Naples

Cities 26 (2009) 363–376

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City profile

Naples Giuseppe Mazzeo * Istituto per gli Studi sulle Società del Mediterraneo, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, via P. Castellino 111, I-80131 Napoli, DiPiST, Università di Napoli Federico II, P.le V. Tecchio 80, I-80125, Napoli, Italy

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Article history: Received 18 July 2008 Received in revised form 10 June 2009 Accepted 11 June 2009 Available online 22 October 2009 Keywords: Naples Urban rehabilitation Historic centre Metropolitan area Socio-economic problems Urban plans and projects

a b s t r a c t Naples is the third city in Italy, the largest in the South. It is particularly interesting as example of the contradictions between a superb geographical location and a widespread condition of social and economic crisis. The problems of the city have different origins, recent or not. Currently the two main critical factors derive from the social and economic conditions of its wider metropolitan area and from the lack of a clear functional distribution between city and its surrounding area; the result is a strong concentration of key functions in the city and the unplanned diffusion of residential areas and secondary functions far beyond its boundaries. Naples recent fast transition to a post-industrial condition (without having gone through a strong industrial stage) has forced a profound re-examination of its future and has driven planning policies towards ambitious urban plans; but the weakness of a strong social and economic structure has called into question both the assumptions and the targets of the city’s planners. Ó 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction Naples, the main city of Southern Italy, presents specific processes of social exclusion and polarization. It is currently in the throes of restructuring the local economic system while attempting to solve the problems generated by its previous development path. The city takes a very important place in the Italian urban structure: first of all because it is the third city in population, secondly because it is in the centre of a very wide metropolitan system, and lastly because it embraces great social, economic and cultural contradictions. Naples belongs to the volcanic region of Vesuvius and Campi Flegrei and is set in one of the most remarkable stretches of the Italian sea coast. The city’s urban setting lies between a curving coastline and a parallel curve of inland hill ridges running from West (Posillipo) to East (Capodimonte and Poggioreale). These hills represent a demarcation line, even if discontinuous, between the city center and the periphery (De Seta, 1994); in the past, they have acted as a barrier for the city’s expansion toward the heartlands. Between hills and sea, therefore, Naples occupies two main types of natural space: the system of uneven highland in the North-West area and rural flat land, partially made up of alluvial sectors, in the East area. There are also, within the city area, spurs from the main hill ridges running toward the sea. Two of the most important touch on the historic centre: those running from Vomero to Posillipo and from Vomero to Pizzofalcone. * Tel.: +39 81 7682315; fax: +39 81 7682309. E-mail address: [email protected] 0264-2751/$ - see front matter Ó 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2009.06.001

With its 117.27 km2, the City of Naples area is relatively one of the smallest among major Italian cities. The census of 2001 showed a city population of 1,004,500, down from 1,226,000 in 1971; the most recent estimate of 973,132 inhabitants in January 2008 reinforces the downward trend. The city’s gross density is 8563 pp/ km2, the highest among large Italian cities. Density distribution is not of course uniform: there are districts with much higher values, 2 for instance, San Lorenzo with 34; 701 pp=km or Montecalvario 2 with 30; 292 pp=km (see Fig. 1). The urban system presents a series of significant contrasts. In some neighborhoods the residents belong to the medium–high income social class with high levels of education; in others, levels of income and education are low and life in these neighborhoods is characterized also by high levels of crime. In general, differences derive from urban stratifications laid down in the course of time with the concentration of particular social classes in fixed urban areas. The administrative architecture of the city is organized in two levels: a central structure (made up of Mayor, Municipal Board and City Council – hereafter the Municipality) and ten decentralized bodies called, in Italian, Municipalità. The municipalità, were formed in 2006 by mergers of the former 21 districts of the city and have limited administrative functions.1 The Mayor of Naples 1 The former 21 districts of Naples derived variously from historic subdivisions of the city, from the integration into the city of peripheral areas or from the merger of earlier autonomous municipalities. They represented the second tier of the city administration until their amalgamation in 2006. The new municipalità were defined on the criteria of territorial proximity and socio-economic situation, as well the need to simplify the administrative structure.

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Fig. 1. Administrative division of the City of Naples: the 10 Municipalità were formed from the former 21 historic districts in 2006.

is elected every five years, as are the City Council and the Councils of the Municipalità. The central bodies are responsible for approving the most important enactments (strategic development guidelines, planning and programming tools and main public projects), while the municipalità are responsible for operational actions on the districts (local urban maintenance, social activities, sports, cultural and local administrative functions). At the same time, the technical structure is composed of central offices (directorates, departments and autonomous services) and technical directions of the municipalità. One of the central directorates is the office of the City Manager, appointed by the Mayor, with the task of improving and coordinating the central administration’s operations. In the Italian administrative principle of power, Regions and Provinces share an important role, too. The Region (Campania, in the case of Naples) has a legislative function (at the second level, after the national Parliament) but it also manages substantial public funds allocated by national government and by the European Commission, as well as from its own regional tax income. The Region has an important role also in the approval procedures of municipal programs, plans and projects and is the main environmental authority for the assessment of plans, programs and projects. The Province (also named Naples, in our case, with its 92 municipalities) approves urban plans and has a role too in the approval procedure for city programs, plans and projects. Historic evolution and current role The first nucleus of Partenope was founded by Greek settlers on the hill of Pizzofalcone around 650 BC About 200 years later a new urban structure was built on an Eastern plateau, a structure which has survived until today, although enriched over the centuries by alterations and stratifications (Rosi, 1991). The 5th century BC town was made up by three roads (plateiai) oriented in the East– West direction and twenty roads in the North–South direction (stenopoi). The acropolis and the theatre were placed in the highest

