Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain: Dialogues around discrimination, identity and freedom

International Journal of Intercultural Relations 75 (2020) 95–105

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International Journal of Intercultural Relations journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel

Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain: Dialogues around discrimination, identity and freedom

T

Carme Garcia Yestea,*, Ouarda El Miri Zeguaria, Pilar Álvareza, Teresa Morlà Folchb a b

Department of Pedagogy, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Carretera de Valls, s/n 43007, Tarragona, Spain Department of Business Management, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Avinguda de la Universitat, 1 43204, Reus, Spain

A R T IC LE I N F O

ABS TRA CT

Keywords: Niqab Muslim women Spain Identity Freedom

The niqab provokes a heated debate in European societies and generates intolerance towards women who wear it. Some of the explanations used to criticize this Muslim garment refer to the idea that women wear the niqab as a form of patriarchal oppression. Furthermore—especially after the terrorist attacks perpetrated by Islamic extremists—the niqab is seen as a symbol of religious radicalization. We carried out 10 communicative daily life stories with Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain, to explore the adverse experiences that they face, as well as the ways to transform them. Our analysis, informed by a communicative approach, revealed different forms of discrimination, such as prejudice, personal attacks and social isolation. Furthermore, it revealed some opportunities to transform these experiences, through the equality of differences, the egalitarian dialogue, and the support of faith-based organizations. Ultimately, our findings illustrated participants’ persistent defense of their right to express their religious identity.

Introduction O Prophet! Tell thy wives and daughters, and the believing women, that they should cast their outer garments over their persons [when abroad]: that is most convenient, that they should be known [as such] and not molested. And Allah is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful. (Holy Qu’ran, 33: 59) The previous excerpt from the Holy Qur'an serves to introduce one of the most controversial issues related to the management of religious diversity in Western societies: the use of headscarves by Muslim women. In the debate on the regulation of the use of Muslim garments—particularly those covering the face (such as the niqab or the burqa)—aspects such as the management of diversity, the free expression of religious identity and the protection of women’s rights come into play. Given the increasing migration flow to the European Union of citizens from non-European Union countries (Eurostat, 2019) and the growing share of the Muslim population in Europe (Open Society Institute, 2010), the challenge of guaranteeing the right to express religious freedom is a pressing issue. Each country has opted for a different formula of regulation on this matter, including some well-known cases of banning the use of the niqab and burqa in France and Belgium. In Spain, some municipal regulations to ban the public use of ‘total veils’ were passed (Motilla, 2013). However, these regulations have not been ratified by the Spanish Supreme Court (Cañamares & Angeletti, 2018). Nevertheless, the debate focused on the need to regulate the use of these symbols is still active (Burchardt, Griera, & García-Romeral, 2015).

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Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (C. Garcia Yeste), [email protected] (O. El Miri Zeguari), [email protected] (P. Álvarez), [email protected] (T. Morlà Folch). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2020.02.003 Received 8 July 2019; Received in revised form 7 February 2020; Accepted 7 February 2020 0147-1767/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Given increasing conflicts related to racism and islamophobia in Europe (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2017), it becomes necessary to examine the reality lived by those women who wear headscarves in Europe and to develop new approaches for living together, based on mutual respect and equality. With the aim of contributing to a better understanding of the situation of Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain, our study draws upon multicultural secularism (De Botton & Pulido, 2013; Flecha, 2004) and dialogic feminism (Puigvert, 2001) as frameworks to analyze ways to overcome discrimination, thus favoring intercultural understanding. For these purposes, 10 communicative daily life stories with women wearing the niqab in Spain were carried out. Our study followed a communicative approach, seeking not only to describe situations of inequality but also to investigate ways to transform them. Freedom of religion or belief and religious symbols in Europe At present, there is a growing global concern in improving the management of cultural/religious diversity in the public spheres. Concurrently, given the significant migration flows to the European Union of citizens of non-EU countries (Eurostat, 2019) and the growing share of the Muslim population in Europe (Open Society Institute, 2010), prejudice and hostility towards Muslims are increasing. The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (2017) revealed some worrisome data about discrimination in areas such as accessing a job, wearing religious symbols or looking for housing or work. Freedom of religion or belief is included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations General Assembly, 1948). Similarly, the EU Guidelines on the promotion and protection of freedom of religion or belief (Council of the European Union, 2013) proposed that state members pay attention to practices and legislation discriminating against women, children and migrants on the grounds of religion or belief. One of the most controversial issues with respect to the right to religious expression is the use of headscarves by Muslim women (El-Geledi & Bourhis, 2012). European countries have adopted different responses to the increasing cultural and religious diversity resulting from migration, ranging from the acceptance of certain symbols in some public spaces to total prohibition. Additionally, regulations vary according to the symbol, with the face veils—such as the niqab and the burqa—being the symbols that provoke greater rejection (O’Neill, Gidengil, Côté, & Young, 2015). After the implementation of national bans on face veils in public places in France and Belgium, the European Court of Human Rights endorsed the laws of both France (2014) and Belgium (2017) (European Court of Human Rights, 2018), thus supporting the right of nation-states to limit the use of face veils in the public sphere for the sake of preserving the conditions of living together. However, in a recent resolution, the United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (2018) warned France that banning the niqab violates religious freedom, urging the French authorities to compensate the female claimants and to change the law. Public debates regarding the use of headscarves in western societies The banning of Islamic headscarves in Western societies responds to a myriad of explanations. Grillo and Shah (2012) offered a synthesis of the main arguments underpinning the pro- and anti-veiling debate. First, they pointed to the issue of laïcité (secularism), which refers to the role that public religious expression must have in a secular society. Second, they called attention to the existing controversy regarding the religious requirement of wearing the facial veil and argue that some people defend it as a cultural and not a religious practice; therefore, it should not be protected by legislation guaranteeing religious freedom. Third, the authors noted the opinions of those who emphasize that the veil and what it represents are not typical European customs and that inclusion in Europe requires the adoption of the values and customs of the contemporary European liberal democracies. Another argument refers to the need to guarantee reciprocity and transparency in interpersonal communication, which can be hindered when the use of facial veils prevents facial expressions. Another set of arguments considers face veil a symbol of patriarchal oppression and female submission. A final argument referred to issues of security. This statement has gained strength in the context of fear due to the recent terrorist attacks perpetrated by Islamic extremists. For the purposes of our study, we will focus on these last two arguments in public discourses. Traditionally, criticisms regarding the use of face veils have argued that this practice is a form of Muslim women’s subordination to Islamic patriarchal norms. From this perspective, the banning of this garment is justified in the name of gender equality (O’Neill et al., 2015). However, some authors (Bilge, 2010; Khiabany & Williamson, 2008) have noticed a shift in public discourses in relation to the image of women who wear these face veils. According to these analyses, the clichéd image of veiled women as ‘oppressed victims’ has been gradually replaced by a public image that portrays veiled women as suspected of religious radicalization. Bilge (2010) highlighted the paradox that women wearing face veils are portrayed both as victims of patriarchal oppression and as a threat to freedom in modern Western societies. These public debates have a pervasive impact on the daily lives of women who wear the niqab. Prejudice and exclusion faced by Muslim women wearing the niqab As revealed by the European Network Against Racism (ENAR, 2016), Muslim women face the same social inequalities as other women (access to employment, gender pay gap, gender-based violence, etc.). However, additional factors related to religion or ethnicity intensify these situations. While scientific literature has traditionally offered an overview of the debates around the use of religious symbols or has analyzed 96

