender theories that do not conceptualize men as women's enemies or men as impervious to change. In this article, I use the term “male ally” to refer to any man (or men's group) who at any time supports a feminist protest in the public realm. Support may happen once or more often. Support may take many forms because feminist movements are extraordinarily diverse. For a feminist group focused on the production and dissemination of feminist theory, an example of support may be the publication of a feminist book by a male editor. For a feminist group publicizing its demands in a petition, an example of support may be the signature of this petition by a male ally. Because this definition of male allies leaves open the type of support given, it serves to analyze allies and movements in various locations and historical periods. This conceptualization of support does not require that male allies: make feminism one of their priorities; behave in their private lives according to feminist principles; or agree with all the claims advanced by a feminist group either. I propose that men as allies in women's organizing raise at least two sets of important questions, which are related to individuals as allies and the moderation impact on movements by allies. First, as previously described, social movement literature usually portrays movement allies as collective actors. But could it not be possible that in some circumstances individuals (rather than organizations) act as influential allies of social movements? It could be argued that individual allies may be especially useful for social movements that do not have a mass membership. These movements cannot use tactics that require a large following, such as economic boycotts and strikes (Lipsky, 1968, 1146). Individual allies may be particularly helpful for movements that, for any reason, do not use disruptive tactics. The lack of a mass base or disruptive behavior means that movements do not usually capture the attention of key collective actors such as parties, unions or civic associations. Therefore, the leaders of these movements may be particularly inclined to search for individual allies among the people they know. It could also be hypothesized that individual allies may be particularly decisive for social movements in non-democratic contexts where the range of collective actors is certainly restricted. In non-democratic political regimes, political authorities usually ban collective actors such as political parties, trade unions or associations of civil society other than the single party and auxiliary organizations. Alternatively, in all types of political regimes, social movements may also develop (and increasingly do so) within organizations and institutions such as companies, churches or schools (or outside them but with the purpose of transforming them) (Katzenstein, 1998). An important proportion of organizations and institutions are not internally democratic and individuals occupy single positions within them (although collective organs also exist). Second, is moderation the inevitable price to be paid by activists for engaging with allies? If so, what does “moderation” mean exactly? According to the literature, as a result of their interaction with allies, activists abandon radical aims and/or confrontational strategies. But some activists may never claim radical demands or use confrontational strategies. Still, do allies have a moderating effect on these activists? Furthermore, social movement scholarship often presumes that allies are more moderate than activists. Could not the opposite be possible, that is, that allies are on some grounds more radical than activists and thus have the potential to radicalize a protest (rather than moderating or coopting it)? I now turn to the task of answering these questions with the help of an empirical case study. Empirical case and sources In this article, I study male allies of the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain. This protest comprises individuals

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and organizations who believed that within the Catholic Church women form a group in a disadvantaged position, that this situation is unfair, and could (and should) be changed through collective efforts. The Catholic Church played a paramount role in society. Spain was a nearly homogeneous Catholic country after the expulsion of Jews in 1492 and of Muslims in 1609. The protest under study here is a case in point to analyze male allies of women's organizing. The Catholic Church is governed by canon law. According to it, priesthood is the key to decision-making positions and only men can be ordained Catholic priests (Katzenstein, 1998, 13). Consequently, Catholic women activists are likely to attempt to convert some men into their allies when trying to reform the Catholic Church, because decision-making positions are occupied by men. Catholic feminists also sought to change the society in which they live. Catholic feminists incessantly demanded women's access to education and training, women's participation in civil society, respect for single women, and (at times) women's access to the labor market (provided that married women fulfill their maternal duties as well). Catholic feminists' interest in societal transformation and not only in Church renewal was in line with the engagement with the world predicated by the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965). Spanish Catholic feminists mobilized in a non-democratic political context. Between the mid-1930s and 1975 Spain was governed by a right-wing authoritarian regime headed by General Francisco Franco. Freedom of expression and association was banned and a severe censorship was imposed on mass media. In the last two decades of the Franco regime, a semi-opposition was tolerated in the sense that policy makers permitted some expressions of partial criticism (but not fundamental challenge to the regime) from people situated within the confines of the system. Some of these people had been or were still members of the governing elite. Semi-opposition groups had certain visibility and identity outside the inner circles of policy making, and thus were known by informed citizens. Due to the ban on political organizations other than the single party and its auxiliary organizations, semi-opposition groups took organizational forms as diverse as the editorial board of a magazine, a research center or a religious association (Linz, 1973, 191– 92). Simultaneously, the regime continued to ferociously repress any other type of opposition. Franco's dictatorship intensively pursued women's subordination. Civil law considered married women as minors. Motherhood was defined as women's main obligation towards the state and society. The role of mothering was perceived as incompatible with waged work. The state took measures to prevent women's labor outside the home. An example of this was the requirement that a married woman obtain her husband's permission before signing a labor contract and engaging in trade. The Catholic Church significantly contributed to the anti-feminist imprint of Francoist policies for women by endlessly predicating women's subordination to men, women's confinement to home and family, and restriction of women's sexuality to reproduction within marriage. In the area of reproductive rights and sexuality, public policies conformed to the restrictive Catholic doctrine, for instance, by criminalizing abortion in all circumstances and prohibiting the selling and advertising of contraceptives (Morcillo, 2000). This research covers the period between the first collective efforts of women's organizing within the Church (the 1950s) and the last year of the dictatorship (1975). Afterwards, in the subsequent transition to democracy and consolidation of the democratic regime, Catholic feminists pursued their goals of social change interacting with different political actors in a different political landscape. In this article, I study women from two groups among the organizations which provided activists and leaders to the feminist protest within the Spanish Catholic Church: the Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women (Seminario de Estudios Sociológicos sobre la Mujer, SESM) and the national leadership of Spanish Women's Catholic Action (Mujeres de Acción Católica). Both groups were mainly formed by upper- and upper-middle-class women. The SESM was created in 1960 by María