part of the settlement, toward the North. The Grecian agora became the site of the forum after the Roman conquest of 326 BC The development of the Roman town then took place essentially in three directions: southward toward the sea and harbour, westward to Miseno, and to the South-East to Ercolano (Herculaneum) and beyond (see Fig. 2). The fall of the Roman Empire was followed by lengthy periods, successively, of Lombardic, Norman–Suevian and Angevin rule. Around the middle of the 14th century the city was conquered by the Aragonese and, in 1532, it became Spanish. A strong growth of population occurred in this period (200,000 inhabitants in 1550) forcing development outside the city walls, where a number of small villages were built (De Seta, 1999). But a series of prohibitions against building dwellings outside the walls soon came into effect. This, together with the growth of religious orders, with their substantial land requirements, led to extremely high density in the city and consequent social and health damages. By the second half of the 1600s the city population was 350,000, despite the high death rate caused by plagues such as that of 1656 (Fusco, 2007). Only in the 18th century the coming of the Habsburgs, and later of the Bourbons, removed the prohibitions on expansion beyond the walls and showed, especially under Charles Bourbon (later Charles III of Spain), a new interest in the performance of the city (Alisio, 1979). The brief Napoleonic rule of Joachim Murat, and the Bourbon restoration that followed, were characterized by modest actions of modernization, such as the construction of the first Italian railway line, from Naples to Portici (1839). But such timid attempts did not create a modern state structure or economy, leaving the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in an underdeveloped condition, particularly after the uprising of 1848. Thus Naples had long been the capital of a kingdom, a status which placed it in the midst of European political processes. It was one of the most populous cities in Europe and the biggest in Italy (484,000 population in 1861) and had an important productive and trade function. But change came suddenly in 1861. With

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Fig. 2. Naples in 1815. Map by Giosué Russo, printed by Domenico Guerra (De Seta, 1999).

the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy in that year, Naples lost its international role. Dispossessed of the Two Sicilies and its financial assets, it became only a provincial capital, just one of many Italian cities. Still, its population and density continued to grow, exacerbating problems of overcrowding and the terrible sanitary situation of the central urban districts. An unanticipated cholera epidemic broke out in 1884 and resulted in over 7000 deaths in Naples. After the epidemic, the Italian Parliament promulgated a special law for urban renewal allowing to demolish and rebuild part of the historical centre and to move some of the population. In 1904 a new law was passed, aimed to achieve the economic rebirth of Naples through the creation of two industrial development areas, the Eastern area and the Western area, Coroglio. Action on the historic parts of the city was resumed during the Fascist period (1925–1943) with the demolition of the central district from Via Toledo to Piazza Municipio. In the post-war period, the new central district was completed (Belli, 1980; Belfiore and Gravagnuolo, 1994; Pacione, 1987), but most of the historic centre remained in a state of abandonment up to 1990s. The last 150 years have deeply affected the image of the city and its role. Naples changed from capital city to provincial city without the strength to find a new national or international role, a situation which continues to the present day. There is another and recent element to consider. The opening of a new high-speed train line Rome-Naples in early 2007 has greatly reduced the travel time between the two city centers (now 1 h, 27 min by train versus a motorway journey time of approximately 3 h). As a result, the travel mode of choice between the two cities

has changed from a ratio 35.5/64.5 (train/road) in 2003 to 44.3/ 55.7 in 2007 (Regione Campania-ACaM, 2008). One of the possible consequences of this change is the increase in gravitational pull between the two cities with an emphasis on Naples’ dependence on Rome. Socio-economic conditions Naples’ biggest challenges relate to the problems of social, economic and political exclusion. This issue requires some brief review of current demographic, social and economic conditions and trends, using data of the latest ISTAT Census of 2001 (ISTAT, 2008), and other statistical sources. As mentioned, the population of Naples in 2008 was 973,132 inhabitants, a reduction from the 2001 figure. It is expected to decline further in the immediate future. A recent study of trends in major Italian cities, on the basis of the ISTAT data (Cittalia, 2008) forecasts a Naples population of 947,459 in 2020 (Table 1). The analysis highlights too a remarkable situation among Italian cities, with the Central and North cities growing and cities of the South in decline.2

2 The same study foresees the continuation in Italy of the phenomena of the internal emigration from South. After a short period of slack it restarted in 1990s and the forecasts are that it will continue with more strength. Such flows, mainly from Campania and Puglia, will go to Milan, Rome, Firenze, Bologna and other metropolitan areas.