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the situation of women wearing the hijab (Zimmerman, 2015), some recent studies (Mason-Bish & Zempi, 2019; Piela, 2015; Zempi, 2016, 2019) have explored the experiences of women wearing the niqab in Western societies to explore the consequences of this choice in their daily life. For example, Mason-Bish and Zempi (2019) revealed the situations of street harassment faced by women using the niqab in the United Kingdom, which are fueled by racism, Islamophobia and misogyny. Like other studies (Bilge, 2010; Tariq & Syed, 2018; Zimmerman, 2015), this research highlighted the need for an analytic approach that acknowledges the intersectionality of the experiences of inequality faced by Muslim women. Along those lines, Piela (2015) showed that women wearing the niqab in the United Kingdom suffer verbal and physical attacks by individuals linking this religious garment to radical Islamic terrorism. The analysis of the experiences of women wearing the niqab (Piela, 2015; Zempi, 2016; 2019) revealed that the measures limiting or banning the use of the niqab in public spaces contribute to marginalizing a social group that is already stigmatized. However, hostility towards women wearing the niqab and other garments is not limited to those countries in which these symbols have been banned. As noted by Zempi (2019), the banning of the niqab leads to the exclusion of women wearing it in countries where it has been banned and the simultaneous promotion of Islamophobia towards Muslim women in countries where its use has not been banned. Equal rights and freedom of choice: a framework to explore the situation of women wearing the niqab In the current scenario of increasing diversity and conflicts related to racism and Islamophobia (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2017), European countries are urged to guarantee the right to equality in the expression of different beliefs. Touraine (2000) summarized the issue as follows: ‘How can we reconcile our differences with the unity of a collective life?’ (p. 6). Recently, some scholars have noted that the traditional idea of laïcité (secularism) fails to provide a framework for the current diversity in multicultural societies (Flecha, 2004) because it contributes to the exclusion of certain minorities from the public space, as in the case of women wearing headscarves (Barras, 2010). Set against this backdrop, Flecha (2004) and De Botton and Pulido (2013) defend the need to develop a new multicultural secularism, which ensures compliance with the freedom of choice for all individuals in relation to their beliefs when they participate in the public sphere and guarantees that these choices are respected and recognized in an equal manner. Therefore, multicultural secularism proposes that respect and the egalitarian participation of different religions and cultural traditions cohabiting within a society are fundamental to the democratic and egalitarian progress of today’s societies. Moreover, given the intersectionality of the experiences of exclusion faced by Muslim women who wear headscarves (Tariq & Syed, 2018, it is relevant to incorporate the feminist perspective when analyzing the mechanisms that can contribute to transforming them. Dialogic feminism (Puigvert, 2001) provides a framework on this matter based on the right of women to freely decide on the use of religious symbols. Both multicultural secularism and dialogic feminism rely on two principles that become powerful tools when analyzing the reality of women with niqab: the equality of differences and egalitarian dialogue. The equality of differences implies acknowledging that ‘true equality includes the very right to live in a different way’ (Flecha, 2000, p. 22). From a perspective based on dialogic feminism, it implies the creation of opportunities for diverse women—in terms of race, religion or academic level—to join forces to fight for equality for all women. Egalitarian dialogue becomes the tool for the establishment of agreements based on the validity of the arguments and not on the ethnicity, religion or power position of those participating in the dialogue (De Botton & Pulido, 2013). This principle emphasizes the participation of all people, particularly those whose voices have historically been silenced. Our study is grounded in the principles of the equality of differences and egalitarian dialogue as frameworks to analyze the situations experienced by Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain. Setting the scene: the case of Spain When contextualizing the case of Spain, the deep presence of Muslim heritage in Spanish culture, language and architecture, as well as the key role of Spain as a potential bridge between Islam and the West, must be noted (Astor, 2014). This situation is particularly relevant given the significant increase in the Muslim population in Spain in recent decades (Burchardt et al., 2015), together with this population’s increasing public visibility (Ainz Galende, 2018). Regarding the situation of Muslims in Spain, the Observatorio Andalusí (2017) concluded that although the general population has responded calmly to terrorist attacks perpetrated by radical Islamic terrorist groups, there have been certain reactions from farright identity sectors attacking the acceptance of Muslims, as well as an increase in hate crimes and hate speech events. Among the situations of discrimination detailed in the report, situations of rejection and discrimination related to the use of Muslim headscarves, whether in public buildings, on the streets or in educational and work centers, are mentioned. With respect to the regulation of the use of religious symbols, recently, and especially in Catalonia, different municipalities have passed laws banning the use of the burqa and niqab (Motilla, 2013). In relation to an appeal against the general prohibition on the burqa passed by the municipality of Lleida, while the Superior Court of Justice of Catalonia endorsed it in 2011, the Spanish Supreme Court revoked the ban in 2013, arguing that it ‘limited religious freedom’ and that the municipalities do not have the competence to carry out this legislation (Consejo General del Poder Judicial, 2013). After analyzing the Spanish and Italian cases, Cañamares and Angeletti (2018) judge that the Spanish and Italian courts have decided that, prior to enacting any legislation that could have an impact on fundamental rights, it must be contemplated who primarily suffers the consequences of legislative action. To date, studies analyzing the reality of women wearing the niqab in Spain are scarce. Ainz Galende (2018) analyzed the meaning that women who use the niqab attach to this garment and explored the political, religious and social reasons that lead them to wear it. 97