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Laffitte, who by marriage had become the Countess of Campo Alange. María Campo Alange, as she was usually known, was a Grandee, which is a high aristocratic title. She was the author of books on fine arts and women's status. To establish the SESM, María Campo Alange asked her friend Lilí Álvarez to join the group and help recruit other members. Lilí Álvarez was the author of books on religion, sports, and women's status. She was better known for her national and international multi-sport achievements most notably reaching the Wimbledon singles finals in three consecutive years in the late 1920s. She was a member of the aristocracy. María Campo Alange wanted the other SESM members to have both university training and a paid job. The SESM functioned in part as a study circle. Their members met on a weekly basis in María Campo Alange's home to collectively learn and discuss on a given topic. Women's Catholic Action was established in Spain in 1919 to spread Catholicism in a society in the process of transformation due to incipient industrialization and modernization. Although the primary activities of Women's Catholic Action were religious and charitable, in the democratic Second Republic (1936–1939), Women's Catholic Action also engaged in political activities such as attempting to obtain women's votes for conservative political parties. The combination of strictly religious initiatives with political activities continued during the civil war (1936–1939) with the support to Franco's side and well into the first decades of the Franco's regime. But in the 1950s, Women's Catholic Action started to become the home of feminist activism due to the insistence of some female leaders on the necessity of women's education and the demand for a more active role of women within the Catholic Church (Blasco, 1999; Moreno, 2003). The SESM and Women's Catholic Action were very different and represent important types of women's groups that formed the home of the feminist protest within the Spanish Catholic Church in Franco's Spain. The SESM was a small group of nine women while Women's Catholic Action was a mass organization with 172,056 members in 1953 (Blasco, 1999, 160). Women's Catholic Action was an auxiliary organization of the Catholic Church which meant that the Catholic hierarchy approved its statuses and the nomination of its leadership and chaplain. By contrast, the SESM was an informal group, was not under the authority of the Church hierarchy, and had no chaplain. The SESM was formed in 1960 and remained active until the death of SESM founder María Campo Alange in 1986. Conversely, feminist leadership of Women's Catholic Action was active mainly until the late 1960s. SESM members named themselves “feminist”, although the word was (and still is) used in a pejorative way by most Spaniards (Álvarez, 1959, 13; Campo Alange, 1983, 226). While some leaders of Women's Catholic Action at times used the word “feminist” for self-presentation, others did not, and still others qualified their “feminism” with the adjective “Christian” and/or clarified that their feminism was contrary to the “false feminism” promoted by others not inspired by Catholicism (Moreno, 2003, 249). Feminist activists within the SESM and the leadership of Women's Catholic Action attempted to transform the Catholic Church and society at large with the help of some men. Who were these male allies? I have identified them using two types of sources: Catholic feminists' publications (and scholarship on Catholic feminists); and personal interviews with Catholic feminists made for this article (see below). After compiling a list of potential male allies, I selected six of them for close examination. Four of these male allies were lay men: José Luis Aranguren, Enrique Miret, Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez, and Ramón Sugranyes. Two of these male allies were priests: Antonio Aradillas and Miguel Benzo. I selected these six men because of two reasons. First, sources pointed out at the importance of these men in the Catholic feminist protest. Second, there are enough sources to study in depth these six men because the six men were alive and/or had published memoirs or correspondence, and/or had published on women's issues. Because of their minimal attention to gender equality, the men studied in this article acted as allies to Catholic feminists but not as activists within the Catholic feminist protest.

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Publications by Catholic feminists and their male allies are among the main sources of this article. Women's Catholic Action published a monthly periodical for its leaders, Bulletin for Leaders (Circular para Dirigentes), and a magazine for a wider female readership, Path (Senda). I have analyzed all issues of Bulletin for Leaders between 1955 and 1966, and Path between 1952 and 1966. Academic works are also a principal source of this article, which could not have been written in the absence of an existing (if limited) scholarship on Catholic feminism in Franco's Spain (Blasco, 1999; Morcillo, 2000; Moreno, 2003; Rodríguez, 1995). In addition, in 2009 and 2010, I conducted twentyfour in-depth interviews. More concretely, I interviewed: SESM members (Borreguero, 2009; Jiménez, 2009; Pérez-Seoane, 2009; P. Salas, 2009); the President of Women's Catholic Action between 1963 and 1968 (Victory, 2009); and national leaders of Women's Catholic Action (de Silva 2009; Quereizaeta, 2009; C. Salas, 2009). I affirm with confidence that these eight women conform the whole group of SESM members and national leaders of Women's Catholic Action who in 2009–2010 were alive, could be found by researchers after intensive investigation, whose physical and mental health permitted them to go through an interview, and accepted to speak to me.2 I also interviewed a male ally who was alive and could be interviewed (Aradillas, 2009). In the case of SESM members and male allies who were dead or were alive but could not be interviewed, I interviewed close relatives and close friends of them. Face-to-face interviews were semi-structured and lasted between 60 and 90 min. Most of those interviewed (except relatives or close friends of SESM members and male allies) were in their eighties. All interviews were conducted in Spanish, which is my native language. I tape-recorded and transcribed all interviews in full. In the three types of sources of data (published primary documents, bibliography, and interviews), I looked for information on the benefits of male allies for Catholic feminists. I also searched for data on the existence (or absence) of the long-lasting impact of male allies on Catholic feminists. The search for evidence in the sources was deducted from the literature on social movement allies, and did not require coding or the use of a qualitative research software program. I made every attempt to use information that came from two or more unrelated sources. In spite of the frailty of memory, interviews proved to be very valuable and unique sources due to censorship of mass media and the reticence by Catholic feminists to discuss certain issues such as sexuality and reproduction (see below). As of this writing, some of the interviewees are already dead or no longer available for interviews because of health reasons. Although all interviews were key sources, due to space constraints direct quotes are made in this article only from interviews with Catholic feminists. Scholarship usually locates Spanish women's collective efforts to improve women's status principally in the milieu of the clandestine opposition to the authoritarian regime, where feminists encountered mainly illegal left-wing political parties and trade unions (Threlfall, Cousins, and Valiente, 2005). Yet, due to strong repression, this opposition was by force a minoritarian phenomenon. Radcliff (2011) documents that in the 1960s and 1970s, women enjoyed autonomy to develop their own voices in the homemaker associations under the tutelage of the single party and (to a lesser extent) the neighborhood associations permitted by the regime. Because these associations were legal or tolerated by authorities (with very few exceptions), many more Spaniards participated in them than in underground opposition groups. The same can be argued for the groups of Catholic women analyzed in this article. The feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain The benefits of male allies That allies provide social movements with important benefits has already been claimed by social movement literature. But this literature

