Morphological variation in Japanese compounds: The case of hoodai and the notion of “compound-specific submeaning”

Lingua 120 (2010) 2367–2387

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Morphological variation in Japanese compounds: The case of hoodai and the notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ Takayasu Namiki * Ibaraki University, College of Education, 2-1-1 Bunkyo, Mito City, Ibaraki Prefecture 310-8512, Japan

A R T I C L E I N F O

A B S T R A C T

Article history: Received 21 September 2009 Received in revised form 18 February 2010 Accepted 18 February 2010 Available online 26 May 2010

This paper investigates morphological variation in Japanese compounds by focusing on the Sino-Japanese expression hoodai (‘at will’) as used in contemporary Japanese and tries to relate the interesting properties of hoodai to its historical development. This expression cannot be used as an independent word in a sentence, nor can it be used as the left-hand element of a compound. In other words, it is used productively like a suffix in contemporary Japanese. In older Japanese, however, this form was used as a noun. This paper explicates the properties of hoodai and presents the following findings: (i) hoodai strongly prefers a native Japanese word as the word directly preceding it in contemporary Japanese, although it is a Sino-Japanese expression; (ii) hoodai was a noun in the fifteenth century, but it seems to have lost its word status and to have come to be used like a suffix in the latter half of the 19th century; (iii) hoodai can be considered to be still a word in contemporary Japanese on the basis of the notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning,’’ and expressions of the form X-hoodai are compounds rather than derivatives; (iv) hoodai is an example of grammaticalization involving a cline with respect to compounds; (v) the notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ plays a role in making a finer distinction between hoodai and itiryuu, etc., and in showing that hoodai is more grammaticalized than the latter words. ß 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Morphological variation Japanese compounds Historical development Native words and borrowed words Notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ Grammaticalization

1. Introduction In contemporary Japanese, the Sino-Japanese expression hoodai (‘at will’) cannot be used independently in a sentence, nor is it used as the left-hand element of a compound.1 In other words, it is used like a suffix. It was used, however, as a noun in older Japanese. I would like to argue that hoodai is still a word and not a suffix in contemporary Japanese by relating the interesting properties of hoodai to its historical development and by presenting the notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning.’’ Section 2 will explicate the usage of hoodai in contemporary Japanese by examining various data. It will show that hoodai strongly prefers a native word of Japanese as its host, that is, the word directly preceding it, although hoodai itself is a SinoJapanese expression. Section 3 will consider the historical development of the usage of hoodai by examining various sources of older Japanese. It will indicate that hoodai was a noun in Japanese in the 15th century but it seems to have lost its word status and to have come to be used like a suffix. Section 4 will propose that hoodai still has the status of a word rather than a

* Tel.: +81 29 228 8286. E-mail address: [email protected]. 1 See also Kageyama (this issue) and Yumoto (this issue) for the characteristics of Japanese compounds. 0024-3841/$ – see front matter ß 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2010.04.008

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suffix. In section 5, the notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning,’’ i.e. the specific meaning which a word can have only when it is used in a compound-final position, will be presented to support the validity of the proposal in section 4. It will also be shown that hoodai is an instance of grammaticalization. Conclusions will be presented in section 6. 2. The usage of hoodai in contemporary Japanese In this section, the usage of hoodai in contemporary Japanese is investigated by examining four types of data: Japanese dictionaries, newspaper data on CD-ROM, examples found in a Google search, and a number of other examples from other sources. 2.1. Descriptions of hoodai in major dictionaries of contemporary Japanese Let me begin by providing some familiar examples of hoodai below. (1)

a.

kani to

suteeki ga

crab and steak

tabe

-hoodai

NOM eating at will

‘All the crab and steak you can eat’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, February 2007) b.

nokosareta no wa are-hoodai no toti to

syakkin no

what was left TOP lay waste at will land and

yama

datta

debt mountain was

‘what was left was waste land and a lot of debt’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, February 2007) c.

... doo sureba

amerika no

yaritai

-hoodai

how do (COND) America POSS wanting to do at will ni syuusihu o halt

uti, ...

ACC put

‘how can we put a halt to the selfish behavior of the USA and ...’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, January 2007) The examples above are typical instances of the expression in question. Let us next examine the description of hoodai in three dictionaries of contemporary Japanese. (2)

(3)

(4)

hoodai [suffix] Used like an adjectival noun, when it is attached to the root form of an adjectival noun, the continuative form (the so-called ‘‘ren-yoo-kei’’2 in traditional Japanese grammar) of a verb, or the particle -tai which denotes hope or desire. It means ‘doing something as much as you want’ or ‘letting something proceed naturally’ (Daizirin 3rd edition, henceforth Daizirin3, my translation – TN) hoodai [suffix] Meaning: ‘doing an activity at will’ when it is attached to a noun, a root form of an adjectival noun, the continuative form of a verb, or the particle -tai which denotes hope or desire. It also means ‘letting something or some state be.’ Examples are: katte-hoodai (‘you can do whatever you want’), tabe-hoodai (‘you can eat as much as you can’), iitai-hoodai (‘you can say whatever you want’). (Daizisen, enlarged edition, my translation – TN) hoodai [noun] 1. Being free and selfish, being impolite. Examples: hoodai na, hoodai sigoku na (Nippo-Zisho (Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary)) 2. It means ‘doing something freely or as much as you want,’ when it is attached to the continuative form of a verb or to the particle -tai which denotes hope or desire. Examples are: kui-hoodai (‘you can eat as much as you can), iitai-hoodai, and katte-hoodai. (Koozien, 6th edition, henceforth Koozien6, my translation – TN)

In the first and second dictionaries, hoodai is treated as a suffix, but in the third (Koozien6), it is treated as a noun. In Koozien6, the lexical entry of hoodai includes not only the meaning as it is used now (i.e. the second meaning in (4)) but also the meaning which is obsolete now (i.e. the first meaning in (4)). The examples given for the first meaning in Koozien6 are only those of an old Japanese–Portuguese dictionary compiled in 1603–1604.

2 The ‘‘ren-yoo-kee’’ is a verb form preceding ‘‘yoogen’’ (i.e. ‘verbs and adjectives’) and it is also used as a noun which refers to an activity. For example, the ‘‘ren-yoo-kee’’ (continuative) form of asobu (‘play’ as a verb) is asobi (‘playing’), that of oyogu (‘swim’) is oyogi (‘swimming’), and umareru (‘be born’) is umare (‘birth’). They can be used not only as independent words but also as elements of compounds, as in suna-asobi (‘playing with sand’), hira-oyogi (‘breast stroke’), and haya-umare (lit. ‘early birth,’ i.e., early during the year, during January–March).

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In contrast, only the meaning as used in contemporary Japanese is given in the first two dictionaries (Daizirin3 and Daizisen). It should be noted that even in the third dictionary (Koozien6), hoodai – if used in the modern sense – is always attached to a preceding word, like a suffix. 2.2. Results from newspaper data Hoodai itself is a Sino-Japanese expression whose exact meaning is not very clear to many Japanese people, and examples of the form X-hoodai (X being various words) are not very familiar to them, either, except tabehoodai, nomi-hoodai, ii-tai-hoodai, etc. Hence it is useful to examine corpus data to clarify the actual usage of the form X-hoodai. In this section we will present the data of newspaper articles for 1 year. The newspaper data available to me is Asahi Newspaper Data 2007, on CD-ROM. The CD-ROM consists of the data of newspaper articles of the Asahi Shinbun (‘Newspaper’) from January through December 2007. It is divided into twelve files and it is easy to retrieve examples of hoodai in each file. It is not a huge database (211.1 MB) but it can still help to shed some light on the usage of hoodai in contemporary Japanese. In the whole corpus, 317 occurrences (tokens) were found of the form X-hoodai. There are 43 different types of X-hoodai. All the 43 types are listed in Table 1. The 43 examples of X which precede hoodai are glossed.