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The author concluded that there is increasing support for the use of the niqab by Muslim women in the Muslim community, which encourages women to wear it. However, the experiences of discrimination suffered by women wearing the niqab in Spain have been less studied. Likewise, no study to date has analyzed ways to contribute to the creation of opportunities for social inclusion for these women. Aiming to address this gap, our study sought to ‘give a voice’ to Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain, a community traditionally excluded from public discourses; to identify the forms of discrimination that these women face; and to gain knowledge about opportunities to revert these situations. Methodology and materials Research questions The purpose of our study was twofold: on the one hand, based on the analysis of the scholarship on the experiences of Muslim women wearing face veils in Western societies, we aimed to explore the situations of discrimination experienced by a group of women wearing the niqab in Spain. On the other hand, based on the framework offered by the principles of the equality of differences and egalitarian dialogue, we aimed to identify ways to transform these situations. Hence, the study addressed two research questions: (1) What experiences of discrimination do female participants suffer due to the use of the niqab in Spain? (2) What situations or strategies can contribute to transforming these experiences? Participants Participants were identified and contacted through local Muslim organizations or professionals working with this community. In some cases, a snowball sampling technique was used, since the participants themselves recruited other prospective participants. The final sample, comprised of 10 Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain, is described in Table 1. Data collection The research followed a communicative orientation (Flecha & Soler, 2014). This research approach aims to identify not only the barriers that promote social exclusion but also the opportunities for social change. Due to its orientation towards social transformation, this is a powerful research tool to achieve social impact, especially when conducting research with vulnerable populations (Gómez, 2017). The data were collected between October 2018 and May 2019, and it consisted of conducting communicative daily life stories with women wearing the niqab in Spain. Communicative daily life stories involve a dialogue between a researcher and a research participant who recalls autobiographical information. This process facilitates a dialogic interpretation based on the contrast between the participant’s account and the scientific evidence available to create a joint understanding of the participants’ experiences and the ways to transform them. Trustworthiness is guaranteed throughout the process, giving special importance to the intersubjective dialogue between researchers and end-users, aimed at reaching agreements in relation to the analysis of the subject under study (Gómez, 2017). The communicative daily life stories followed an outline prepared by the researchers that included key themes for the study, based on the theoretical framework and the research questions (Gómez, 2017). These stories were conducted by one of the researchers, who is a Muslim and wears the hijab. All communicative daily life stories were conducted face-to-face, except for one, which was conducted through Skype, since this participant resided in a different city when data collection took place. Field work was conducted in Spanish, although in some cases, Arabic was used to facilitate communication with the participants. All interviews were recorded in audio and transcribed verbatim for further analysis. Following international guidelines for research involving human beings, consent forms written in Spanish were delivered to the participants. Women who did not speak Spanish fluently were assisted by a person whom they trusted (a friend or relative) who translated the information, thus guaranteeing that they had a full understanding of the objectives of the study and of their rights as participants. Data analysis Following a communicative orientation, the aim of data analysis was to identify the exclusionary and transformative dimensions (Gómez, 2017) related to the situation of women wearing the niqab in Spain. The exclusionary dimension referred to the forms of discrimination related to the use of the niqab, while the transformative dimension referred to the situations/strategies that help to overcoming these situations. First, to respond to the need to explore the situation of women with niqab in Spain, identified through the literature review, we first agreed on one main category of analysis (situation of women using the niqab in Spain). Then, to familiarize ourselves with the data and to capture the views and perspectives of participants regarding the implications of wearing the niqab in their daily lives, we read the transcribed material separately. This led to an initial production of codes from the data. Second, we established an analysis grid, and we worked together to assign numerical codes to specific themes that were identified either as exclusionary or transformative. Finally, the analysis of the data was performed, which allowed us to group, refine and interpret the 98