often refers to movement allies as collective actors. In the empirical case studied here, individual men (and not collective actors) gave Catholic feminists important benefits since the beginning of their mobilization. A principal benefit was Catholic feminists' access to mass media from where to press for their claims. More infrequently, male allies were themselves Catholic feminists' spokespeople for feminist claims. In addition, male allies provided their own labor for activities organized by Catholic feminists. Access to mass media Newspapers and magazines were very rarely opened to Catholic feminists' contributions. When newspapers and magazines included Catholic feminists' pieces, it was often thanks to male allies' support. As SESM member Concepción Borreguero synthesized in the interview: We generally managed to publish thanks to our male friends. They occupied such powerful positions that they could command and give orders as much as they wanted. And we took advantage of these connections. [(Borreguerro, 2009)3] For instance, Cuadernos para el Diálogo [literally Notebooks for Dialogue] was a magazine about culture and politics founded in 1963. It became a very prestigious publication where authors defended a more plural and open Spain within the limits of state press censorship and thus one of the outlets where the semi-opposition expressed its critical views (Linz, 1973, 223–24). Already in 1965, a special issue of Cuadernos para el Diálogo ([1965] 1970) was completely devoted to women. The whole issue had a clear pro-feminist tone because it supported an expanded role for women in society. Three SESM members published articles on this issue of Cuadernos para el Diálogo. SESM member Consuelo de la Gándara denounced the acute educational deficit of the majority of Spanish women. SESM member and Women's Catholic Action leader María Salas criticized that single women in Spain were contemptuously perceived as failed women because women were supposed to be wives and mothers. SESM member Lilí Álvarez condemned that Spanish society forced adult women to be exclusively housewives. Women's family duties could perfectly be combined with other responsibilities such as a profession or intellectual activities. Cuadernos para el Diálogo was founded by (male) jurist Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez. He is considered in this article a male ally of Catholic feminists. Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez was Spanish ambassador to the Holy See between 1948 and 1951 and Minister of Education between 1951 and 1956. He acted as a lay expert in the Second Vatican Council. Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez was a key figure in the semi-opposition to the regime (Linz, 1973, 223–24). At times, publishing houses published books written by Catholic feminists thanks to male allies' support. For example, in 1967, the SESM published a collective work on single women aged 17–35 years living in Madrid. The SESM found that the majority of these young women had educational and cultural deficits, lacked critical thinking and had limited ambition because their main aspiration was marriage and maternity. Most of these young women professed a superficial Catholicism based on routine and tradition, did not have a deep knowledge of religion, and were not aware of main developments within the Catholic world that took place during the Second Vatican Council (Campo Alange, 1967). This book was published by Edicusa. It was a publishing house founded in 1965 and directed by male ally Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez. It is necessary not to overemphasize the importance of the space in mass media provided to Catholic feminists by male allies. In Francoist Spain, mass media dedicated a tiny space to women's topics. For example, between 1965 and 1975 publishing house Edicusa published 185 books out of which only three were on women's issues and only one of them was written by women: the already mentioned SESM study on young women living in Madrid (Campo Alange, 1967). Although