Table 1 A list of the types of the form X-hoodai ‘X-at will’. Form

Gloss

tabe-hoodai nori-hoodai nomi-hoodai are-hoodai nobi-hoodai yari-taitume-hoodai suki-hoodai mi-hoodai tukai-hoodai tumi-hoodai iitai-hoodai tori-hoodai turi-hodai hae-hoodai hanasi-hoodai kake-hoodai yari-hoodai asobi-hoodai kiki-hoodai paketto-si-hoodai sui-hoodai tirakari-hoodai dangoo-si-hoodai dasi-hoodai de-hoodai erabi-tai-hoodai hukuro-tume-hoodai kaziri-hoodai katte-hoodai kiri-tori-hoodai kui-hoodai kumi-age-hoodai nage-hoodai naguri-hoodai nobasi-hoodai syaberi-hoodai si-tai-hoodai uti-hoodai wagamama-hoodai yamutya-hoodai yogore-hoodai yuki-asobi-si-hoodai

‘Eat’ ‘at will’ ‘Ride’ ‘Drink’ ‘Waste’ ‘Grow’ ‘Want to do’ ‘Pack’ ‘Like’ ‘Watch’ ‘Use’ ‘Pick’ ‘Want to say’ ‘Take’ ‘Fish’ ‘Come out’ ‘Talk’ ‘Phone’ ‘Do’ ‘Play’ ‘Listen’ ‘Do packeting’ ‘Smoke’ ‘Be in a mess’ ‘Make an illegal agreement in business’ ‘Emit’ ‘Let go’ ‘Want to choose’ ‘Pack something into a bag’ ‘Bite’ ‘Being selfish’ ‘Cut’ ‘take’ ‘Eat’ ‘Pump up’ ‘Throw’ ‘Beat’ ‘Let something grow’ ‘Chat’ ‘Want to do’ ‘Hit’ ‘Being selfish’ ‘Drink Chinese tea’ ‘Get dirty’ ‘Play with snow’

Total

43 types

Number of tokens 89 40 36 32 14 13 11 10 6 6 6 5 4 4 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 317 tokens

Percentage (%) 28.1 12.6 11.4 10.1 4.4 4.1 3.5 3.2 1.9 1.9 1.9 1.6 1.3 1.3 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 100%

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On the basis of the data in Table 1 four observations can be made. First, there are eight types (1–8 in Table 1) which have more than 10 tokens; the sum of the tokens for these eight types is 245, and the sum of these tokens is 77.3% of the 317 tokens in total. In other words, these eight types of X-hoodai represent more than three fourths of the entire number of tokens of the form X-hoodai. Second, three lexical categories are found in Table 1, as far as the host of hoodai (i.e. the expression preceding it) is concerned. Consider the following: (5)

a.

verbs

40

i)

verbs in the continuative form (e.g. tabe, nomi, etc.)

36

ii)

verbs in the desiderative form (e.g. yari-tai, ii-tai, etc.)

4

b.

adjectival nouns (e.g. katte, and wagamama)

2

c.

verbal noun (e.g. yamutya)

1

The great majority of the expressions occurring in the host position of hoodai (40 out of 43) are two forms of verbs. Such verbs mainly represent activities, and they naturally combine with hoodai, since the meaning of hoodai (‘at will’) is fit for combining with various activities. The two examples katte and wagamama in (5b) belong to the category of ‘‘adjectival nouns’’ (Kageyama, 1993:25), which are also called ‘‘keiyoo-doosi (adjectival verbs)’’ in traditional grammar of Japanese. These two examples also naturally combine with hoodai, since their meaning (‘being selfish’) is suitable for that of hoodai (‘at will’). The only one example of a verbal noun is yamutya (‘drinking (Chinese) tea’), which is a word borrowed from Chinese. Yamutya-hoodai sounds a little odd, though. Third, out of the 40 verb types in the host position of hoodai in Table 1, 34 types are simple verbs and six types are compound verbs. The six compound verbs can be classified into three groups, as shown in (6). (6)

a.

N-V group paketto-si-hoodai, dangoo-si-hoodai, and hukuro-tume-hoodai

b.

V-V group

c.

N-V-V group

kiri-tori-hoodai and kumi-age-hoodai yuki-asobi-si-hoodai Si in (6a) and (6c) and tume in (6a) are the continuative forms of suru (‘do’) and tumeru (‘pack’), respectively; kiri, tori, kumi, and age in (6b) are the continuative forms of kiru (‘cut’), toru (‘take’), kumu (‘pump’), and ageru (‘raise’), respectively; and asobi is also the continuative form of asobu (‘play’) in (6c). The citation form of paketto-si- is paketto suru, and that of dangoo-si- is dangoo suru. However, hukuro-tume- in (6a) is a little harder to deal with. If this expression is used as a compound noun, its form would be hukuro-zume and it would mean ‘packing something into a bag.’ So-called ‘‘rendaku’’ (‘sequential voicing’)3 has occurred in this example. But in this case it would be difficult to attach hoodai, as shown in (7b). If si- is inserted between -zume and -hoodai, then this expression is completely acceptable, as shown in (7c). In contrast, hukuro-tume-hoodai is unproblematic, as shown in (7a). There is a slight pause after hukuro here. This is an example of the ‘‘post-syntactic compound’’ proposed in Shibatani and Kageyama (1988). See Shibatani and Kageyama (1988:459–460) for details. (7)

a.

hukuro-tume-hoodai

b.

??hukuro-zume-hoodai

c.

hukuro-zume-si-hoodai

Furthermore, there are differences in acceptability among the four verbal forms which have the meaning ‘‘putting something into a bag.’’ (8)

a.

??hukuro-tume bag

b. c.

suru

packing do

hukuro-zume suru *hukuro-tumeru bag

pack (citation form verb)

3 Roughly speaking, ‘‘rendaku’’ is a process in which an initial voiceless consonant becomes voiced in the second (right-hand) element of a compound, especially a compound noun: ude (‘arm’ or ‘wrist’), tokei (‘watch’ or ‘clock’), ude-dokei (‘watch’); yama (‘mountain’), sakura (‘cherry tree’), yama-zakura (‘mountain cherry tree’). See Otsu (1980) and Kubozono (1999, 2005) for details.

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*hukuro-zumeru cf.

*fukuro-tsumeru-hoodai *fukuro-dzumeru-hoodai

In (8a) the light verb suru (‘do’) is attached to hukuro-tume and in (8b) it is attached to hukuro-zume whose second element has been subjected to ‘‘rendaku.’’ In (8c) the simple verb tumeru (‘pack’) is attached to hukuro (‘bag’), resulting in unacceptability. ‘‘Rendaku’’ does not improve its acceptability, as shown in (8d). As for the N–V–V group in (6c), there is only one instance: yuki-asobi-si-hoodai. The fact that si is used here indicates that the expression yuki-asobi is a nominal expression, hence a light verb suru is needed to form yuki-asobi-si-hoodai. As shown in (9), omitting si would cause a sharp drop in acceptability. (9)

??yuki-asobi-hoodai

Finally, it is interesting that all the words except yamutya that precede hoodai are examples of ‘‘wago’’ words (native Japanese words), although hoodai itself is a ‘‘kango’’ word (‘Sino-Japanese word’). The only exception, yamutya,4 is originally a Chinese word meaning ‘drink Chinese tea and sometimes eat Chinese snacks, i.e. dim sum.’ This is an unexpected situation, since it is usually the case that Sino-Japanese words attach to Sino-Japanese words more naturally than to native Japanese words (cf. Morita et al., 1989:47). In Japanese, for example, a Sino-Japanese word like han-zyoo (‘being prosperous’) attaches to a Sino-Japanese word syoo-bai (‘business’) more naturally than to a native Japanese word akinai (‘business’). Consider the following contrast. (10)

a.

syoo-bai han-zyoo ‘Business is going well.’ or ‘May business go well.’ (a fixed expression)

b.

?akinai han-zyoo (less idiomatic than syoo-bai han-zyoo)

Moreover, native Japanese words attach to native Japanese words or suffixes more naturally than to Sino-Japanese words or suffixes, as shown below. (11)

a.

b.

kotae-kata manabi-kata

‘way of learning’

tukuri-kata

‘way of making’

??kotae-hoohoo

‘way of answering’

??manabi-hoohoo

‘way of learning’

??tsukuri-hoohoo c.

‘way of answering’

kaitoo-hoohoo

‘way of making’ ‘way of answering’

gakusyuu-hoohoo ‘way of learning’ sakusei-hoohoo

‘way of making’

Kotae, manabi, tukuri and kata are native Japanese words, and kaitoo, gakusyuu, sakusee, and hoohoo are their Sino-Japanese counterparts, respectively. In the compounds in (11a), both elements are native Japanese, and in the compounds of (11c) both elements are Sino-Japanese. All these examples sound natural. In contrast, in the compounds in (11b) a native Japanese word (e.g. kotae (‘answer’)) is attached to the Sino-Japanese word hoohoo (‘way, method’), resulting in a far lesser degree of acceptability. It is true that Sino-Japanese words allow native words of Japanese to attach to them and vice versa. But it seems to be NOT the case that they prefer words of different origin. It is, therefore, remarkable that the Sino-Japanese word hoodai strongly prefers native words of Japanese as its preceding words. 2.3. Internet search results data and some additional data In this subsection, I present examples of the form X-hoodai that were obtained from an internet search (Google, Japanese version) in mid-August, 2009. They were the first 100 hits of approximately 47,000,000. A comparison of the first 100 results (tokens of X-hoodai) with the results in Table 1 resulted in twelve types of the form X-hoodai which are not listed in Table 1. These are shown in (12).