Age

23

38

42

34

47

30

55

47

24

41

Name

Azhar

Shayma

Najat

Dalia

Huda

99

Taslima

Karima

Salma

Wafa

Latifa

Morocco

Morocco

Morocco

Morocco

Morocco

Morocco

Morocco

Morocco

Morocco

Spain

Country of birth

Small size town, Catalonia Medium size town, Catalonia Medium size town, Catalonia

Medium size town, Catalonia Small size town, Catalonia Medium size town, Catalonia Medium size town, Catalonia

Medium size town, Catalonia

Small size town, Catalonia

Large size town, Madrid

Place of residence

Table 1 Women participating in the study.

24

10

20

18

10

27

12

20

10

5

Years with niqab

Married, 4 children (2 are school-age and 2 are in postcompulsory education) Widow, 3 children (2 are in secondary school and 1 in vocational training) Divorced, 1 school-age child Married, 5 school-age children Married, 3 school-age children Married, 4 children (2 are in elementary and secondary school, and 1 in vocational training) Married, 4 children of different ages/ occupations) Married, 2 school-age children Married, 6 children (one of whom goes to university)

Married, 2 school-age children

Family status

She completed elementary school. She is a homemaker. Recently she has taken language courses in her city. She likes baking. She started secondary school but didn’t complete it. She is a homemaker. Currently, she is not considering studying or looking for a job. She completed secondary education. She is a homemaker. She is also trained in sewing and works as a tailor at home.

She completed elementary school. She is a homemaker. Currently, she is not considering studying or looking for a job. She studied Arabic in Morocco. She is a homemaker. She is also trained in sewing and occasionally works as a tailor at home.

She started secondary school but didn’t complete it. She is a homemaker. She is trained in acupuncture, and performs it at home. She completed elementary school. She is a homemaker. She studies Spanish and Catalan.

She completed elementary school. She is a homemaker. She also designs Islamic garments and sells them online using Instagram. Someday, she would like to go to the university to study Medicine. She started secondary school but didn’t complete it. She is a homemaker. She would like to attend Spanish and Catalan classes, but she doesn't like the language schools near her home. She didn’t complete elementary school. She is a homemaker. She would like to attend adult education, but cannot do so with the niqab, so she studies at home.

Academic level and occupation

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Table 2 Data analysis scheme. Main category Situation of women wearing the niqab in Spain Dimensions Themes Exclusionary Prejudice (1) Personal attacks (2) Social isolation (3) Transformative

Equality of differences (4) Egalitarian dialogue (5) Faith-based organisations (6)

Definition Situations in which the participants faced prejudice or stereotyping related to the use of the niqab. Situations in which the participants suffered verbal or physical attacks related to the use of niqab. Situations in which the opportunities for social participation of participants were limited due to the adverse reactions to the niqab. Strategy through which participants claimed their right to decide how to dress and have their rights respected. Situations in which participants used dialogue as a strategy to build trust and mutual understanding Situations in which the participation in faith-based organizations was a source of support for participants when defending their rights.