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limited, the space in mass media offered to Catholic feminists by male allies was of immense value, because this space allowed Catholic feminists to publicize their claims and become known at a time when a severe censorship was imposed to the media. This space in mainstream media permitted Catholic feminists to present their views in publications other than those promoted by the Catholic Church or the women's branch of the single party, the so-called Feminine Section, which was in charge of managing women's issues. Without the support of male allies, the works of Catholic feminists would have probably been published in obscure places and become known to a very limited audience. Male allies as spokespeople for feminist claims Sometimes, individual male allies of Catholic feminists (and not men's organizations) acted themselves as spokespeople for feminist claims. Male allies could act in this way because of their access to mainstream media. Some of these male allies were intellectuals who published articles and books of interest for a general readership, such as Catholic philosopher José Luis Aranguren and entrepreneur and leader of men's Catholic Action Enrique Miret. Intellectuals are different from mere scholars who usually publish specialized academic works for a reduced audience. Thus, the influence of intellectuals is vast in comparison with that exercised by scholars. In the interview, SESM member María Jiménez summarized the then “important social function of intellectuals” by asserting that “when a (male) intellectual uttered a sentence, it was automatically accepted by everyone” (Jiménez, 2009). In 1963, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Madrid and leading intellectual José Luis Aranguren published an article on “Women between 1923 and 1963” (reprinted in Aranguren, [1972] 1973, 9–33). He argued (and celebrated) that in the Western world, women's situation had improved because of the trend towards women's access to the labor market, educational achievement and sexual autonomy, and a diminishing impact of the sexual double standard. He lamented that in this regard, Spain lagged considerably behind other Western countries. José Luis Aranguren would become famous for his distancing from the authoritarian regime when, along with other professors and students, he participated in a protest march denouncing the lack of freedom of association. In 1965, he was expelled from his Professorship at the University of Madrid and subsequently delivered lectures and taught at universities in Europe and North America. In the interview, SESM member Carmen Pérez-Seoane declared: We all were real fans of Aranguren… People [women and men] of my generation had two masters of thought, José Luis Aranguren and… They were the intellectuals who drew big crowds… José Luis Aranguren had an enormously open mind, extraordinary! And I attended all those public lectures, to listen to him. [(Pérez-Seoane, 2009)] In fact, in the fifties and early sixties, Aranguren and other distinguished professors were the intellectual leaders of the semiopposition and became mentors of a whole generation (Linz, 1973, 212–13). Male ally Enrique Miret played the role of a prominent intellectual by regularly publishing articles on several topics in mainstream media including newspaper Informaciones [literally Pieces of Information] in the 1950s and especially in the magazine Triunfo [Triumph] since 1962 (Miret, 1974, 149–51, 160–61). Triunfo (1962) used to be a magazine on cinema but in 1962 it became a general magazine critical to the dictatorship and inclined of the left. In his articles on women, Enrique Miret (1970a, 1970b, 1972) defended a clear pro-feminist point of view, criticizing the subordinate position of women within the Catholic Church, and denouncing that the Catholic Church was clearly behind the secular world in its stance on women's status. Some Catholic feminists formed

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part of the wide readership of Triunfo. As SESM member Carmen Pérez-Seoane clarified in the interview: At that time, Miret was a progressive author and published in Triunfo, didn't he? Triunfo was like my bedside magazine. The only weekly magazine that I read every week was Triunfo. [(Pérez-Seoane, 2009)] Notwithstanding the pro-feminist points of view defended by male allies of Catholic feminists, it is important not to overestimate the attention paid to gender issues by male allies. Gender inequality was a topic of minor interest for male allies. For instance, during the Franco's dictatorship, Enrique Miret published 646 articles in Triunfo out of which only three were on women.4 Male allies' labor in Catholic feminists' activities From time to time, individual male allies (and not men's groups) took part in Catholic feminists' activities. The SESM organized study sessions for its members. In these study sessions, the SESM invited prestigious intellectuals and professionals to make presentations on a given topic. Because in Franco's Spain men occupied nearly all decision making positions in politics, society, and the economy, the overwhelming majority of the most prominent intellectuals and professionals were men. So were SESM's guest speakers such as the chaplain of the National Board of Catholic Action between 1963 and 1966 Miguel Benzo. The SESM did not pay these men speakers for their presentations (Campo Alange, 1983, 125). As briefly mentioned above, in spite of the pious and conservative trajectory of Women's Catholic Action up to the 1950s, since then this organization became the home of individual feminist voices. In the 1950s, the directive team of the organization shifted the perspective that guided the training to their women leaders and members. Training programs with an active pedagogy were routinely offered to (and imposed on) cadres and the rank-and-file. In these courses, women were taught to observe reality, think critically about this reality (from a Catholic point of view) and act to improve this reality. Time and again, women were urged to be active Catholics instead of passive and submissive pious souls. Training programs started to be updated before the Second Vatican Council and its general call for the renewal of the Catholic Church. Pilar Bellosillo was the President of the Spanish Women's Catholic Action between 1952 and 1963, and in part obtained the inspiration to change the Spanish Women's Catholic Action from abroad.5 With other women Catholic leaders, in national and international fora, she continuously demanded that women (and lay people in general) play a more influential and autonomous role from the hierarchy within the Church, and that women's status in society improve. These demands were in line with a change in Papal perspective on (some) women's issues and documents from the Second Vatican Council. For instance, in his 1963 encyclical Pacem in Terris John XXIII (the Pope who called the Second Vatican Council) referred in a positive tone to women's access to public life, and women's equal duties and rights in both private and public life. The Constitution Gaudium et Spes, a Vatican document, rejected women's subordination (Rodríguez, 1995). The materials used in the aforementioned training programs were prepared by women leaders of Women's Catholic Action and some of their male allies, including national chaplain of Women's Catholic Action between 1963 and 1966 Antonio Aradillas (Aradillas, 1963). Training programs were taught by women leaders of Women's Catholic Action and some of their male allies, such as Antonio Aradillas. These training programs were resisted (and at times even boycotted) by the more traditional members and leaders of the Women's Catholic Action (Aradillas, 2009; Moreno, 2003, 255–58; Quereizaeta, 2009). Without male allies' labor within Women's Catholic Action, Catholic feminist leaders may have had a much harder time convincing more traditional members and cadres of their own organization about the necessity to undertake a feminist turn.