4 The pronunciation of this word seems to be that of Cantonese rather than that of Mandarin Chinese, according to Kai Ma, a Chinese student in my class (personal communication). He says that yintya is used in Mandarin Chinese.

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(12)

a.

tyookoo

-si -hoodai

auditing a class do at will b.

-hoodai5

hakai destroy

c.

hasiri

-hoodai

run d.

koosyuu-musen-LAN -si -hoodai6 public wireless LAN

e.

mati-uke

do

-hoodai

wait and see f.

odori

-hoodai

dance g.

sengoku

h.

tunagi

-hoodai7

a country engaged in a civil war -hoodai

connect i.

uranai

-tai

-hoodai

want to tell a fortune j.

wari

-hoodai

break k.

yomi-tai

-hoodai

want to read l.

yude

-hoodai

boil

Furthermore, seven more different types of examples were collected manually from essays and newspapers. These are shown in (13) (italics mine – TN). (13)

a.

amae

-tai

-hoodai o

haha

ni

yurusi, ...

depend on want at will ACC mother DAT allow ‘(she) allowed her mother to depend on her too much’ (Asahi Newspaper, morning edition, April 18, 2009, p. 26) b.

tokoroga zeikin de but

tax

un’ei-

sareteiru sosiki

wa,

with manage is being organization NOM

gomakasi -hoodai dearu. cheat

at will is

‘but the organizations managed with public money are very irresponsible for spending money’ (Natsuhiko Yamamoto, 2004, Natsuhiko’s essays with photos, series 1, p. 34) c.

kiki

-tai

-hoodai (title of an article in a newspaper)

interview want at will ‘want to interview as much as possible’ (Asahi Newspaper, morning edition, March 28, 2009, p. 32) d.

kiwametuki wa Asoo the worst case

5

de, sooki-kaisan no

Mr. Asoo is early dissolution

Hakai-hoodai is a name of a card which is used in a video game. As will be shown in (16a), hakai-hoodai sounds a little unnatural. Koosyuu-musen-LAN means ‘public wireless LAN.’ LAN is an acronym for ‘local area network,’ an English word. Koosyuu and musen are Sino-Japanese words, though. That is, koosyuu-musen-LAN-si-hoodai is a compound word which mixes languages, which is not uncommon, in contemporary Japanese. 7 Sengoku-hoodai is the title of a web page of a woman who loves to study sengokuzjidai (‘the Warring States period’) in Japanese history. This expression sounds very unnatural. 6

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hazu

ga nobasi

2373

-hoodai. ...

was expected but postpone at will ‘The worst case is Mr. Asoo, who was expected to dissolve Diet soon but postponed the dissolution for a long time.’ (Asahi Newspaper, morning edition, August 21, 2009, p. 1) e.

(Nihon no

apaato

wa)

nusumi -hoodai dearu

Japan POSS apartment NOM steal

at will is

‘(Thieves) can steal whatever they want in apartments in Japan.’ (Natsuhiko Yamamoto, 2004, Natsuhiko’s essays with photos, series 1, p. 223) f.

zyaguti o

hineru to mizu

faucet ACC turn

ga

ikuramo detekite,

on if water NOM much

flow

ryuusui -si -hoodai nano wa, ... pouring do at will ‘if you turn on a faucet, then water flows and you can pour as much as you want’ (Ken’ichirou Horii, 2009, Mizu-kumi no fuukei, Hon, September 2009, p. 35) g.

(kanryoo

wa) omakeni zeekin wa

bureaucrats in tukai -tai

addition tax

TOP

-hoodai, ...

spend want at will ‘(Bureaucrats), in addition, spend public money as much as they want’ (Asahi Newspaper, morning edition, April 10, 2009, p. 16) All the examples in (12) and (13) are listed together alphabetically in (14). (14)

a.

amae-tai-hoodai

b.

tyookoo-si-hoodai

c.

gomakasi-hoodai

d.

e.

hasiri-hoodai

f.

kiki-tai-hoodai

g.

koosyuu-musen-LAN-si-hoodai

h.

mati-uke-hoodai

i.

nobasi-hoodai

j.

nusumi-hoodai

?hakai-hoodai

k.

odori-hoodai

l.

ryuusui-si-hoodai

m.

??sengoku-hoodai

n.

tukai-tai-hoodai

o.

tunagi-hoodai

p.

uranai-tai-hoodai

q.

wari-hoodai

r.

yomi-tai-hoodai

s.

yude-hoodai

There is a slight difference in acceptability between (14b), (14d) and (14l) and their related expressions, as shown in (15)–(17). (15)

a. b. c.

(16)

(17)

a.

tyookoo-si-hoodai (= (14b), si is the continuative form of suru (‘do’)) ?tyookoo-hoodai kiki (‘listen’)-hoodai (almost the same meaning as (15a), kiki is a native Japanese verb in the continuative form) ?hakai-hoodai (= (14d))

b.

hakai-si-hoodai

c.

kowasi (‘break’)-hoodai (almost the same meaning as (16b), kowasi is a native Japanese verb in the continuative form)

a. b. c.

ryuusui-si-hoodai (= (14l)) ?ryuusui-hoodai nagasi (‘run (water)’)-hoodai (almost the same meaning as (17a), nagasi is a native Japanese verb in the continuative form)

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Now let us combine the results of Table 1 (43 examples) and those presented in (14), and show them in (18). (18)

Categories of the examples used as the host of hoodai a.

verbs

57

i)

verbs in the continuative form

48

ii)

verbs in the desiderative form

9

b.

adjectival nouns

2

(i.e. katte and wagamama) c.

nouns i)

3

verbal nouns

2

(i.e. yamutya and hakai) ii)

noun

1

(i.e. sengoku) Furthermore, we can classify the combined results of the data from a viewpoint of the strata of words, that is, from word origin. Consider the following: (19)

Word origin of the examples used as the host of hoodai a.

native words of Japanese

59

b.

Sino-Japanese words

3

It is clear that the great majority of the instances used as the host of hoodai are verbs, particularly verbs in the continuative form. It is also clear that the great majority of those are native Japanese words. The exceptions are only yamutya, hakai, and sengoku, and the acceptability of ?yamutya-hoodai, ?hakai-hoodai, and ??sengoku-hoodai are dubious, as stated above, although they were found in my data. 3. The usage of hoodai in older Japanese and its development in Japanese In this section, I discuss the usage of X-hoodai in older Japanese and its development in Japanese. To this end, I consulted several Japanese dictionaries which present information on older Japanese, since, to the best of my knowledge, there is no previous discussion in the literature on the expression of hoodai or X-hoodai in older Japanese. First, let us look up hoodai in the most voluminous Japanese dictionary, which is Nihon Kokugo Daiziten, second edition (henceforth Kokugo Daiziten2). This contains approximately 500,000 lexical entries and approximately 1,000,000 examples from published texts. One of its merits is that it clearly shows the year when a word was first used in its original text, just like the Oxford English Dictionary. This is very convenient for clarifying when the word in question was used in a certain text. The description of the lexical entry for hoodai in Kokugo Daiziten2 is given in (20). (20)

hoodai hau [noun] (‘adjectival noun’) 1.

(i) Being abnormal in one’s behavior. Behaving in a selfish way: 1443 amarini haudai no ... 1462 haudai na koto ... too selfish

abnormal event

‘too selfish’

‘an abnormal event’

1477 haudai

husigi no koto ...

abnormal strange event ‘an abnormal and strange event’ (ii) Being vulgar in birth or behaviors. Behaving in a vulgar way: 1603–1604 hoodai sigoku na mono vulgar very

much

person

‘a very vulgar person’ 2.