information and to reach a consensus on the final definition of themes. The themes emerging from data analysis are described in Table 2. Our preliminary findings were discussed with members of a Muslim youth association to highlight that they responded to the research questions and to ensure that they reflected the voices of participants. This exchange allowed us to identify the limitations of the study, as well as to outline further lines of research. Results In what follows, we present the findings related to the experiences of discrimination linked to the niqab suffered by participants (exclusionary dimension) and to the opportunities to overcome them (transformative dimension). To ensure confidentiality, the names of all participants are pseudonyms. Forms of discrimination against Muslim women wearing the niqab in Spain Prejudice against women using the niqab The experiences recalled by participants during communicative daily life stories revealed that they often faced prejudice and stereotypes related to the niqab. One of these forms of prejudice is related to patriarchal oppression. Several participants described personal interactions in which others accused them of wearing the niqab because they were forced to do so by their male relatives. Najat, who is currently a widow, explained these experiences as follows: I’ve been wearing the niqab for 20 years…I’ve been wearing it; I wear it for myself. Sometimes I’m asked if I wear it because he [my husband] forces me. When I say, ‘Rest in peace, he doesn’t force me,’ then they shut up. (Najat) Another element that generates discomfort among participants is the lack of interest among non-Muslim people in understanding the reasons that lead participants to wear the niqab. As an example, Shayma expressed that it makes her feel upset that some people draw conclusions based on clichéd images without asking them: Many native people ask me if it is my husband who told me to put it on. I tell them no, that I am the one who has put it on of my own will. Society only says what it believes, [people] will not investigate or read and understand; they are not interested in understanding either. (Shayma) Another form of prejudice was the association of the niqab with religious radicalization and, ultimately, with terrorism and violence. Numerous participants reported situations in which they were viewed with distrust or fear due to the mere fact that they wore the niqab. Dalia related one of these situations: I was at the doctor; I had my face uncovered and I was wearing a hijab up to my knees, and when the doctor came out, she saw me like that and told me, ‘You cannot go in, you have to take it away.’ I asked her, ‘Why do I have to take this off before I go in?’ And she said, ‘What if you are carrying a bomb in there?’ (Dalia) Sometimes, stereotypes promoting an idea of fear towards the niqab have practical manifestations in the daily lives of the participants. This is the case of Wafa, who explained how sometimes other parents used the niqab to scare their children when they misbehave: Some mothers scare their children, telling them ‘if you do not behave well, you will be taken by that woman in black.’ I do not scare children! Many times, I’m in the park and little girls come to sit next to me, they explore me, and sometimes their mothers tell them things I don’t like at all. (Wafa) Personal attacks Data analysis revealed that, on occasion, the situations of discrimination described in the previous section turn into personal 100

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attacks. Many participants reported everyday situations of verbal harassment related to the niqab: I was never physically attacked, but the comments are continuous, and there is not a day when they don’t tell you something. I think there’s a lot of discrimination against us Muslims. They insult you, they tell you everything, sometimes ‘Go back to your country!’ and ‘Carnival!’ (Najat) I have never been physically assaulted, but verbally, that always [happens], they tell you offensive things, they disrespect you… once I went to pick up my son from school, and a woman stopped me. I understood her perfectly, but I couldn’t answer because of my difficulties with the language. She told me ‘if you want to wear the niqab, go to your country, or stay at home…don’t go out!’ (Salma) These excerpts account for the situations of distress and vulnerability faced by participants merely for wearing the niqab in their daily life. More notably, Dalia described a situation of attempted physical aggression when one man tried to violently remove her niqab: Dalia: (…) not only verbally, also physically, they hit you on the shoulder…a man wanted to tear the niqab off my face. Researcher: (...) Did you called the police? Dalia: Yes, I did call the police. They came, but those who attacked me escaped, I didn’t continue with the complaint (…), but if it happens again, then I will continue with the complaint. To the person who pulled the veil from my face, I said ‘Hey, don’t touch me!’, and he tried to push me aggressively…all of this just because he saw me covered. Also, he insulted me, saying, ‘Bitch! Go back to your country…’ (Dalia) Although not all participants reported having suffered these forms of harassment, a feeling of insecurity in the face of a verbal attack and a fear of aggression are present in the daily experiences of most of the participants. Social isolation Another barrier suffered by participants is related to exclusion from public spaces due to adverse reactions to the niqab. These experiences include the prohibition of accessing different places, such as schools, hospitals, stores and supermarkets. Consequently, some participants expressed that they had ended up avoiding such public spaces. This is the case for Najat and Taslima: I used to go to my children’s school to pick them up, register them or whatever. I had been told some things, but nothing specific, until a teacher started complaining and complaining until I got banned from entering. (Najat) [Wearing the niqab] has made it difficult for me to go to places that children enjoy, playgrounds…when I go there, I draw the attention of children and parents. More than anything, it bothers me, for example, when they say, ‘Do not enter’ when it is an open place. You must always identify yourself…then I stopped going and I don’t go to those places. I don’t want to create a scandal or anything. (Taslima) Conversely, other participants explain that they have decided not to wear the niqab when going to school to avoid problems or uncomfortable situations. Shayma explains this situation as follows: Both myself and some other women have taken it off [the niqab] to take children to school; I started to take it off when I take my children to school. I have had enough with the comments on the streets. (Shayma) This isolation is not only about negative reactions; it has also created difficulties for participants in areas that are integral for social inclusion, such as attending adult education or looking for a job. Dalia explained that, given the difficulties of obtaining access to training and employment opportunities, she had decided to give up for the moment: Once I found a job offer and said, ‘I'm going to try’, but they directly closed the doors in my face. I have tried to study, and I was directly told that I couldn’t. (…) To be honest, in the past I tried to find a job with the niqab, or to study, but now I stopped trying because I have a son. I think it’s the same thing. (Dalia) Opportunities for the inclusion of women wearing the niqab in Spain Equality of differences: a call for freedom The analysis revealed participants’ efforts to defend their use of the niqab as a way of expressing their religious identity and as a choice arising from their free will. The principle of the equality of differences (Puigvert, 2001) offers an appropriate framework to analyze participants’ determination to defend their free choice, despite the daily obstacles. This form of resistance is reflected in Azhar’s words: The day I decided to wear the niqab, I knew I would have difficulties; I’m not in a Muslim country, and even in Muslim countries, they now reject it and don’t accept it. If someone looks at me badly, I accept it and understand it. I also don’t agree with many things [here], but I still respect them. You must respect everyone regardless of their ideology, religion, dress, or sexual orientation. (Azhar) Azhar’s commitment to defend the freedom of decision is also present in Salma’s words: It should be like that, mutual respect; there will always be a difference, but they are only religious and cultural differences. We are people, all equal, with the same rights. Religions are different, but everyone can choose which religion she/he wants to practice. 101