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The support provided by male allies to Catholic feminism was compatible with former or current traditional behaviors and attitudes regarding gender. In the interview, male ally Antonio Aradillas recalled that between 1959 and 1961 he worked as a priest in a parish in the city of Badajoz. He organized Christian courses for bullfighters. When he was asked to be the deputy chaplain of the Women's Catholic Action in the Badajoz diocese, he initially refused arguing that he “had more important things to worry about than women”, meaning Christian courses for bullfighters. Nonetheless, he finally accepted that position (Aradillas 2009). In the interview, I explicitly asked Carmen Victory, the President of Women's Catholic Action between 1963 and 1968, to explain why male allies of Catholic feminists took pro-feminist positions while behaving quite traditionally in their personal lives. She answered: It is a mystery for everybody. Perhaps male allies intellectually accepted pro-feminist views. Or maybe they were just being good and supportive colleagues [(Victory, 2009)] Also in the interview, SESM member Purificación Salas stated that male allies were in favor of the idea of gender equality (in theory) while the majority of men (and women) at the time were not (P. Salas, 2009). The long-lasting impact of male allies The interaction between the feminist protest within the Spanish Catholic Church and its male allies produced long-lasting effects on the former. The interrelation with male allies made features of this protest more pronounced including an interest in non-gendered issues such as the active role of lay people within the Church. That the interaction with allies pushed the protest towards gender-neutral goals might be interpreted as a sign of moderation. But moderation here does not correspond to the process described in the social movement literature: the abandonment of radical goals, confrontational strategies or both. Rather, moderation here means an accentuation of specific characteristics of the protest. On the other hand, some (not all) male allies were more radical than Catholic feminists regarding sexuality and reproduction. On these issues, male allies had the potential to radicalize (instead of moderating) Catholic feminists, although this potential was not realized. Conversely, social movement scholarship usually assumes that activists are more radical than allies and hardly contemplates the opposite alternative. Interest in non-gendered issues In Franco's Spain, some male allies of Catholic feminists were themselves mobilized within the Church pursuing several non-gendered objectives. Some of these objectives could be (and in fact were) of interest also to Catholic feminists because identity is multidimensional, with not only gender being important. For instance, some lay male allies enthusiastically advocated a more active and autonomous role of the laity within the Church, and these male allies advanced this claim well before the Second Vatican Council supported an enhanced role of lay people within the Church. Already in the early 1950s, Catholic philosopher and intellectual José Luis Aranguren lamented that in comparison with other countries, in Spain, Catholic intellectuals were fewer in number, less sophisticated intellectually, and more dependent to the Church hierarchy (Aranguren, 1955, 298). Time and again, Enrique Miret criticized that priests often treated lay people in an authoritarian and condescending manner. Priests usually conceived lay people as eternal minors incapable of mature religious thinking and experience (Miret, 1974, 151, 204, 292). Some male allies were themselves not ordinary lay men but leaders of lay auxiliary mass organizations within the Catholic Church of importance at the national and international level. Enrique Miret was president of the (Spanish) Graduates' branch of Catholic Action between

1955 and 1967. Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez was president of the students' branch within Pax Romana between 1939 and 1943.6 He was also president of Pax Romana between 1966 and 1970 and so was male ally Ramón Sugranyes between 1958 and 1966 (Sugranyes, 1998, 117– 18). Spaniard Ramón Sugranyes was a Professor of Iberian languages and literatures at the University of Fribourg (Switzerland), and lay auditor in the Second Vatican Council. Both Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez and Ramón Sugranyes served as Presidents of the International Catholic Organizations Conference. Spanish lay male allies advanced the demand of a more active laity not only in national but also in international fora. In some of these fora, Spanish male allies interacted with Spanish Catholic feminists, and claims were advanced both in favor of lay people in general and women in particular. An example of these fora was the Third World Congress of the Lay Apostolate held in Rome in 11–18 October, 1967. This congress was attended by approximately 3000 people from 103 countries. Most attendees were lay people. This congress was chaired by male ally Ramón Sugranyes (Cuadernos para el Diálogo, 1968, 247; Sugranyes, 1998, 152). Spanish Catholic feminist Pilar Bellosillo and two men identified in this article as “male allies” attended this congress: Enrique Miret and Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez (ABC, 1967, 48; Cuadernos para el Diálogo, 1968, 195–96). SESM member Lilí Álvarez was invited as an international expert by the organizers of this congress (Rodríguez, 1995, 195–96). Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez made the concluding speech to the congress advocating an intense participation of the laity in the renovation of the Catholic Church, and laity's inclusion in decision-making within the Church (Cuadernos para el Diálogo, 1968; Sugranyes, 1998, 152). The resolutions approved in this congress demanded full rights and responsibilities for women within the Church, a serious (and critical) study of women's position within the Catholic Church and Catholic doctrine, the inclusion of women in all papal commissions, and the consultation of women prior to any reform of canon law that would affect them (Cuadernos para el Diálogo, 1968, 219–20). Spanish Catholic feminists also supported the claim of a more active laity. For instance, Lilí Álvarez devoted her entire book Laity and its integrity to present this claim (Álvarez, 1959). When mobilizing in favor of an active laity, Spanish Catholic feminists realized that they were acting not only on behalf of women but also of men. As President of Women's Catholic Action between 1963 and 1968 Carmen Victory firmly stated in the interview: We [Catholic feminists] fought two battles. One battle was on behalf of the laity as a whole formed by the people of God. Another battle was on behalf of women within the laity. Lay women were considered worthless… But I also fought on behalf of [lay] men, naturally. [(Victory, 2009)] During Franco's regime the overwhelming majority of Catholic feminists were lay women. In this regard, Franco's Spain was different from other countries, where nuns formed an important sector of the feminist protest within a national Catholic Church, such as in the United States from the 1970s onwards (Katzenstein, 1998, 117–19, 124–27, 132–33). Avoidance of sexuality and reproduction issues In general and with exceptions, Spanish Catholic feminists did not advance claims on sexuality and reproduction. I explicitly asked my interviewees whether sexuality and reproductive issues were priority matters for Spanish Catholic feminists, and they categorically answered in the negative. Demands for women's access to artificial contraception and sexual fulfillment appeared rarely (if at all) in Spanish Catholic feminists' publications and documents. These were some of the principal claims of the second wave of women's movements in most Western countries. The rarity with which Spanish Catholic feminists advanced demands related to sexuality and reproduction can be interpreted as a sign of Spanish Catholic feminists' moderation.