Letting something be. Letting something be done at somebody’s will. Being used like a suffix, attached to a noun, a verb in the continuative form or a particle -tai, meaning ‘letting an activity go on or letting something be done at somebody’s will.’ katte-hoodai, tabe-hoodai, iitai-hoodai, etc.: 1471–1473 me -hoodai ni keityoo wo eyes at will

value

sadamuru zo

ACC decide

‘(he) decided their value by just looking at them’

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1508 kui- hoodai ni site ... eat at will

did

‘let them eat as much as they like’ 1603–1604 sonata-hoodai you

at will

‘as you like, up to you’ 1916–1917 kuzure -hoodai koware -hoodai collapse at will breaking at will ‘let it collapse and break naturally’ Word Note: (1) There were two spelling variants for hoo, but the pronunciation was the same. (2) Nippo Zisyo8 (Japanese–Portuguese Dictionary, 1603–1604 – TN) used the spelling Foˇdai with the meaning 1(ii) and gave the example as above. In contrast, it used the spelling Fôdai for the meaning 2 and gave the example sonata-hoodai (‘at your will’). (3) Hoodai with a close vowel was at first not written in Chinese characters. But after the ‘‘kinsee’’9 (‘early modern’ period), when the distinction between an open vowel and a close vowel was lost, the Chinese characters which had been originally used for referring to the word pronounced with an open vowel came to be used to refer to the word pronounced with a close vowel. In addition, the two senses 1. and 2. above seemed to have become confused. (Kokugo Daiziten2, s.v. hoodai, my translation – TN) As pointed out in the ‘‘Word Note’’ in (20), the development of hoodai from the 15th century to the 21st century is complex and unclear. Second, let us turn to Zidaibetu Kokugo Daiziten (Muromati Period, henceforth ZDM). This dictionary provides the descriptions of hoodai as in (21) and (22). (21)

haudai 1.

Objectionable mistake in making ‘‘waka’’ and ‘‘renga’’10, such as turning a main subject into a subordinate subject and so on. 1473 haudai wo okaseru nan objectionable mistake ACC made

trouble

‘the trouble of making a objectionable mistake’ 2.

Being abnormal in words and behaviors, being objectionable. Being impolite and vulgar: 1477 haudai husigi no koto 1603–1604 haudai sigoku na mono. ‘a very vulgar person’ (ZDM, Vol. 4 (2000), s.v. haudai, my translation – TN)

(22)

hoodai11 (1) [noun] Being limitless or infinite, when it is used with nasi.: 1477 syoseki wa hiroote ooihodoni, hoodai mo naizo books NOM wide many limit nothing ‘books are so various and many in number that there is no limit’

8 Nippo-Zisyo is a dictionary which was compiled by Portuguese missionaries first published in 1603. A supplement was published in 1604 in Nagasaki. It is a Japanese–Portuguese dictionary, in which approximately 32,300 Japanese words were described in Portuguese (see Doi et al., 1980). It was edited and translated by Tadao Doi, Takeshi Morita, and Minoru Tyoonan and published by Iwanami Publishing Company in 1980 (Hooyaku Nippo-Zisyo (‘Japanese Translation of Nippo-Zisyo’). This translation, not to mention the original Nippo-Zisyo, is an extremely valuable source for early 17th century Japanese (see also Doi et al., 1980). In particular, it is notable that two long back non-high vowels were distinguished in Nippo-Zisyo: open [ɔ:] and close [o:]. According to Kokugo-gaku Daiziten (‘Dictionary of Japanese Linguistics’) published in 1980, there was a distinction between open vowels (‘‘kai-on’’) and close vowels (‘‘goo-on’’) in Japanese in the early 17th century (s.v. ‘‘kai-goo’’ (‘open’ and ‘close’)). In Doi et al. (1980:256), both Fôdai with a close vowel (as used in fito-fôdai) and Foˇdai with an open vowel (as used in foˇdai na) are provided as lexical entries. 9 ‘‘Kinsee’’ (‘early modern’) is described in a dictionary of Japanese as follows: The period after the ancient and medieval period but before the modern period in Japanese history. (Kokugo Daiziten2 ‘‘kinsee’’) It seems to refer usually to both the ‘‘Azuchi-Momoyama Period (approximately 1573–1598)’’ and ‘‘the Edo Period (approximately 1603–1867).’’ 10 ‘‘Waka’’ is Japanese poetry in contrast to ‘‘kanshi’’ (‘Chinese verse’). It developed in about the mid-6th century and has been practiced continuously since. A waka consists of 31 moras in the pattern 5-7-5-7-7. ‘‘Ren-ga’’ is a type of linked verse unique to Japanese, in which more than one poet composes in alternation. See Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan, vol. 6 ‘‘renga and haikai’’ and vol. 8 ‘‘waka.’’ 11 This issue adopts the kunrei-siki (‘Japanese standard’) system of romanization but without diacritics such as the circumflex accent; as a result long ‘‘o’’ is written ‘‘oo’’ regardless of its historical source. The original spelling in ZDM is ‘‘haudai’’ and ‘‘houdai.’’ It must be said that writing the complex vowels in question as ‘‘au’’ and ‘‘ou’’ brings out their similarity more effectively than writing them as ‘‘au’’ and ‘‘oo.’’

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(2) [suffix] Without limit, letting something be, or letting something go on at somebody’s will: 1471–1473 me-hoodai ni keityoo wo sadamuru zo ... 1603–1604 sonata-hoodai, you

nari

at will

become at will

‘as you like’ hito

‘as it is naturally’

-hoodai na

others at will

-hoodai

mono

zya

person

‘How much dominated by others that person is!’ (ZDM, Vol. 5 (2001), s.v. hoodai, my translation – TN) Finally, Kogo Daiziten, published in 1982–1999, is taken up here. In this dictionary, the lexical entry for haudai is as follows. (23)

haudai hoodai (1) [noun] [adjectival noun (nari)] Being selfish and impolite. Behaving selfishly or impolitely. Some says that this word came from another word related to making ‘‘waka’’ and ‘‘renga’’: (1443) amarini haudai no ... (1477) syoseki wo hiroote ooihodoni haudai mo naizo (2) [suffix] Letting something be, when it is attached to a noun, the continuative form of a verb, or the particle -tai.: (1603–1604) sonata-hoodai (‘as you like’) (Kogo Daiziten, Vol. 4 (1994), s.v. haudai, my translation – TN)

The descriptions of hoodai in the three dictionaries are different from each other on some points. To understand this more clearly, I propose that the usage and development of hoodai can be divided roughly into at least three stages in the history of Japanese. The first stage distinguishes the lexical entries of haudai and hoodai, as shown in (24). (24)

The First Stage (from the mid-15th century to the 17th century) a.

haudai [noun and adjectival noun] i)

Being abnormal in behavior: 1443 amarini haudai no; 1462 haudai na koto too

abnormal

abnormal thing, event

‘too abnormal’ ii)

‘an abnormal event’

Being vulgar in birth or behavior. Behaving in a vulgar way: 1603–1604 haudai sigoku vulgar very

na much

mono person

‘a very vulgar person’ b.

hoodai [suffix-like] Letting something be. Letting something be done at somebody’s will: 1471–1473 me-hoodai ni; 1508

kui -hoodai ni site;

1603–1604 hito -hoodai

na

mono zya

It seems clear that two different words existed in the First Stage, since there was a clear distinction in vowel quality between hau- and hoo- in haudai and hoodai, as borne out by Nippo-Zisyo (1603–1604), and their morphological categories are clearly different (cf. footnote 8). Haudai is both a noun (e.g. amarini haudai no (1443)) and an adjectival noun (e.g. haudai sigoku na mono (1603–1604). In contrast, hoodai is like a suffix in that it requires a preceding word. Furthermore, hoodai takes na in the example hito-hoodai na mono zya (1603–1604). In addition, haudai and hoodai have different meanings, as shown in (24a) and (24b). The third (not the second) stage is the latest stage, which includes contemporary Japanese. The lexical entry of hoodai can be construed roughly along the following lines: (25)

The Third Stage (from the 20th century to now) hoodai [suffix-like] Doing something as much as you want. Letting something proceed naturally.

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1916–1917

2377

kuzure-hoodai,

koware-hoodai

be broken at will

be broken at will

‘letting it be broken’ 2007

tabe-hoodai no byuffe -siki; eat at will

buffet style

‘buffet style in which you can eat as much as you want’ 2009

amae-

tai-

hoodai o

depend on want at will ‘depend on (her) too much’ The description of hoodai as a suffix-like element is clear, since in the Third Stage this expression cannot be used independently but has to attach to a preceding word in a sentence. What can we say about the Second Stage, between the First Stage and the Third Stage? It is very hard to imagine that the situation in (24) suddenly changed into the situation in (25) within a period of almost three hundred years. As was mentioned in footnotes 8 and 9, when the distinction between the two similar vowels (open and close) was lost in the early modern period (cf. footnote 9), it is natural to assume that haudai and hoodai, doubtless after a period of variation, soon merged into one word with two categories (one as a noun and the other suffix-like). Hence I would like to propose that the Second Stage had the following lexical entry for hoodai. (26)

The Second Stage (from the 17th century to the early 20th century) hoodai

(1)

[noun (and adjectival noun)] Being vulgar in birth or behavior. Behaving in a vulgar way.