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Table 1 Italian cities: resident population, 2008, and forecast to 2020 (Cittalia, 2008). Main Italian cities

Resident population, 2008 (nr)

Resident population, forecast 2020 (nr)

Difference (nr)

Variation (%)

Napoli Roma Milano Torino Palermo Bologna Bari

973,132 2,718,768 1,299,633 908,263 663,173 372,256 322,511

947,459 2,900,101 1,381,630 935,173 655,312 399,505 313,341

25,673 () 181,333 (+) 81,997 (+) 26,910 (+) 7,861 () 27,249 (+) 9,170 ()

2.60 6.70 6.30 3.00 1.20 7.30 2.80

() (+) (+) (+) () (+) ()

Table 2 Regional gross domestic product of Campania compared with the 27 EU countries and the 13 Euro area countries (Eurostat, 2007). Years

Regional gross domestic product (PPS per inhabitant) Campania

EU (27 countries)

Euro area (13 countries)

Campania

Euro area (13 countries)

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

14681.9 14743.8 14674.5 14756.6 14979.0

19726.9 20415.2 20671.7 21601.4 22400.2

22411.1 23016.5 23131.8 23914.3 24804.2

74.4 72.2 71.0 68.3 66.9

113.6 112.7 111.9 110.7 110.7

A strong demographic expansion in the 1950s affected mainly Naples’ central city and gave birth to new settlements in its periphery, by now absorbed into the city. Later, in the 1960s, a net loss of population was recorded, due to migratory flows towards the Northern Italian regions or abroad. Currently, the city’s demographic balance is almost even. Gradual population decrease in the older centres, the creation of social housing neighborhoods and migration outwards into the ‘metropolitan’ area have encouraged polarization phenomena and the wider and wider imbalances in social and economic terms. As for Naples economic situation, it is clear that it has been, for long time, more critical than in other Italian cities. Gross domestic product figures are not available for the city but indices for Campania Region are illustrative of the difficulties affecting Naples3 (Table 2). Regional GDP per capita passed from 14,681 Euro in 2001 to 14,979 in 2005, that is, it practically froze. There was actually a decrease in percentage value with respect to the EU-27 average, from 74.4% in 2001 to 66.9% in 2005. It is worth underlining that the Province of Naples’ share of Campania’s GDP is 54% and 3.39% of Italy’s (Istituto Tagliacarne, 2008). Regarding employment, Naples activity rate4 in 2007 was 47.0%, the lowest figure among the major cities of Italy. The unemployment rate was 12.4%, outmatched only by Palermo among major cities and three or four times higher than in Milan or Bologna. The strong crisis of the city’s economic structure is further testified by the level of the youth unemployment rate (75%), very far from Bologna’s 15% (Table 55).

3 Gross domestic product is an indicator of the output of a country or a region. It reflects the total value of all goods and services produced, less the value of goods and services used for intermediate consumption in their production. Expressing GDP in PPS (purchasing power standards) eliminates differences in price levels between countries. GDP per inhabitant in PPS is the key variable for determining the eligibility of NUTS 2 regions in the framework of the European Union’s structural policy. 4 Defined as the ratio of economically active population (including unemployed) to total population. 5 Incompletion of Compulsory Schooling’ Index: % ratio ‘‘Population aged 15–52 years without middle school certificate/total population of the same age group”. Attendance/Registration Rate: % ratio ‘‘Population attending day nurseries or infant schools/population of the same age group”. Activity Rate: % ratio ‘‘Labour Force (NB: aged 15–65 years)/population of the same age class group”. Unemployment Rate: % ratio ‘‘Unemployed (aged 15–65 years)/Labour Force (as defined)”. Young Unemployment Rate: % ratio ‘‘Unemployed (aged 15–24 years)/Labour Force of the same age group. Employment Rate: % ratio ‘‘Employed (aged 15–65 years)/Population of the same age group.

Regional gross domestic product (PPS per inhabitant as % of the EU-27 average)

Table 3 Italian cities: Fluctuation of the activity and unemployment rate from 2001 to 2007 (ISTAT, 2008; Banca d’Italia, 2008). Main Italian cities

Napoli Roma Milano Torino Palermo Bologna Bari

Activity rate

Unemployment rate

2001 (%)

2007 (%)

2001 (%)

2007 (%)