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To illustrate the minimal attention paid by Catholic feminists to sexuality and reproduction, let me use the example of fertility control in the magazine published by Women's Catholic Action for a general female readership Senda. An analysis of all issues published between 1952 and 1966 shows that fertility control was discussed very rarely.7 This is striking, because the use of contraceptive devices other than the Knaus-Ogino method was debated in some Catholic circles in many countries before the Humanae Vitae Encyclical prohibited them in 1968.8 In Senda, different positions were expressed. In 1962, in an article on the topics to be discussed in the Second Vatican Council, Carmen Enríquez, one of the leaders of Women's Catholic Action, declared that: Regarding the limitation to fertility … the Church has many times declared itself against it… it is an immutable position that cannot be changed by subsequent generations. [(Enríquez, 1962)] Conversely, three years later, María Salas, one of the leaders of Women's Catholic Action (and SESM member), published a questionnaire on the issue to be filled out by Senda readers. Senda articles containing the questionnaire and the results did not condemn fertility control. In the last article of the series, María Salas interviewed three men as “experts” and they did not denounce the practice either. Not surprisingly, one these three men experts was one of the male allies studied here: Enrique Miret (Salas, 1965). Avoiding the issue of fertility control was a strategy usually used by leaders of Women's Catholic Action in other contexts. For instance, the organization set up a network of centers where rural women received various types of training. In the interview, I explicitly asked Ángela R. de Silva, one of the national leaders of Women's Catholic Action, whether rural women approached instructors (including herself) to raise the issue of fertility control. Ángela R. de Silva answered in the affirmative, and explained that instructors and leaders either ignored the subject or, alternatively, advised rural women to avoid sexual intercourse altogether (de Silva, 2009). Catholic feminists' moderation on sexuality and reproduction was not caused by their interaction with their male allies, because some of these men, such as Enrique Miret and Miguel Benzo, did advance claims on these issues.9 In this regard, (some) male allies were more radical than Catholic feminists. For example, between November 1962 and Franco's death (20 November, 1975), Enrique Miret published 646 articles in magazine Triunfo. The overwhelming majority of these articles were on the Catholic Church or Catholicism. A careful reading of these articles shows that Enrique Miret was in favor of (or at least was not in opposition to) artificial contraception, even after papal condemnation of it in the 1968 Encyclical Humanae Vitae. Moreover, Enrique Miret poignantly criticized the Catholic Church for repressing people's sexuality in general and women's sexuality with special intensity. According to Enrique Miret, the Catholic Church made many Catholic men obsessed with sex and most Catholic women frigid (Miret, 1974, 18–22, 59–61, 166–67, 300–01). Even some ecclesiastic male allies showed a positive (but very restrictive) conceptualization of sexuality. For instance, in 1967, chaplain of the National Board of Catholic Action between 1963 and 1966 Miguel Benzo affirmed: Sexuality is one of the most fundamental aspects of human life. Nothing is more dangerous for man's psychological and moral health than trying to ignore, minimize or hide sexuality instead of facing it calmly as one of man's constitutive elements. [(Benzo, 1967, 186)] According to Miguel Benzo, sexuality is a natural human feature, a language of love (and not only a vehicle for reproduction) and an element of psychological and physical harmony and fulfillment (Benzo, 1967,186–205).10

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A caveat is necessary here. Automatically identifying a particular position in favor of fertility control with feminism or women's rights is an error of interpretation. In other countries (and in Spain), some Catholics questioned the traditional Catholic view that sex is justified only when open to the possibility of conception. This questioning often focused on the married couple and the value of sexual expression in the marital relationship, with no particular concern to privilege women's needs over those of men; indeed it would have been consistent even with the support for male dominance in marriage. But it is equally true that restrictions to birth control disproportionately punish women because women carry the major part of reproductive work. Thus, positions in favor of people's control on their own fertility usually benefit women to some extent, even if these controls were not demanded principally with women's needs in mind. Conclusion This article has studied two groups that provided leaders and activists to the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain: the SESM and Women's Catholic Action. Members of the SESM and the leading team of Women's Catholic Action actively sought male allies to improve women's status within the Church. Social movement studies assert that movements gain important advantages while relying on allies. This point is confirmed by the empirical case analyzed in this article. Male allies gave Spanish Catholic feminists access to mainstream media to advance feminist demands. More infrequently, male allies acted themselves as spokespeople for Catholic feminists' claims. At times, male allies contributed with their own labor to activities organized by Catholic feminists. Moreover, by (sometimes) backing Catholic feminists, male allies sent society and the Church the message that Catholic feminists were reasonable women deserving respect. Without the support of male allies, Catholic feminist claims would have reached much smaller audiences. Without male allies' backing, Catholic feminists would have had less legitimacy with which to fight against women's subordination within the Church and society at large. Social movement literature usually assumes that allies of social movements are collective actors such as political parties, trade unions, civic associations or other movements. This view is accurate but incomplete. As this article states, individuals can be important allies of social movements because individuals themselves occupy important positions in society. In the empirical case analyzed here, some men could provide Catholic feminists with vital resources because these men were, among other things, founders and directors of important publishing houses and mass media, and/or leading intellectuals, and/or lay leaders of international and national Catholic organizations, and/or national chaplains of mass lay Catholic organizations. Social movement scholarship argues that the interaction between movements and allies has an impact on the former. More concretely, social movements pay a high price for their reliance on allies: moderation. In the literature, moderation usually means the abandonment of radical goals, confrontational strategies or both. This general point is not fully supported by the empirical case analyzed in this article. Rather than abandoning radical goals or confrontational strategies, the interrelation with allies may make salient some pre-existing features of a protest. This is what happened in the case of the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Franco's Spain. More concretely, Catholic feminists advanced both gendered and non-gendered claims. These non-gendered claims were among others a more active and autonomous role of lay people within the Catholic Church. Non-gendered claims were priorities for Catholic feminists and their male allies. Without the impact of male allies, Catholic feminists might have focused more intensively on gender issues. Social movement scholarship implicitly assumes that activists are more radical than allies. This assumption does not capture all the potential dynamics between activists and allies. As the empirical case studied in this article shows, Catholic feminists usually (but not always)