(2)

[suffix-like] Letting something be. Letting something be done at somebody’s will.

It is unfortunate that, unlike the Oxford English Dictionary, even Kokugo Daiziten2 does not provide the information when an entry became obsolete, or when certain meaning and/or category of an entry became obsolete.12 This is also not covered in the other two dictionaries dealt with above. It is, therefore, not possible to show that the Second Stage really existed just by looking for the year of publication in which hoodai stopped being used as an independent word. However, evidence for the existence of the Second Stage could consist of cases where hoodai was used both as an independent word and as an expression of the form X-hoodai sometime between the 17th century and the early 20th century. I have found two attested examples of the form X-hoodai after examining twelve books such as Japanese dictionaries, glossaries, concordances, and indexes of the Japanese in the Edo Period and in the early Meiji Period. First, Basyoo Matuo, a very famous haiku poet (1644–1694), used de-hoodai13 in one of his letters, according to Basyoo Goi (‘Glossary of Basyoo’s Works and Letters’). Consider the following description of hoodai in the glossary. (27)

hoodai [noun] 1. Disorder. 2. Doing something as much as you want, when it follows the continuative form of a verb: okasiya

okasiya

tokaku

it’s funny it’s funny likely de

-hoodai katyuu (Letter to Tarobee)

going out at will

in fire

‘It’s very funny. If people speak without restraint, they will be in danger.’ (Basyoo Goi, s.v. hoodai, my translation– TN)

12 While I regard Kokugo Daiziten2 very highly, I also hope that if it is revised again in the future, such information will be included, though it will be a very difficult task. 13 De-hoodai is included as a lexical entry not only with an attested example from 1703 but also with an attested example from 1965 to 1967 in Kokugo Daziten2. Furthermore, tori-hoodai (‘being allowed to take as much as one likes’) is listed in dictionaries of contemporary Japanese. This means that de-hoodai and tori-hoodai are established compounds. There is a synonymous word with de-hoodai. It is de-makase, a noun which can be used as an object of a verb: kuchi (‘mouth’) kara (‘from’) de-makase o (ACC) iu (‘speak’), ‘speak whatever comes into one’s head’. De means ‘going out’ and makase means ‘letting.’ Probably de-makase is a native Japanese word corresponding to de-hoodai, although the former seems to be used only as a noun while the latter is used both as an adjectival noun and as a noun.

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If this description is correct, it means that two uses of hoodai, that is, the nominal use and the suffix-like use were found side by side in late 17th century, and Basyoo used the expression de-hoodai in his letter to Tarobee. It is not exactly clear when this letter was written, because Basyoo Goi does not provide the year in question, nor, unfortunately, does the volume of Basyoo’s letters in Complete Works of Basyoo include the letter to Tarobee. However, it is possible to infer the period when this letter was written. According to Kokugo Daijiten2, Basyoo moved to Fukagawa in Edo in 1680 and developed and established his own style of ‘‘haiku’’14 (strictly speaking, it was called ‘‘haikai’’ then) until he died in 1694. Hence it can be safely inferred that the letter under consideration was written between 1680 and 1694. Second, the index of James Curtis Hepburn’s A Japanese and English Dictionary is also useful. Hepburn’s dictionary was published in the late Edo Period and the early Meiji Period (the first edition was published in 1867, the second edition in 1872 (the fourth year of Meiji), and the third edition in 1886). In the index, the descriptions of each lexical entry in the three editions are printed side by side. Hence it is easy to compare the descriptions of each word in the three editions. As for hoodai, there is only a minor difference among the three editions. Thus only hoodai in the first edition (published in 1867) is given here in (28). (28)

(Used only in combination with other words) at will, according to one’s pleasure, without restraint, at liberty. ... Uri-hodai, selling without restraint, anything one pleases. ... See De-hodai, Tori-hodai. (Index of Hepburn’s A Japanese and English Dictionary (first edition); the original spelling of hodai is shown here – TN)

HODAI

It is clear that hoodai was used around 1867 in the same way that it is used in contemporary Japanese. If we take these two results into consideration, the Second Stage and the Third Stage can be modified as follows: (29)

The Second Stage (from the late 17th century to the mid-19th century) hoodai

(1)

[noun] Disorder, Behaving in a vulgar way.

(2)

[suffix-like] Letting something be. Letting something be done at one’s will: 1680–1694 tokaku de-hoodai katyuu

(30)

The Third Stage (from the latter half of the 19th century to now) hoodai [suffix-like] Doing something as much as you like. Letting something proceed naturally: 1867

uri

-hoodai

sell

at will

‘sell without restraint’ 1916–1917

kuzure-hoodai

2009

amae-tai-hoodai

tori-

hoodai

take

at will

‘take without restraint’

This describes the usage and status of hoodai in the Second Stage more clearly, while the beginning of the Third Stage can be pinpointed more accurately. 4. The status of hoodai as a word rather than a suffix In this section, the status of hoodai as used in contemporary Japanese is discussed more fully. In (25) and (30), hoodai was regarded as ‘‘suffix-like,’’ a rather imprecise description. Here I would like to examine its status in more detail and argue that hoodai functions as a word rather than a suffix. In other words, expressions of the form X-hoodai are compounds rather than derivatives. Let us examine the distribution of X-hoodai first. It is easy to find examples of the nominal and adverbial use of X-hoodai among the original data of Asahi Newspaper Data, 2007, which was presented in section 2.2. Some of these examples are repeated in (31). (31)

a.

nominal use of X-hoodai (i)

... doo sureba how

amerika no

yari-tai

-hoodai ni

do (COND) America POSS want to do at will

syuusifu wo uti, ... halt

ACC put

‘how can we put a halt to the selfish behavior of the USA and ...’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, January 2007) (= (1c)) 14

‘‘Haiku’’ is a kind of Japanese poetry consisting of 17 moras in the pattern 5-7-5.

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(ii)

2379

nomi -hoodai -tuki drink at will

with, attach to

‘with the special service of drinking as much as you want’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, May 2007) (iii)

are

-hoodai no akiya

lay waste at will

o

empty house ACC

‘an empty house which was laid waste’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, January 2007) b.

adverbial use of X-hoodai (i)

yakuza sosiki ga

suki -hoodai abare-mawatte ita

yakuza gang NOM like at will run amok ‘yakuza gang was running amok as much as they wanted’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, September 2007) (ii)

ii

-tai

-hoodai iwasete moratta

say want at will was allowed to talk ‘I talked as much as I wanted.’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, March 2007) (iii)

tiji

wa

itukakan tamihuru o

governor NOM for 5 days Tamiflu

nomi-hoodai nonda.

ACC drink at will drank

‘The governor took Tamiflu a lot for five days.’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, April 2007) As for the nominal use of X-hoodai, the possessive marker no can only precede or follow nominal expressions such as noun phrases and compound nouns. It is clear from (31ai), then, that not only amerika (‘America’) but also yari-taihoodai are nominal in nature. Furthermore, the expression tuki in (31aii) is the continuative form of the verb tuku (‘attach to, stick to’) and it can only follow nominal expressions to form a compound noun, as in syokuzi-tuki (‘(being) with a meal’) and tokuten-tuki (‘(being) with a special present’). Hence the example nomi-hoodai-tsuki indicates that nomi-hoodai itself is a noun, specifically a compound noun. Examples of the type of (31aiii), where no occurs between Xhoodai and a following nominal expression, are very frequent in Asahi Newspaper Data, 2007. Next, let us turn to the adverbial use of X-hoodai. The three examples in (31b) illustrate the adverbial use of X-hoodai, as is shown in their glosses. In particular, example (31bi) is a clear case of the adverbial use, since abare-mawaru is an intransitive compound verb in Japanese and suki-hoodai should be understood as an adverbial rather than as a noun. It is significant that in contemporary Japanese there are no clear examples of the adjectival-nominal use with the form of X-hoodai na, as far as my data above show, although such an example was found for the early 17th century Japanese (see hito-hoodai na mono zya in (22(2)). Therefore, it seems appropriate to think that the expression hoodai in contemporary Japanese should be analyzed as a word with a dual category: it is both a noun and an adverb. This may seem strange at first sight, since in English, for instance, the categories of noun and adverb are not related in this way. In contemporary Japanese, however, there are other cases where the same word behaves as a noun and as an adverb. Consider the following. (32)

a.