42.67 50.79 51.36 49.60 45.74 49.76 44.60

47.00 65.70 71.00 67.20 52.10 73.30 54.50

31.39 11.08 5.50 8.44 29.40 4.38 18.97

12.40 6.40 3.80 4.70 15.50 2.50 9.70

The situation has nonetheless improved in recent years: compare the figures for 2001 in Table 3. Since that year new national labour laws have favored the creation of non-permanent jobs and this has contributed to the fall in unemployment. But another main reason for the recent increase in employment is the reduction of numbers of people in search of work, particularly in Campania including Naples: this is a negative phenomenon, even compared to other lagging European regions. In a research related to the perception of job opportunities in selected cities (Eurostat, 2007), the breakdown of the responses for the city of Naples is symptomatic: to the statement that ‘‘in this city it is easy to find a good job” the answers were: strongly agree: 0%, somewhat agree: 2%, somewhat disagree: 12%, strongly disagree: 84%. A further interesting indicator of the employment situation in Naples is the very low ratio of foreign residents compared with most of other Italian cities (Table 4). Naples’ ratio of 0.87% compared to Milan’s 6.97% is a clear marker of the difficulties in finding jobs which greatly limit the prospects for foreigners to live in Naples. The city’s low ratio of course reflects also on the limitations of its social and working conditions. Naples’ employment problems are not unrelated to educational conditions, which also exhibit some negative phenomena (Table 5). School attendance, although compulsory, shows the lowest rates among major Italian cities: non-attendance figures for the city exceed by three times the values for such cities as Milan and Bologna; a partial positive consideration is that the young population presents higher schooling attendance figures than in the past. Still, the problem is greater in poorer districts of the centre and generally in the periphery where the distribution of schools is inade-

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G. Mazzeo / Cities 26 (2009) 363–376 Table 4 Italian cities: population data in the census 2001 (ISTAT, 2008). Main Italian cities

Territorial surfice 2 ðkm Þ

Resident population (no.)

Total population (no.)

Residente population density 2 ðno:=km Þ

Foreign resident population (no.)

Foreign/resident population (%)

Napoli Roma Milano Torino Palermo Bologna Bari

117.27 1285.30 182.07 130.17 158.88 140.73 116.20

1,004,500 2,546,804 1,256,211 865,263 686,722 371,217 316,532

1,023,515 2,624,467 1,285,622 872,929 701,382 402,073 326,201

8,566 1,981 6,900 6,647 4,322 2,638 2,724

8,757 98,427 87,590 34,745 9,661 14,311 2,498

0.87 3.86 6.97 4.02 1.41 3.86 0.79

Table 5 Italian cities: social and economical indicators (ISTAT, 2008). Main Italian cities

Incompletion of compulsory schooling index (%)

Attendance/ registration rate (%)

Labour force (no.)

Activity rate (%)

Unemployment rate (%)

Young unemployment rate (%)

Employment rate (%)

Napoli Roma Milano Torino Palermo Bologna Bari

17.80 5.15 5.71 7.16 17.47 4.60 13.69

79.36 83.03 81.50 80.26 78.84 83.54 82.12

355,307 1,127,460 575,892 381,971 259,198 167,285 121,240

42.67 50.79 51.36 49.60 45.74 49.76 44.60

31.39 11.08 5.50 8.44 29.40 4.38 18.97

74.93 40.10 20.58 27.16 70.81 14.79 53.49

29.28 45.16 48.53 45.41 32.30 47.59 36.14

quate to the potential demand. The prosecution rate for non-attendance at primary school in the central districts has values of 0.1– 0.4%. In the peripheral districts it tends to be higher, reaching 1.6% in the district of Scampia (Comune di Napoli, 2006). Naples’ socio-economic conditions undoubtedly account in some part for the results found in a review of five recent studies of the European city hierarchy. In three of them Naples received no mention (Beaverstock et al., 1999; Taylor and Derudder, 2004; Hall, 2005). The city is present in only two, both based on analyses by DATAR (Lever, 1993; Rozenblat and Cicille, 2003), which show Naples’ ranking as low. While these two studies underline a generally strong correlation between a city population and the importance of that city in the European scene, this is found not to be the case for Naples. In fact the city presents a deviation of two positions between the demographic rank (third class out of six) and the hierarchy rank (fifth class out of seven). Naples’ periphery Naples’ peripheral areas present great issues for the city. Many of the principal urban problems are concentrated there and their solution represents arguably one of the most important challenges for the city. These are areas, former rural sites and city suburbs, which became part of the Municipality of Naples in the 1920s,6 and which absorbed much subsequent population growth, especially after the Second World War (see Fig. 3). The peripheral areas comprise both residential and industrial or other production areas. The former can be divided into three groups. First, large scale social housing projects (Soccavo, Ponticelli and Secondigliano). Here compact and planned urban structures exist even though it is, to say the least, awkward to express a positive opinion about their quality. Suffice it to note the demolition, between 1997 and 2003, of three of the seven buildings in the great Vele complex in Secondigliano, built in 1962–1975. Secondly, there are the ‘‘hybrid” settlements, generally comprising detached houses, located in chaotic urban structures. Finally there are the abusive (illegal) and speculative settlements,

6 From 1925 to 1926 the districts of Barra, Chiaiano, Marianella, Piscinola, San Pietro a Patierno, Pianura and Soccavo became part of the Municipality of Naples.