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remained silent on some topics, such as sexuality and reproduction. These were nearly non-issues for most (but not all) Spanish Catholic feminists. In this sense, they were moderate. But this Catholic feminists' moderation was not produced by their interaction with male allies. Some of these male allies were more advanced than Catholic feminists on these topics. Subsequently, these male allies had the potential to radicalize Catholic feminists, although this potential was not actually realized. That in Franco's Spain some Catholic men were able to advocate more radical positions on sexuality than Catholic feminists probably reflected their position of privilege and specific gender relations that in general made men more interested in sex than women. Masculinity confers privilege, including the privilege of engaging in radical critique from a position of power and status. Catholic feminists' avoidance of sexuality and reproduction topics likely hid an extremely negative conceptualization of sexuality as something impure and dirty. This conceptualization later distanced Catholic feminists from other (younger) activists who formed part of the feminist movement during the transition to democracy and afterwards. The conclusions drawn in this study have implications for the study of women's movements. Spanish Catholic feminists were probably not different from many other women's activists all around the world relying on male allies over the last two centuries. That allies are often individual rather than collective may be part of why the whole phenomenon of male allies is overlooked by scholarship on women's movements. Feminist and women's movements operating in extremely unequal gender contexts such as Franco's Spain or the Catholic Church may be particularly inclined to find male allies because nearly all decision-making positions are occupied by men. Feminist who devote part of their energy to causes other than gender inequality may be particularly inclined to rely on male allies if these feminists interact with men in these other causes. The Spanish Catholic feminists studied in this article belonged to this category of activists interested in solving problems besides gender hierarchies, for instance, the subordinated status of lay people within the Church. That feminists decide to try to reverse not only gender oppression but also other social wrongs such as racism or class inequality has been analyzed extensively, among others, by recent works about feminist and women's movements in Western Europe trying to rethink religious diversity, race, ethnicity, and sexuality and their various outcomes (for example, Aune, 2015; Midden, 2012; van den Brandt, 2014; Wekker, 2016). The identification of other circumstances that lead feminists to rely on male allies is an avenue that deserves future research. The approach taken in this article, and the empirical findings obtained in it, have at least two implications for the study of social movements in general (including women's movements). On the one hand, individuals can be key allies of movements. Individual allies may be especially helpful in mobilizations such as those studied in this article, where the number of activists is small and they do not resort to disruptive tactics. The importance of individual allies may be particularly salient for social movements in non-democratic contexts where the range of collective actors is restricted. In the case studied in this article, the context was non-democratic in the double sense that Spain at that time was governed by a right-wing authoritarian regime and the Catholic Church is not an organization democratically governed. The identification of other conditions that lead movements to turn to individual allies is a pending research task. On the other hand, the impact that allies exert on movements goes beyond “moderation”, a process which is often described by scholars as the abandonment of radical goals and/or confrontational strategies. If some people can be radical in some senses and moderate in others, some activists may pursue a mixture of radical and moderate goals and use a combination of confrontational and mild strategies. Similarly, there is no reason to expect that allies are consistently radical or moderate. Allies may take radical positions on some issues and moderate positions on other topics. This article suggests that the consequences of allies on movements are broad and diverse; consequently, there is still

much work to be done to understand the varieties and complexities of the influence of alliances on collective efforts to engineer social change. Notes 1. In this regard, this article is different from the (few) analyses where male allies themselves are the main object of study (Casey, 2010; Flood, 2011; John & Eustance, 1997; Kimmel, 1992; Messner, Greenberg, and Peretz, 2015). 2. Two national leaders of Women's Catholic Action declined to be interviewed. 3. In this article, all translations from Spanish to English are made by the author. 4. Calculation by the author. All Triunfo issues published between 9 June, 1962 and 1 July, 1982 can be consulted in http://www. triunfodigital.com 5. Already in 1952, Pilar Bellosillo became a member of the World Union of Catholic Women's Organizations (WUCWO) Executive committee. She was WUCWO President between 1961 and 1974 and lay auditor in the Second Vatican Council. The WUCWO enthusiastically supported an active role of lay women in public arenas. Spanish Catholic feminists' international experiences show the transnational entanglements of women's movements already demonstrated by research on other national contexts (for example, Carlier, 2010). 6. Pax Romana is an international Catholic organization of students, intellectuals and professionals. 7. The same is true for the other monthly periodical consulted in this research: Bulletin for Leaders. 8. The Knaus-Ogino method is a natural method of birth control. It consists of avoiding unprotected intercourse during the days of the menstrual cycle when ovulation is likely to occur. 9. However, generally speaking, this was not the case of other male allies such as Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez or Ramón Sugranyes. 10. Miguel Benzo's positive conception of sexuality was firmly restricted to that exercised within Catholic marriage. Any other type of sexual activity was explicitly condemned by him including sex with oneself, homosexuality, prostitution, and sexuality before and outside marriage (Benzo, 1967, 186–205).