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(Salma) Participants expressed that they understand that other people may not like the niqab and that there can be a certain lack of knowledge on the part of non-Muslim people regarding the meaning that women who wear it attach to this symbol. In the current scenario marked by diversity of options and ways of living, the equality of differences draws attention to the need to set universal values based on human rights, which must be agreed upon and respected by all. Among these values, rejecting any form of imposition or violence stands out. This standpoint is reflected by Salma as follows: For example, when I see that a woman shows more of her body, I understand that her lifestyle is like that and no one forces her. Well, they should think the same [about me]. Each person is free to do what they want, as long as it does not harm anyone; my dress does not hurt. (Salma) When asked about potential situations of the imposition of the use of the niqab, participants recognize that there may be some isolated cases and firmly reject these situations: I guess they have seen a husband who forces his wife or have seen that he commands her or whatever; there may be cases of gender-based violence here in Spain. There is no need to generalize, and every person is a world. (Wafa) There may be some extreme cases, some obsessively ill husbands, and this is somewhat reportable; here we are already talking about abuse. (Najat) Similarly, participants reject public discourses that relate the niqab to religious radicalization or terrorism, while they expressed their firm rejection of terrorist violence, of which they also consider themselves victims. Huda expresses these sentiments as follows: When something happens, some attack committed by those ‘bearded men’ (terrorists), people look at woman in the niqab. I think terrorists don’t have a beard or anything, and they are very close to all of us. For everything that happens, they only blame Muslims, and we women with the hijab or niqab are the ones who receive [accusations]. Now, seriously, a woman you see every day taking her children to school…why would she do something to destroy her children, her environment and herself? (…) In contrast, when something happens, we get angry… (Huda) The analysis of these experiences from the perspective of the equality of differences reveals that consensus regarding a series of common values (rejection of any form of violence or oppression and defense of freedom) may constitute a starting point to address and transform the situations of prejudice, harassment and isolation suffered by the women wearing the niqab. Egalitarian dialogue to building trust and mutual understanding The analysis of participants’ experiences revealed that, in some cases, former situations of prejudice have gradually turned into new forms of relationship, marked by mutual understanding and trust. The analysis of these experiences places dialogue as an effective tool to prevent and address conflicts. Dalia explained the progressive transformation of attitudes towards her niqab at her children's school, highlighting which strategies she used start a dialogue: At the beginning when I enrolled my son, they looked at us badly. The caretaker always told me, ‘You cannot go in!’ I told them, ‘My son studies here.’ If you say it with empathy and, at the same time, with sympathy, and you put up with their ways, so that they accept you and trust you... In the end, as I identify myself and go and talk with the people, I have been gaining confidence. And finally, I go to my son’s school in the niqab. (Dalia) In the case of Azhar, she explained that after identifying herself on her own initiative on the first day of school, she has never had any problems at school: I only identified myself the first time when I went to see the teacher, but not because she asked me to. I wanted to identify myself; I wanted her to know who I am, to know that I am the child’s mother. (Azhar) In other cases, participants explained that speaking the language or participating in local traditions without renouncing to the niqab creates opportunities for understanding that facilitate the overcoming of prejudice. Huda described her experience participating in castells, a typical tradition in Catalonia, as follows: Sometimes I go with my children to the castellers and I am the only one there with the niqab. I am cheering my children, I notice some looks, but when they see my children dressed in the clothes of castellers and that they come to see and hug me, they begin to say, ‘Those are her children.’ I notice looks, but it’s not a big deal; then they calm down and normalize the situation. (Huda) Engaging in an egalitarian dialogue not only implies being open to communication but also building mutual recognition. According to some participants, this not only involves knowing and defending your rights but also having an open attitude towards others: If you go and have good manners and respect everyone, nothing will happen to you; if you go in bad-tempered and say, ‘No to this, no to that…,’ then the dialogue is complicated. (Latifa) The power of egalitarian dialogue to create opportunities for trust and understanding becomes particularly relevant in relation to one of the most controversial issues related to the use of the niqab: the need to be identified by security personnel in public places. Egalitarian dialogue highlights the importance of rooting the principles regulating living together in the validity of the arguments, 102