generally characterized by the lack of even the most elementary urban facilities; they have literally assaulted the territory, expelling most agricultural activities. By one estimate, 60,690 unauthorized buildings were built in Campania, between 1998 and 2007, with a total floor area of 9,103,434 m2, the great majority of these in the provinces of Naples and Caserta (Legambiente, 2008). Industrial and other production areas are found typically in Naples’ eastern periphery, where a mix of older and newer such installations, mostly small, are often embedded in residential areas. Urban structure in such areas is rather poor, with problematic mixed uses and often large derelict open areas. Low quality of public services and urban environment, together with the strong unemployment and low incomes, have encouraged, in peripheral more than in central areas, the birth of a parallel power. Some families have formed criminal groups (camorra) gaining the ‘‘respect” of population and undermining relations between population and public administration. Forty criminal groups have been identified in the municipality of Naples and another 14 in the rest of the province (Ministero dell’Interno, 2008). Allegedly, Camorra families may have stirred up recent riots against gypsies (Ponticelli, May 2008) and also caused some of the recent problems of garbage removal. In 1978 the City Council decided to set up a programme for the city’s peripheral areas, to counter widespread unauthorized construction and introduce new functions and services (Frediani, 1995). Its aims were: to stop degeneration of urban structures and to reevaluate their urban system; to protect the environmental and historical character of old rural communities; to relocate part of the population; to build public infrastructures; and to provide new collective functions. The programme involved building 11,800 new houses but the 1980 earthquake made it impossible to realize. In the aftermath of that event, a special plan for 20,000 new houses and related infrastructures was prepared and incorporated into the 1978 programme. But not even this second plan was completed. The area beyond the Naples Municipal boundary lies outside the scope of this profile. It is important, nonetheless, to note the strong impact of the city’s expansion on the surrounding area. First in small municipalities closest to Naples, then, gradually, in others more distant, the process of residential expansion has led to the ‘‘cementization” of a vast agricultural area, the expansion of the

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Fig. 3. The cityscape of Naples’ Eastern periphery (photo: author).

phenomena of social deprivation and the total degradation of many of these territories. The transformations of the city since 1990 From the Bassolino (1993–2001) to the Jervolino Russo Administration (2001–present) The 1990s were a substantial period in Naples recent developmental scene: new politicians, new technicians, a sense of rebirth based not only on external initiatives such as the International Meeting of the G7 in 1994, but, above all, a new attention to internal resources (cultural heritage, economic transformations, and the new urban plans). Naples’ critical situation after the 1980 earthquake, the political weakness of the municipal administrations (Mattina, 2007) and the ultimate closing of the steel plant in Bagnoli, in 1993, caused, in the same year, a deep change in the administrative leadership of the city. The triumph of the centre-left coalition with Antonio Bassolino as Mayor brought a deep rethinking of the development policies for the city. The new administration considered essential for the rebirth of the city the generation of policies and projects based on a strong planning framework. The Municipality published therefore a document entitled ‘‘Urban Planning Addresses” which became the strategic basis for the future planning tools of Naples. The new administration saw urban rehabilitation and regeneration as a unique opportunity to mark a new beginning (Papa and Battarra, 2006), and to test new procedures and command-andcontrol planning tools in a strong, almost ideological, environmentalist vision (Cento Bull, 2005). These traits have created a distinct Neapolitan way of urban planning, even if the success of the model is debated (Belli, 2007). The necessity of a new generation of urban

plans brought first the launch of the Plan for the Western Area (1998) and, after six years, the General Plan (2004). They replaced the prior urban plan, dated back to 1972 (Dal Piaz, 2006) (see Fig. 4). Work on the two Plans progressed steadily through the rest of the 1990s (Fig. 4) but the start of the new millennium proved a critical moment for the possibility to transform an unstable political situation into a stable governing process, and for the prospect of taking the new Plans to implementation through positive administrative action. Progressions from plan to project phase have slowed down since 2000, when Antonio Bassolino took on the additional role of Minister for Labour in the national government and then with the election of Mayor Rosa Jervolino Russo in 2001. A ‘climate change’ followed, related to a surge in municipal expenditure and to a decline in leadership, with a negative impact on administrative action, despite the presence of skilful administrators. A new planning framework without management The 1998 and 2004 Plans propose a rigorous defense of the territory (historical centre, remaining green areas, etc.) and aim to address some of the main problems of Naples (housing, productive areas, waste management, main transport infrastructures, etc.) while taking account too of metropolitan issues beyond the city boundary. The Urban Plan for the Western Area (1988) affects an area characterized at the same time by high landscape quality, extensive urbanization and environmental devastation. Its specific targets are: (a) action on the Coroglio sector with the introduction of innovative functions; (b) a rehabilitation scheme based on envi-

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Fig. 4. Main events in Naples’ planning (1993–2009).