Acknowledgments For priceless comments on earlier versions, I owe thanks to Rosemary Barberet, Juan Díez-Medrano, Juan Fernández, Robert Fishman, Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Roberto Garvía, Peter Stamatov, Margarita Torre, and attentive audiences of conference where I presented previous drafts. This work was supported by the Commission of the European Communities (contract number FP6-CIT4-028746) and the Spanish Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness (grant numbers HAR2014-55393 and HAR2015-63624-P). This article is dedicated to my brother Carlos Valiente, as a sign of deep gratitude for his continuous encouragement and support. Appendix A. Interviews with author Álvarez de Miranda, Consuelo. 2010. Daughter of Consuelo de la Gándara, Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 19 March. Álvarez de Miranda, Pedro. 2010. Son of Consuelo de la Gándara, Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 3 February. Aradillas, Antonio. 2009. National chaplain of Women's Catholic Action. Madrid, 31 August. Benzo, Fernando. 2010. Brother of Miguel Benzo. Madrid, 14 June. Bernal, Isabel. 2010. Widow of Enrique Miret. Madrid, 11 March.

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Borreguero, Concepción. 2009. Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 1 October, and 22 October. de Silva, Ángela R. 2009. Women's Catholic Action. Madrid, 9 November. del Amor, María. 2010. Daughter in law of María Campo Alange, Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 13 April. Jiménez, María. 2009. Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 25 August. Llaguno, Concepción. 2010. Friend of Miguel Benzo. Madrid, 24 June. López-Aranguren, Eduardo. 2010. Son of José Luis Aranguren. Getafe (Madrid), 18 May. López-Aranguren, Pilar. 2010. Daughter of José Luis Aranguren. Pozuelo de Alarcón (Madrid), 28 April. Mora, Magdalena. 2010. Friend of José Luis Aranguren. Madrid, 30 April. Pérez-Seoane, Carmen. 2009. Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 1 October. Raguer, Hilari. 2010. Friend of Ramón Sugranyes. Barcelona, 9 March. Quereizaeta, María. 2009. Women's Catholic Action. Madrid, 7 October. Rodríguez-Ponga, José M. 2010. Grand-son of María Campo Alange, Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 16 March. Salamanca, Soledad. 2010. Daughter of María Campo Alange, Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 6 April. Salas, Carmen. 2009. Women's Catholic Action. Madrid, 25 September. Salas, Purificación. 2009. Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 9 September. Sugranyes, Domingo. 2010. Son of Ramón Sugranyes. Madrid, 22 March. Sugranyes, Margarida. 2010. Daughter of Ramón Sugranyes. Barcelona, 8 March. Victory, Carmen. 2009. Women's Catholic Action. Madrid, 14 September. Vindel, Elena. 2010. Daughter of Elena Catena, Seminar for the Sociological Study of Women. Madrid, 12 January. References ABC (1967). Quince españoles asistirán al Congreso Mundial de Apostolado Seglar [fifteen Spaniards will attend the World Congress of the Lay Apostolate]. (September 22, 48). Álvarez, L. (1959). El seglarismo y su integridad [Laity and its integrity]. Madrid: Taurus. Amenta, E., & Zylan, Y. (1991). It happened here: Political opportunity, the new institutionalism, and the Townsed movement. American Sociological Review, 56(2), 250–265. Aradillas, A. (1963). Impacto: Meditaciones para militantes [impact: Meditations for activists]. Madrid: Consejo Nacional de Mujeres de Acción Católica de España. Aranguren, J. L. (1955). Catolicismo, día tras día [Catholicism day by day]. Barcelona: Noguer. Aranguren, José L. ([1972] 1973). Erotismo y liberación de la mujer [Erotism and women's liberation]. Barcelona: Ariel. Aune, K. (2015). Feminist spirituality as lived religion: How UK feminists forge religiospiritual lives. Gender and Society, 29(1), 122–145. Banaszak, L. A. (1996). Why movements succeed or fail: Opportunity, culture, and the struggle for woman suffrage. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Banaszak, L. A. (2010). The women's movement inside and outside the state. New York: Cambridge University Press. Benzo, M. (1967). Moral para universitarios [morals for university students]. Madrid: Cristiandad. Blasco, I. (1999). Las mujeres de Acción Católica durante el primer franquismo [Women's Catholic Action during the first years of the Franco regime]. IV encuentro de investigadores del franquismo [fourth research meeting on Franco's Spain]. Valencia, Spain: November. Campo Alange, M. (Ed.). (1967). Habla la mujer: Resultado de un sondeo sobre la juventud actual [women speak: Results of a survey on today's youth]. Madrid: Cuadernos para el Diálogo. Campo Alange, M. (1983). Mi atardecer entre dos mundos: Recuerdos y cavilaciones [my dusk between two worlds: Memories and thoughts]. Barcelona: Planeta.

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