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instead of in the power position, identity or beliefs of those who engage in communication. Hence, it provides a framework to harmonize the right to freedom with the defense of security. Overall, participants defended the need for identification, especially in the case of official places related to security (such as police stations or courts). Huda reflected on this as follows: I don’t mind that they ask me [to identify myself]; they should know who you are. I believe that if one is in a place where they say, ‘Take it off to see your face’ before entering, you should show it, avoid discussions and let them do their job…it is normal and I respect it. Many women complain about this issue, that they make them show their faces sometimes; I think they must understand that it is a very normal thing for the common good. (Huda) However, while defending the importance of guaranteeing security, participants also defended the need to guarantee respect for diversity on the part of public institutions, which may facilitate security and transparency while respecting the religious customs of Muslim women. Shayma noted that if women with the niqab were given the opportunity to be identified by a woman, it would be easier for them to express their religious identity while complying with the security standards established for all citizens: I honestly don’t have any problems with identifying myself since I consider it something for common security. I do not see a problem with going to a secluded place and showing my face to a woman; if you offered me this solution, it would be very good for me. (Shayma) The role of faith-based organizations Data analysis revealed a third theme in relation to the methods of transforming situations of discrimination faced by women wearing the niqab: the role played by faith-based organizations. Several participants described various ways in which, in the face of a situation of inequality or intolerance, they had support from local Muslim organizations. For example, Latifa explained that before the approval of a municipal ordinance aimed at limiting the use of the niqab in public spaces, the mobilization of a Muslim organization linked to the local mosque facilitated the negotiation with the local authorities: When they wanted to ban the niqab, [the association] hired 12 lawyers to fight against this injustice. In addition, then, when negotiating, they were told that in some places they could wear [the niqab]. (Latifa) Muslim organizations have also been revealed as a source of substantial support in mobilizations to improve the rights of these women in specific social fields, such as access to health centers. Salma explained this finding as follows: The associations of the mosque made a complaint so that we could enter the hospital without problems. If it were not for that, there would still be prohibitions. It is our right to demand what we want as Muslim women. Faith-based associations also provided support to participants and empowered them to challenge public discourses based on racism and Islamophobia. In this regard, Huda explained how, because of the public controversy regarding the ban of the niqab in her town, the local media asked her to do an interview. Then, the local Muslim associations supported her when she performed the interview: Yes, there was an interview with journalists. The association was the one that asked me to do the interview, and they supported me when I went out with the journalists…they helped me with the tradition, to help me transmit my arguments well… (…) If something ever happens, knowing where to go and who to ask for support, it’s not the same as being alone! (Huda) According to our analysis, faith-based organizations can become shared contexts that counteract the isolation and lack of opportunities faced by women with the niqab. While some participants have not yet had contact with organizations that support Muslim women, they emphasize the need for the existence of these organizations to help them defend their rights and to feel more supported: I believe that there should be associations that support Muslim women, especially Muslim women who feel discriminated against because of their beliefs, so they know where to go. If I had support, I wouldn’t feel humiliated, intimidated and discriminated against. (Shayma) Discussion Our study explored the reality of 10 women wearing the niqab in Spain, not only to gain knowledge about the daily situations of discrimination that they face but also to identify ways to transform these situations. First, our results have allowed us to portray the experiences of discrimination that participants face because of their use of the niqab, an area that has been underexplored. Although in Spain there is no explicit prohibition on the use of the niqab in public spaces, the choice made by the participants provokes negative reactions among the population—ranging from prejudice, street harassment (Piela, 2015) and exclusion from the public space. Our findings showed that these adverse circumstances all too often dissuade these women from participating in everyday acts, such as going to their children’s schools or participating in education (ENAR, 2016). Our findings also supported the idea of multiple forms of discrimination faced by Muslim women related to sexism, racism and Islamophobia (Mason-Bish & Zempi, 2019; Tariq & Syed, 2018). Most notably, the communicative analysis performed allowed us to identify different situations or strategies that enable participants to resist these situations and ultimately to improve them, thus contributing to progress in the analysis of the experiences of women wearing the niqab. This has been done from a novel approach to the issue guided by the principles of the equality of differences and egalitarian dialogue as tools facilitating intercultural relations. The principle of the equality of differences (De Botton 103