kokoromoti [noun] a state of mind: sakusya no

kokoromoti

ga

author POSS state of mind NOM tutawatte kuru is being conveyed ‘the author’s state of mind is being conveyed to us’ [adverb] somewhat, a little bit: azi

o

mite kokoromoti

taste ACC see amai

a little bit

kana

sweet probably ‘try to taste it and feel it is a little bit sweet’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, March 2007)

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b.

kimoti [noun] a state of mind: kansya no kimoti thanks

state of mind

‘appreciation’ [adverb] somewhat, a little bit: kimoti

mizikameni kitte

a little bit shortish cut kudasai please ‘Cut it into rather short pieces, please.’ (Koozien6, s.v. kimoti, my translation – TN) c.

ikioi [noun] force, energy: gunsyuu ga crowd

sugoi

ikioi de

NOM powerful force with

osiyoseta surged forward ‘the crowd surged forward with powerful force’ [adverb] consequently: soredakeni ikioi koe mo therefore consequently voice ookiku narazaru o enai loud

become be forced

‘consequently, he had to speak loudly’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, May 2007) d.

kekka [noun] result: tyoosa

no kekka

investigation of result ‘the result of investigation’ [adverb] as a result, consequently: syoohisya

o

hitasura

consumers ACC only amayakasita. kekka ... spoiled

as a result

‘(They) only spoiled consumers. As a result, ...’ (Asahi Newspaper Data, January 2007) It is clear that these words have both a nominal use and an adverbial use. These examples can be treated as cases of conversion (Namiki, 2009b:12) We have assumed that hoodai is a word, specifically a noun, following the descriptions of many dictionaries of Japanese. Let us consider the status of hoodai here. There are three reasons for treating hoodai as a word, and not a suffix. Firstly, the meaning of hoodai, as far as we have seen above, is too rich to be considered as a suffix. The meanings of suffixes are generally more limited. Although this might seem a little too intuitive, a rough inspection of various affixes in different languages reveals that a meaning like ‘‘at will’’ is not among the most common meanings of deverbal affixes. Secondly, the expressions of X-hoodai as a whole are considered to belong to two categories (a noun and an adverb) from the viewpoint of their distribution in a sentence, and this is not compatible with the view that hoodai is a suffix, since suffixes usually show a single categorial status, such as noun-forming, adjective-forming, verb-forming, or adverbforming. But if hoodai is treated as a word, this bicategoriality can be accounted for easily. Some might say that if conversion is assumed, this argument does not support my claim that hoodai is a word and not a suffix. But I assume that in order to be converted the two expressions in question must, at least, be words, rather than affixes, whichever the order of the conversion is. Finally, the expressions of X-hoodai have a compound accent pattern from a phonological viewpoint. As Kubozono (1995:58–61) states, one of the markers of compounds in Japanese is the compound accent pattern in contrast to the phrasal accent pattern. This accent pattern of compounds is found not only in compounds consisting of native Japanese words but also in those consisting of Sino-Japanese words and foreign words borrowed from European languages (so-called ‘‘gairai-go’’ in Japanese), as shown in Namiki (2003). In other words, the compound accent pattern is widespread among compounds in Japanese. Consider the following, where underlining indicates high pitch.

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(33)

a. b.

soosa

honbu

investigation

headquarter

gaikokugo

gakubu

!

pekin

genzin

Beijing

primeval man

soosa-honbu investigation headquarter

!

foreign languages college c.

2381

gaikokugo-gakubu college of foreign languages

!

pekin-genzin primeval man found in Beijing

(Kubozono, 1995:59) d.

tabe

-hoodai

eating

at will

e.

yari-tai

-hoodai

doing want

at will

!

tabe-hoodai eating as much as one likes

!

yari-tai-hoodai doing whatever one likes

The compound accent pattern is seen on the right-hand side of the arrow in all the examples in (33). The initial mora of the second member of these compounds receives high pitch when the second member has three or more moras, regardless of the accent patterns of the first and second member, according to the compound accent pattern in Japanese. It should be noted here that yari-tai-hoodai in (33e) really consists of two words, although it is divided into three parts here for orthographic convenience. Tabe-hoodai and yari-tai-hoodai are subject to the compound accent pattern, hence it follows that these expressions of the form X-hoodai are compounds. This also holds for the other examples of the form X-hoodai. To summarize, there is some evidence for my claim that hoodai is not a suffix but a word, and that the expressions of Xhoodai are compounds rather than derivatives. To put it differently, hoodai is a word but it is limited to occurring in compound-final position, that is, in the head position of a compound.15 This conclusion may sound odd, since the elements of compounds are usually words which occur independently in a sentence,16 but hoodai is restricted to attaching to other expressions. In order to clarify the properties of expressions like hoodai, I would like, in the next section, to discuss other expressions which share the properties of hoodai in some respects. 5. The notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ and grammaticalization In Japanese compounds, there are cases similar to that of hoodai. Some words in Japanese have meanings that are specific to the case when they appear in compound-final position. Firstly, the abstract noun itiryuu generally means ‘first-class or excellence’ as an independent word or as the left-hand element in a compound, as shown in (34). (34)

a.

itiryuu

no sikisya

(phrase)

excellence of conductor ‘excellent conductor’ b.

itiryuu

hoteru

(compound)

first-class hotel ‘first-class hotel’ Expressions of the form X-itiryuu, however, have a completely different meaning from those in (34). In X-itiryuu, itiryuu means ‘specific to, unique to,’ as shown below (italics mine – TN). (35)

a.

sanuki -huzin -itiryuu no kokoro nimo nai kenson Sanuki woman specific to mind

in

not modesty

no poozu pose ‘just a pose of modesty which was specific to women in Sanuki’ (Namiki, 2001:283)

15 Cf. the Righthand Head Rule in Williams (1981:248). See Kageyama (1982) and Namiki (2001) for the argument that the Righthand Head Rule holds in Japanese as well as in English. See also Zwicky (1985), Trommelen and Zonneveld (1986), and Scalise (1988, 1992) for the notion of ‘‘head of a word’’ in English, Dutch, and Italian, respectively. 16 There are expressions in English which are regarded as elements of compounds but are bound morphemes. They are members of the so-called ‘‘neoLatin compounds’’ (Marchand, 1969) or ‘‘neo-classical compounds’’ (Bauer, 1983). In Bauer (1983:213) they are called ‘‘combining forms.’’ Examples are: electro-, hydro-, -naut, -ology, -phile and so on. Hoodai is similar to a combining form, but it is not clear whether there are other such examples in Japanese. Furthermore, combining forms attach to other combining forms, as in electrolyte, electrophile (Bauer, 1983:214), hydrogen (Nishikawa, 2006:70), neurotomy (Nishikawa, 2006:95) and morphology, but hoodai does not attach to bound morphemes, as shown by my data. Hence hoodai cannot be regarded as a combining form. For an overview of Japanese compounds, see Kageyama (2009).

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b.

Roosi

-itiryuu no aironii nano daroo

Lao-tzu unique to irony

be

probably

‘(it) is probably irony unique to Lao-tzu’ (Namiki, 1996:312) c.

yorokonde miseta nowa Hideyosi -itiryuu no pleased

pretend

engi

Hideyosi unique to

dearu

performance be ‘That he pretended to be pleased was just a performance unique to Hideyosi.’ (Hirosi Katoo, 2009, Hideyosi no Kase, p. 164) This use of X-itiryuu has the peculiar property that it is impossible to insert the particle ni between X and itiryuu, as shown below. (36)

a.

*Sanuki-hujin ni itiryuu no ...

b.

*Roosi ni itiryuu no

c.

*Hideyosi ni itiryuu no

Many other abstract nouns such as tokuyuu, dokutoku, kyootuu, oosei, and dooyoo do not have this restriction, as is clear from (37).17 (37)

a.