ronmental upgrading and preservation and the reorganization of metropolitan railways lines; (c) the creation of new residential settlements in localities with unfavorable dwelling conditions (see Fig. 5). The Urban General Plan’s (2004) stated objectives are to: (a) safeguard physical integrity and cultural identity, with the restoration of the historic centre and upgrading of green areas; (b) convert abandoned areas into integrated settlements including great urban parks; (c) develop or rehabilitate decayed peripheries; (d) improve municipal services, quantitatively and qualitatively; and (e) create a modern railway network to form the heart of the mobility system. The Plan is designed for a decreasing population (976,000 inhabitants in 2006). The approval of the Plans was linked with some concurrent innovations in the Italian legislation. In 1994 project financing was introduced in a wide-ranging regulation (Law no: 109/1994) providing a tool for the realization of public infrastructures in association with private entities. A new type of juridical public company was introduced (Law no: 127/1997), the ‘Urban Transformation Society’, analogous to the French model of the Société d’Aménagement Urbain. The Municipality of Naples, like other Italian local administrations, began studying these new measures and decided for their use, alongside more established procedures. But planning activity was not followed by a strong management activity. In Naples there is no development agency to systematize action within a unified and coordinated system. It results that the process of transformation of the city, built on the basis of urban development plans and related instruments, has been developed in recent years through a loose and uncoordinated system of agencies and procedures. The largest transformations have been entrusted to public jointstock companies (S.I.RE.NA., Bagnolifutura) or to innovative adhoc procedures (e.g. the project financing for the completion of the

business district of Centro Direzionale Napoli – CDN – and for the creation of the tourist port of Vigliena in the Eastern area). Some projects are devolved to public (Port of Naples) or private companies (GESAC, Naples Airport) or to concessionaries (Metropolitana di Napoli). Other interventions are being executed by public institutions, such as the University of Naples ‘‘Federico II” (University Campus of San Giovanni) or the Municipality of Naples (Ponticelli ‘Ospedale del Mare’). The absence, however, of management coordination, a development agency, for instance, or any other mechanism for strong public coordination, has led to a series of negative consequences: firstly, the lack of a clear picture regarding funding sources, and hence feasible implementation times; secondly, obstacles due to excessive power remaining in the hands of technical and political structures of the administrative levels of Municipality, Province and Region, and of other public institutions such as the Superintendencies (Archeology, Cultural Heritage), the Park Protection Authorities and the River Basin Authorities.7 Programmes and projects The most important recent and on-going transformations in Naples: the rehabilitation of the historic centre, the transformation of the Western Area, the second stage of the business district (Centro Direzionale Napoli – CDN) and others, derive from the 1998 and 2004 Plans. These initiatives (public or public–private), conceived in the last years of the 1990s, became operative in the Jervolino period, after their inclusion in the strategic and operative targets of the Municipality of Naples. The necessity of a detailed plan for the former steelworks area led to the approval of the Executive Plan for Bagnoli–Coroglio 7 In case of legal dispute an important role is also assumed by the judiciary (administrative, in particular). The intricacy of Italian laws and the slowness of civil and administrative proceedings also add to the obstacles.

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Fig. 5. Jurisdictional area of the 1998 and 2004 urban plans in Naples.

(2005), as part of the Plan for the Western Area. The Executive Plan opened the way for Bagnolifutura SpA, which had been in existence since 2002, to commence the Coroglio decontamination project and then the transformation of the area. Other less important executive plans have been approved for various areas of the city (see Fig. 6). The historic centre Naples’ historic centre, as defined in the 2004 Urban General Plan (Comune di Napoli, 2001), extends over 1904 hectares and it is one of the largest in Europe. As we have seen, its present physical tissue is the result of urban change since the early period of Greek colony, although the most important phases occurred during the Roman, Medieval and Renaissance periods. A series of transformations then took place constantly and gradually up to the early industrial age when urban development mechanisms began to change, the city now growing more in response to real estate and productive interests. More recently, accelerating urban development has continued to impinge on the historic city as well as outer urban areas. It is important to point out that the urban operations of the 19th and the first half of 20th century were realized according to a rational urban idea, with typological and distributional rules clearly different from the earlier practice, making a strong impact in building of the city’s image (see Fig. 7). Previous interventions in the historic city, partially recorded in the Urban General Plan of 1972, were carried out dividing the centre in two parts: the ‘ancient’ and the ‘historic’, the former being

regarded as the more important.8 ‘Historic’ parts of Naples’ centre were however the subject of meticulous studies during the 1980s. The ‘‘Regno del Possibile” (Studi Centro Storico Napoli, 1988) is still the most recent research addressing conservation of the historic centre, proposing deep refurbishment operations and other relevant interventions in parts of the historic tissue. This study, and others, together with the quality of the built heritage and the importance of the historic tissue, determined the entry of Naples’ historic centre in the UNESCO World Heritage list in 1995. The 2004 Urban General Plan also promoted the ‘historic’ centre only (in the sense defined in 1972), while enlarging its border to incorporate sectors built in the two centuries up to the Second World War and which fall within the purview of the conservation laws, their tissue being considered well-established and with a defined relation between structure and site.9 Current action under the Plan operates in three main directions: rehabilitation of residential buildings, restoration and reuse of other historic buildings, and transformation of public spaces in pedestrian areas. The first of these actually antedates the 2004 Plan. A joint-stock public company, S.I.RE.NA., had already been set up in 2001 to promote and accelerate residential rehabilitation in the historic centre 8 The General Plan of 1972 defined two categories: the ‘‘ancient” zone (the Greek and Roman city), more important and more preserved; and the later ‘‘historical” zone, considered less important, where the Plan proposed substantial transformations (such as a new street parallel to Via Toledo in the Spanish Quarter). 9 The Urban General Plan of 2004 classifies 16,124 buildings and spaces of the historic centre in 53 typologies. For each typology the Plan defines the appropriate rehabilitation actions (Comune di Napoli, 2001).