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et al. 2005; Flecha, 2000; Puigvert, 2001) has offered us a framework to analyze participants’ strategies to defend their right to decide how they should live or dress, while they align with the need to agree on a set of common standards to help people live together in our increasingly diverse societies. Moreover, our findings revealed the power of egalitarian dialogue (De Botton & Pulido, 2013) as a tool to build relations grounded on trust and mutual understanding. Also, our analysis has indicated the instrumental role played by faith-based organizations as social actors that fight in the defense of the rights of a group traditionally excluded from public discourses. This finding coincides with those of prior studies acknowledging the importance of organizations working with Muslim women in the prevention and response to situations of discrimination (ENAR, 2016). Furthermore, in the light of our findings, we can argue that participants’ determination to defend their right to wear the niqab despite the circumstances challenges the public discourses that identify them as subjects without “agency”. As in other studies focused on the reality of Muslim women in Western societies (Bilge, 2010; Zimmerman, 2015), the analysis of the ways in which they deal with adverse situations—and, eventually, manage to improve them—has allowed us to shed light on new forms of female agency often invisible. The identification of these transformative dimensions offers an innovative framework for research and practice aimed at addressing the needs of Muslim women in Spain, and opens new pathways to explore the dynamics of intercultural coexistence based on pluralism, dialogue and mutual understanding. Also, making visible the efforts of these women to make their voice heard and to engage in social exchanges with others may contribute to transcend public discourses that are often dominated by confrontation and the rhetoric of the clash of civilizations (Khiabany & Williamson, 2008). Ultimately, our study has meant an opportunity to give a voice to women wearing the niqab, to overcome stereotypes and to shed light on the already existing pathways to address the integration challenges for Muslim women, thus contributing to improve intercultural relations. The study presents different limitations that must be considered. First, the discussion of our findings with members of a Muslim youth organization helped us to realize that the profiles of the participants were not sufficiently heterogeneous (in terms of educational attainment, occupation, etc.). This, together with the relatively small group of participants, may have produced a biased picture of these women. Additionally, a more detailed analysis of the personal trajectories of participants would be needed to explore the processes that led participants to the personal choice of wearing the niqab. Another limitation refers to the fact of not having turned to a certified interpreter to support fieldwork with those participant women who did not speak Spanish fluently. While our study certainly does not represent the diversity of experiences of women with the niqab in Spain, our findings constitute a promising starting point for further research delving into the life stories of these women to identify which initiatives can provide opportunities for their inclusion, through employment, education or social participation. Importantly, a greater effort is needed to reach out to a more diverse group of participants, which may broaden our focus of analysis. Finally, further research could explore the role of interreligious dialogue as a tool to overcome prejudice and create spaces for exchange and cooperation in multicultural societies. Declaration of Competing Interest No potential conflict of interest is reported by the authors. Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to Joventut Multicultural Musulmana Tarragona for their valuable insights, which have contributed to enhancing the quality of our work. Funding This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. References Ainz Galende, A. (2018). A closer study of the discourse of niqabi women in Spain. Journal of the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies, 11, 321–337. Astor, A. (2014). Religious governance and the accommodation of islam in contemporary Spain. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 40(11), 1716–1735. https:// doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2013.871493. Barras, A. (2010). 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Freedom of religion, women’s agency and banning the face veil: The role of feminist beliefs in shaping women’s opinion. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 38(11), 1886–1901. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.887744. Observatorio Andalusí (2017). Special report J/2016. Institution for the observation and monitoring of the Muslim citizen situation and Islamophobia in Spain, incidents and IslamophobiaMadrid: UCIDE. Open Society Institute (2010). Muslims in Europe, A report on 11 EU citiesNew York: Open Society Institute. Piela, A. (2015). Online islamic spaces as communities of practice for female Muslim converts who wear the niqab. Hawwa: Journal of women of the Middle East and the Islamic world, 13(3), 363–382. https://doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341288. Puigvert, L. (2001). Dialogic feminism: Other women’s. Contributions to the social transformation of gender relations. In E. Beck-Gernsheim, J. Butler, & L. Puigvert (Eds.). Women and social transformation (pp. 29–60). New York: Peter Lang. Tariq, M., & Syed, J. (2018). An intersectional perspective on Muslim women’s issues and experiences in employment. Gender, Work, and Organization, 25(5), 495–513. https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12256. Touraine, A. (2000). Can we live together? Equality and difference. Cambridge: Polity Press. United Nations General Assembly (1948). Universal declaration of human rights. Retrieved fromhttps://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/. United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (2018). France: Banning the niqab violated two Muslim women’s freedom of religion - UN experts. [press release]. Retrieved fromhttps://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23750&LangID=E. Zempi, I. (2016). ‘It’s a part of me, I feel naked without It’: Choice, agency and identity for Muslim women who wear the niqab. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 39(10), 1738–1754. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1159710. Zempi, I. (2019). Veiled Muslim women’s views on law banning the wearing of the niqab (face veil) in public. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 15, 2585–2602. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/01419870.2019.1588985. Zimmerman, D. D. (2015). Young Arab muslim women’s agency challenging western feminism. Affilia, 30(2), 145–157. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886109914546126. Carme Garcia Yeste, Ph.D., is a Professor at the Department of Pedagogy, Universitat Rovira i Virgili (Spain). She has a solid expertise in research with a communicative orientation with vulnerable groups, with special emphasis in the field of cultural/religious minorities, and women studies. Currently, she is co-editor of the scientific journal Social and Education History, indexed in Scopus. Her work has been published in different indexed journals. Ouarda El Miri Zeguari is completing a Bachelor's degree in social work at the Universitat Rovira i Virgili (Spain) and is a research trainee at the Department of Pedagogy at the same university. She is interested in the social inclusion of religious minorities. Pilar Alvarez, Ph.D., is Juan de la Cierva postdoctoral Researcher at the Department of Pedagogy, Universitat Rovira i Virgili (Spain). Her research work is focused on family and community participation in education, dialogic learning and Dialogic Literary Gatherings. Teresa Morlà Folch, Ph.D., is Researcher at the Department of Business Management, area of Sociology, Universitat Rovira i Virgili (Spain). Her research interests are creativity and new forms of leadership, cultural minorities and gender studies.

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