Kobe (ni) tokuyuu no

sakamiti

Kobe to peculiar

hilly road

‘hilly roads peculiar to Kobe’ (Namiki, 2009b:161–162) b.

sumi-yaki -gama (ni) dokutoku no nioi charcoal making kiln particular

scent

‘the scent particular to a charcoal kiln’ (Namiki, 2001:282–283) c.

sooyuu

noga bankoku

such a thing is

(ni) kyootuu da

all countries to common is

‘such a thing is common everywhere in the world’ (Namiki, 2009b:161–162) d.

titeki

-kookisin (ga) oosei na dokusya

intellectual curiosity full of

readers

‘readers who are full of intellectual curiosity’ (Namiki, 2001:282–283) e.

umare-kata (to) dooyoo way of birth

the same way

‘in the same way as how one was born’ (Namiki, 2009b:162) That is, the particle is optional in the five examples in (37), which represents the norm rather than the exception. In other words, itiryuu in the form of X-itiryuu not only has a special meaning which is specific to compound-final position (cf. (35)) but also a special restriction on the insertability of ni (cf. (36)). Secondly, another example similar to itiryuu is hitosuzi (abstract noun). Hitosuzi as a concrete noun generally means ‘a straight line.’ Examples are shown in (38). (38)

a.

hitosuzi straight line

no

hikari light

‘a ray of light’

17 There is a choice of particles among ni, ga, or to which can be inserted between an abstract noun and the preceding word, depending on the properties of the abstract noun.

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b.

hitosuzi

no

2383

miti

straight line

road

‘a straight road’ But hitosuzi as an abstract noun means ‘be devoted only to . . .’ only when it occurs in compound-final position, as indicated below. (39)

a.

sonraku-si

-kenkyuu -hitosuzi

village history research

no 45 nen

devoted only to

45 years

‘45 years when he was devoted only to the research of village history’ (Namiki, 1996:312) b.

Sonoda wa . . . kankoo-zairyoo

no kenkyuu-kaihatsu

Sonoda NOM photo-sensitive materials hitosuzi

research project

ni ikitekita

devoted only to

has lived

‘Sonoda has spent his life devoting himself to a research project of photo-sensitive materials’ (Namiki, 2009b:163) In this case too, the insertion of ni or other particles is almost impossible, though there is a slight difference in unacceptability, as shown in (40). (40)

a. b.

??sonraku-si-kenkyuu ni hitosuzi no 45nen *kankoo-zairyoo no kenkyuu-kaihatu ni hitosuzi ni ikitekita

It should be noted that hitosuzi in X-hitosuzi does not modify a concrete object, unlike (38), but it means figuratively that ‘somebody has been devoted only to something.’ Thirdly, let us look at the following examples (italics mine – TN). (41)

a.

... nodo made dekakatta throat to

ga meisi no koto wa kikazu-zimai datta.

almost said but namecard

TOP ask-NEG end PAST

‘he almost tried to ask but he didn’t ask a question about the name card’ (Hideo Yokoyama, 2007, Rinjou, p. 24) b.

okane o

kaketa setubi ga

aru no ni

money ACC spent facility NOM exist

sotugyoo

made

but graduation until

tukawazu-zimai

datta

mono wa

kekkoo

aru.

use-NEG end

PAST

thing TOP

rather

exist

‘there are relatively many things on which much money was spent but which were not used at all even when we graduated’ (Tutomu Kusima, 2006, Daizoohoban Maborosi Syoogakkoo, Koto-hen, p. 38) c.

*kikazu ni zimai,

*tukawazu ni zimai

Zimai, subject to ‘‘rendaku’’, is an allomorph of simai. The meanings of simai and zimai are given in (42) and (43), respectively. (42)

(43)

simai [noun]

zimai

1.

1.

ending something

2.

the end of something

3.

dealing with something

ending something (when zimai is added to a preceding noun) mise -zimai

sigoto-zimai

shop ending

work ending

‘closing a shop’

‘ending work’

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2.

remaining undone (when zimai is added to a preceding verb of a negative form (i.e. -zu) ikazu

-zimai

iwazu

-zimai

not going

remaining

not saying

remaining

‘remaining

not gone’

‘remaining

unsaid’

(Daizisen, simai and zimai) It is interesting that the sense 1 of (43) is the same as the sense 1 of (42) but the sense 2 of (43) is very different from the senses of (42). The sense 2 of (43) arises only when zimai is used with a preceding verb of a negative form, as shown in (41) and (43). The last example that has properties similar to itiryuu, hitosuzi, and zimai is yorosiku. Unlike the three examples above, yorosiku (‘well, appropriately’) is an adverb. Yorosiku is often used in requests or greetings in Japan, as in . . . san ni yorosiku otutae kudasai (‘Say hello to Mr. /Ms. . . .’ ‘Give my best regards to Mr./Ms. ...’) However, yorosiku means ‘just like, as if . . .’ when it occurs in compound-final position. Observe the following (italics mine – TN). (44)

a.

syuugaku-ryokoo -sei

-yorosiku osyaberi ni

school excursion students just like chatting in mutyuu ni nari . . . be absorbed ‘(I) was absorbed in chatting just like students in a school excursion ...’ (Namiki, 2009b:167) b.

kare wa

kabuki-yakusya -yorosiku

he

NOM Kabuki actor

o

kitta

mie

as if, just like grand gesture

ACC did ‘He made a grand gesture like (as if he were) a Kabuki actor.’ (Shogakukan Progressive Japanese–English Dictionary, s.v. yorosiku) It is clear from the examples in (44) that yorosiku in these compounds means ‘just like, as if,’ unlike the usual uses of yorosiku as an independent word in a sentence. Again, it is impossible to insert a particle like ni between yorosiku and a preceding word, as shown in (45). (45)

a.

*syuugaku-ryokoo-sei ni yorosiku osyaberi ni mutyuu ni nari

b.

*kare wa kabuki-yakusya ni yorosiku mie o kitta

To summarize, we have seen that itiryuu, hitosuzi, zimai and yorosiku have two characteristics in common: (i) they have a special meaning which is specific to compound-final position, and (ii) it is not possible to insert a particle between them and the words that precede them. The second characteristic here is related to so-called ‘‘morphological integrity of words,’’ which is a general constraint on words (cf. Shibatani and Kageyama, 1988:462; Spencer, 1991:312–313). The first characteristic is discussed in Namiki (1993, 2001, 2009a, 2009b). Meanings of this type are called ‘‘compound-specific submeanings’’ in Namiki (2001:283). This term will be used here and can be defined as follows: (46)

A ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ is the specific meaning which a word can have only when it is used in compound-final position.

Examples are provided below, on the basis of the discussion above. (47)

(48)

itiryuu [noun] (i)

first-class, excellence

(ii)

specific to ..., peculiar to ..., unique to ...; the left-hand element of a compound is limited to human nouns [compound-specific submeaning, henceforth CSS]: Hideyosi-itiryuu, kare (‘him’)-itiryuu

hitosuzi [noun] (i)

a straight line

(ii)

devoted only to ...; the left-hand element of a compound is limited to names of jobs or fields of study [CSS]: sonrakusi-kenkyuu-hitosuzi

T. Namiki / Lingua 120 (2010) 2367–2387

(49)

simai [noun] (i)

ending something

(ii)

the end of something

(iii)

dealing with something

(iv)

zimai, ending something: mise-zimai

(v)

zimai, remaining undone; when zimai is added to a preceding verb of a negative form (i.e. -zu) [CSS]:

(50)

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iwazu-zimai,

tukawazu-zimai

yorosiku [adverb] (i)

well, appropriately

(ii)

with enjoyment

(iii)

just like ..., as if ... [CSS]: syuugaku-ryokoosee-yorosiku

In (47)–(50), both the usual meanings of the four words and their compound-specific submeanings are listed. Only when one of these words is used in compound-final position can it be interpreted with its compound-specific submeaning.18 There seems to be a semantic restriction on using a compound-specific submeaning. For example, only human nouns can occur in the compound-initial position of itiryuu, like Hideyosi-itiryuu and kare-itiryuu.19 As for hitosuzi, the left-hand position of X-hitosuzi is limited to the names of jobs or fields of study. An idea similar to ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ is presented by Booij (2005, 2009), where he discusses ‘‘suffixoids’’ by means of the notion ‘‘constructional idiom.’’ He says, ‘‘The terms ‘affixoid’ and ‘semi-affix’ have been introduced to denote morphemes which look like parts of compounds, and do occur as lexemes, but have a specific and more restricted meaning when used as part of a compound’’ (Booij, 2005:114), and provides examples from Dutch, as shown below.20 (51)

a.

rijk (‘rich’): vezel-rijk ‘lit. fibre-rich, fibrous’

b.

vrij (‘free’): stof-vrij

‘lit. dust-free, without dust’