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Fig. 6. Simplified structure of Naples: main poles and transformation areas.

of Naples (i.e. for the time being: this programme was seen as first step towards later more ambitious action on the historic tissue). S.I.RE.NA.’s shareholders are Naples City Council, the Building Contractors Association of Naples, Regione Campania and the Confederation of Italian Industry. Projects can be financed with grants up to a maximum of 35%, with a ceiling of 120,000 Euro. To date, it has co-financed about 1200 projects, selected from over 1600 bids in 2002, 2003 and 2008. With a total of 240 million Euros already invested, the committed public funds, originated by Municipality and Campania Region, are over 41 million Euros. There are however no indications on the results achieved, either in terms of actions completed and funds actually spent.10 Restoration and reuse of non-residential historic buildings are executed by their owners (public administrations, private subjects, diocesan curia, etc.) using a mix of public and private funds. In some cases European funds are involved. Projects undertaken, or in progress, in this category are the restoration of Teatro San Carlo (Opera House), Teatro San Ferdinando, the façade and other spaces of Real Albergo dei Poveri, and the reuse of other historic buildings as museums (Museo Madre, Museo PAN), academic institutes or for other cultural functions. Improvement of historic public spaces is carried out by the Municipality of Naples with its own or regional funds. To this group belongs the pedestrianization of Piazza del Plebiscito, Via Toledo, Via Chiaia and other streets and plazas of the historic centre. Increased attention to the protection and enhancement of the city center and its artistic and architectural heritage has had a sub10 In 2004 S.I.RE.NA. started a cooperation with Tianjin City Council, China, to restore some buildings and streets of the Italian neighborhood in Tianjin.

stantial impact on the tourist flows. Arrivals in Naples’ hotels have increased from 1994 (548,738) to 2007 (850,643) (EPT Napoli, 2009). The 2008 figure is expected however to show a slight decrease due to the impact of the current waste management problem on the city’s image. The western area transformation (Coroglio) As already noted, the ‘urban transformation society’ Bagnolifutura SpA is charged to undertake the redevelopment of the Coroglio area, in accordance with the Western Area Plan of 1998 and the Executive Plan of Bagnoli–Coroglio of 2005. Bagnolifutura’s task involves, firstly, the recovery of this largely derelict industrial area, covering some 400 ha, much of which was occupied by a steel plant of the state-owned company Italsider, until its closure in 1993.11 This long-term project includes decontamination of an area of 175 ha, the selective retention for reuse of some significant industrial structures, and the restoration of good environmental conditions (see Fig. 8). The next, and very complex stage is the redevelopment of the whole side. The aim is to define a new urban form, a low density pattern of settlement characterized by high environmental quality, and urban functions capable of making a strong impact on the city image of Naples (Comune di Napoli, 1995). For this purpose, the greater part of the Coroglio site has been divided into functional or ‘‘thematic” areas, each devoted to a specific urban mission as

11 Blast furnace and steel plant closed in 1990 and the lamination plant in 1991. All other activities ended in 1993.

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Fig. 7. The Church of San Francesco da Paola in Piazza del Plebiscito, one of the emblems of the historic centre, with installation by Sol Lewitt, Christmas 2005 (photo: author).

established in the Executive Plan and each of which has its own separately prepared development project or programme.12 The more important of these are the Park and Beach, also known as the Urban Park, the Tourism and Leisure district, the Research and Production district, the Residential district and the Sport Park (Fig. 9). The most ambitious project is the ‘‘Urban Park” (TA1). Its site, the largest of the thematic areas with a total of 190 ha, occupies an extensive rectangular area including most of Coroglio’s sea-front and running back from it some 900 m. Its design, entrusted by international competition to architect Francesco Cellini (group leader), includes for the retention of several existing and/or functioning structures or built-up areas, notably Città della Scienza (Science City) to the south-west, positioned in restored industrial buildings previously used for the production of chemical fertilizer. And to the north-east, two of the larger and more significant surviving structures of the disused steel plant, with a total floor area of about 200,000 m2 and including the blast furnace, are to be adapted and extended to host great musical events and exhibitions, as well as providing meeting facilities and a cultural centre. Also situated in the Urban Park are the Thematic Aquarium. currently in construction, and Napoli Studios, new film and television studios occupying a former machine shop. The remainder of the Urban Park site will be dedicated to a landscape park, with arti-

12 The transformation of a thematic area is realized through a single project (for example TA9, Sport Park) or through several projects (for example TA1, Urban Park).