(Booij, 2005:115) I am not sure whether rijk and vrij are really limited to occurring as part of a compound in Dutch, since English adjectives such as rich and free, which have similar meaning to riijk and vrij, occur both in compound adjectives (e.g. vitamin-rich and tax-free) and as heads of adjective phrases (e.g. rich in vitamins and free of/from tax) with the same meaning. But if rijk and vrij are really limited in such a way in Dutch, they are similar to itiryuu, hitosuzi, zimai, and yorosiku in Japanese. Hence Booij’s discussion on ‘‘suffixoids’’ can be regarded as supporting the idea that the notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ can be generalized. Now we are in a position to return to hoodai. As was stated in (29) in section 3, hoodai had two uses, that is, the nominal use and the suffix-like use, and their meanings changed from the late 17th century to the mid-19th century. However, hoodai came to be used only like a suffix later, as shown in (30). Such a change can be diagramed like the following. (52)

!

a.

b.

hoodai [noun] (i)

disorder, behaving in a vulgar way

(ii)

letting something be done at one’s will, letting something be [CSS]

hoodai [noun] (i)

letting something be done at one’s will, letting something be [CSS]

18 It might be possible to extend the range of ‘‘compound-specific submeanings’’ from nouns and adverbs to verbs in Japanese. It is often stated that compound verbs in Japanese, especially the V–V type, are very productive, unlike in English or other European languages. Taro Kageyama says, ‘‘In Japanese, on the contrary, the most productive and most widespread are compounds involving verbs and other predicates.’’ (Kageyama, 2009:512). It is usually the case that V2 in verbs of the V1–V2 type has the same meaning as when it is used as an independent word or as V1 in the same type of compound. But there are some cases where verbs have special meanings which are peculiar to compound-final position, that is, when they are used as V2. For example, Himeno (1999:88–89) discusses -dasu as an example of such an unusual meaning. In this case, -dasu has an aspectual meaning of ‘to begin,’ which is not shared by dasu (‘to go out’, ‘to bring out’, etc.) which is used as an independent word or when it is used as V1. Himeno (1999:89) provides yomi-dasu (‘begin to read’) and ugoki-dasu (‘begin to move’) and Asao (2008) provides naki-dasu (‘begin crying’) as examples of this use of -dasu. Although they regard this use of -dasu as a member of a syntactic compound, it might be possible to regard this use of -dasu as another example of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning.’’ 19 This kind of semantic restriction is unique to itiryuu and not found with respect to tokuyuu or dokutoku (cf. (37)): Kobe-tokuyuu (Kobe is a place name) and sumi-yaki-gama-dokutoku (sumi-yaki-gama is the name of a thing). 20 Booij (2005) points out that Marchand (1969) calls English expressions such as -monger and -wright ‘‘semi-suffixes’’ and Booij provides whoremonger, moneymonger and scandalmonger and playwright and shipwright as examples. But he states that -monger and -wright should be classified as bound lexical stems, in line with Marchand’s observation, and because the set of words ending in monger, etc. cannot be extended (Booij, 2005:114). In contrast, expressions of the form X-hoodai are different from -monger and -wright in that they can be easily extended, that is, they are still productive, as shown in sections 2 and 3.

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In other words, hoodai, as a noun, lost the meaning of ‘disorder, behaving in a vulgar way’ and in contemporary Japanese it has only the compound-specific submeaning (cf. (53b(i)). Now it is clear that hoodai in Japanese is an instance of grammaticalization, where an independent word becomes a dependent word, ultimately an affix. Morphological variation with respect to hoodai can be found in the following cline: (i) some words appear within compounds with the same meaning as the word in isolation, (ii) some have a compound-specific submeaning in addition to other ordinary meanings (e.g. itiryuu, hitosuzi, zimai, yorosiku in contemporary Japanese), (iii) some have only a compound-specific submeaning (e.g. hoodai). Hoodai is similar to a suffix, since it is limited to occurring in compound-final position and it has only a compound-specific submeaning. In that sense hoodai is more grammaticalized than itiryuu, hitosuzi, zimai and yorosiku. As I stated in section 4, however, hoodai is not a suffix but a word. It is possible to make a finer distinction between hoodai and itiryuu, hitosuzi, zimai and yorosiku in terms of the notion ‘‘compound-specific submeaning.’’ 6. Conclusion I have discussed the expressions of X-hoodai in contemporary Japanese and in older Japanese and have tried to show the following:  Hoodai is a Sino-Japanese word but it strongly prefers a native Japanese word as its host in contemporary Japanese. This can be seen as an instance of morphological variation.  Hoodai was a noun in 15th-century Japanese, but it seems to have lost its independent word status and to have come to be used like a suffix in the latter half of the 19th century.  Hoodai should be considered to be still a word and not a suffix in contemporary Japanese on the basis of the notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning.’’  Hoodai is an example of grammaticalization involving a cline with respect to compounds. This is also an instance of morphological variation in Japanese compounds. The notion of ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ plays a role in making a finer distinction between hoodai and itiryuu, hitosuzi, zimai, and yorosiku, and in showing that hoodai is more grammaticalized than the latter words. Acknowledgements I wish to express my deep gratitude to Jeroen van de Weijer and Tetsuo Nishihara for inviting me to contribute this paper to the present issue and for providing me with very valuable suggestions for the improvement of my draft. Thanks are also due to two anonymous reviewers who gave me invaluable comments and suggestions. I would like to thank Hideyuki Kawashima very much for informing me of many dictionaries, glossaries, concordances, and indexes of older Japanese and enabling me to read these books at will (i.e. ‘‘yomi-hoodai’’ in Japanese) in the library of the Department of Japanese Teaching, College of Education at Ibaraki University. I am also grateful to Kunio Nishiyama for asking me a question about ‘‘compound-specific submeaning’’ and contributing to the clarification of that notion, and to Ronald Craig and Brent de Chene for suggesting stylistic improvements. Needless to say, however, any remaining inadequacies are my own. This study was supported in part by a Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (Fundamental Research C) awarded to me for three years (2007– 2009) by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (Grant No. 19520413). References Asao, Y., 2008. Koobun keetairon ni yoru nihongo doosi hukugoogo no kizyutu (The description of compound verbs in Japanese in the framework of construction morphology). Talk in Morphology and Lexicon Forum 2008 at Kobe University. Bauer, L., 1983. English Word-formation. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Booij, G., 2005. Compounding and derivation: evidence for construction morphology. In: Dressler, W., Kastovsky, D., Pfeiffer, O.E., Rainer, F. (Eds.), Morphology and its Demarcations. John Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp. 109–132. Booij, G., 2009. Compound construction: schemas or analogy? Construction morphology perspective. In: Scalise, S., Vogel, I. (Eds.), Compounding. John Benjamins, Amsterdam. Doi, T., Morita, T., Tyoonan, M., 1980. Hooyaku Nippo-Zisyo. (Translation of Japanese–Portuguese Dictionary).Iwanami Publishing Company, Tokyo. Himeno, M., 1999. Hukugoo-doosi no Koozoo to Imi-yoohoo. (The Structure and Semantic Usage of Compound Verbs).Hituji Syobo, Tokyo. Kageyama, T., 1982. Word formation in Japanese. Lingua 57, 215–258. Kageyama, T., 1993. Bunpoo to Gokeesee. (Grammar and Word Formation).Hituji Syobo, Tokyo. Kageyama, T., 2009. Isolate: Japanese. In: Lieber, R., Stekauer, P. (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Compounding. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 512–526. Kageyama, T., this issue. Variation between endocentric and exocentric word structures. Kubozono, H., 1995. Gokeesee to On’in-koozoo. (Word Formation and Phonological Structure).Kurosio Publishers, Tokyo. Kubozono, H., 1999. Nihongo no Onsee. (Speech Sounds of Japanese).Iwanami Publishing Company, Tokyo. Kubozono, H., 2005. Rendaku: its domain and linguistic conditions. In: van de Weijer, J.M., Nanjo, K., Nishihara, T. (Eds.), Voicing in Japanese. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, pp. 5–24. Marchand, H., 1969. The Categories and Types of Present-day English Word-formation. C.H. Beck, Munich. Morita, Y., Muraki, S., Aizawa, M., 1989. Keesu Sutadii Nihongo no Goi. (Case Study: The Lexicon of Japanese).Oohuu, Tokyo. Namiki, T., 1993. Hukugoo-keiyoosi no keetai-toogoteki kenkyuu: hukugoogo no huhenteki tokutyoo o motomete (Morpho-syntactic studies of compound adjectives in English: Toward universals of compounding). A report for a Grant-in-aid for Scientific Research (C) (Grant No. 03610235) by the Japan Society for Promotion of Science.

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