ficial lakes, thematic gardens and other open air activity areas (see Fig. 9). The smaller Tourism and Leisure district (TA2) is located to the north of the Park. This project involves, after decontamination, the demolition of a sandbank, the re-shaping of the coastline to provide an inlet for a marina with a docking for 400 berths, and the creation of a new sand strip. Next to this new beach and the marina there will be an integrated complex of enterprises including hotels, meeting centres, restaurants, leisure facilities buildings and commercial structures. The first building for completion, the ‘Gateway to the Park’, is an integrated structure with meeting rooms, thermal baths, restaurants, parking and offices. Of the other thematic areas, the Residential area (TA4) is centrally located between the Urban Park and existing districts; it is designed to be closely assimilated with Cavalleggeri, and also, though less directly, with Bagnoli. It will closely linked too with the advanced Research and Production district (TA3), a 16.5 ha site adjoining to the north: this project includes a Technological Environmental Pole. The Sports Park (TA9), also nearby, will contain a wide range of sporting facilities: its landscape quality will be enhanced by its bordering against the green northern slopes of Posillipo Hill. Another major programme for the Coroglio area, in addition to the thematic area schemes and overlapping across them, is the construction of the new infrastructural system centred on two new metropolitan subways (M6 and M8 lines) that will connect Coroglio with Campi Flegrei Station (M2 line) and with the regional

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Fig. 8. The former industrial area of Coroglio. Soil decontamination and some transformation projects in progress (photo: author).

lines of Cumana Railways. The location of the Coroglio stations and the routing of the new line are still under consideration. Other envisaged projects include new roads, a water supply and sewerage system, and state-of-the-art waste treatment and solar energy plants. All these projects will be carried out by the corresponding infrastructure agencies coordinated by Bagnolifutura SpA. Decontamination work is ongoing in Coroglio with a total of 37.2% of the affected area complete, including the whole of the TA2, TA4 and TA9 thematic areas. Progress varies in the remaining areas; 37.1% of these are already chemically surveyed and ready to start the decontamination phase (Bagnolifutura, 2009). Construction of specific projects, funded by the European Commission, is now quite well advanced, including the Thematic Aquarium in TA1 (70% complete), the Park Gateway in TA2 (70%) and the Sporting Park in TA9 (40%).13 They are due for completion in late 2009. The main part of works in the Coroglio transformation programme are scheduled to be completed by 2012. The Technological Environmental Pole (TA3) is expected to be in operation in time for the Naples’ Culture Forum due to take place in 2013. As for infrastructure, the first construction site, for the first stage of the new road provision, will be opened in 2009. The total cost for the Coroglio transformation is not well defined, but it is possible to mention some partial costs or estimates. Decontamination, including the reshaping of the beach in TA2, is estimated to cost around 350 million Euro. Specific projects currently in progress throughout the Coroglio plan area amount to over 600 million Euro (estimated final costs). To these must be added the cost of the new subway network, the Tourism and Leisure district including the new harbour, not yet assessed.

13

Based on the proportion of the prior cost estimates actually spent to date.

Other relevant cases We should not forget a series of recent initiatives classifiable as positive. Developments in the Port of Naples saw, 20,063,825 tons of goods handled in 2008 compared with 14,992,452 in 2000. Passengers increased from 7,586,369 to 8,169,208 in the same period. In the last ten years the Port Authority has revived Naples as a destination for great cruise lines (1,151,345 passengers in 2008, a growth of 7.45% from 2007) (Autorità Portuale di Napoli, 2009). The Authority held also, in 2004, an international competition to restore the historic (passenger) port area in front of the Maschio Angioino castle, near the Royal Palace and San Giacomo Palace, seat of the Municipality. Improvements at Naples International Airport have also contributed to the city’s economy. Since the British Airways Authority took over management in 1997 buildings have been refurbished, efficiency of land side services has improved and national and international flights have increased. At the end of 2007 passenger traffic counted 6.7 million passengers (BAA, 2008). The building of a modern Metropolitan urban network is a fundamental element in Naples’ evolution. The city, in the last ten years, has created a newly integrated rail system bringing lines under a unified tariff and ticketing system, although they still managed by different companies (Metronapoli, Ferrovie dello Stato, Circumvesuviana, Ferrovia Cumana, Ferrovia Alifana). Under the same programme, 73 km of rail lines have been built, including metropolitan (15.8 km of subway) lins and cable railway lines, with 68 stations (Regione Campania-ACAM, 2008). In 2011 the whole urban network of Naples is expected to present the following features: 10 metropolitan lines, 10 regional lines, 2 national lines, 6 cable railways line with 21 stops, 114 stations, 45 interchange stations (railway–railway or road–railway) (see Fig. 10).

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Fig. 9. The Executive Plan of Bagnoli–Coroglio (2005) for the transformation of the former industrial area.

Finally, plans are in progress for the extension of an important existing business district (Centro Direzionale Napoli – CDN), located near the Central Station. The masterplan, by Francesco Cellini, proposes to extend this district eastward, on municipal land, doubling the existing area. The project will employ an innovative project financing procedure.14 The city between defeats and possible ransoms The foregoing account of urban transformations over the last 15 years needs to be balanced by some broader consideration of Naples’ present situation and potential. Three negative factors appear to act on the city: factors relating to environment, landscape and 14 The idea of a new business centre goes back to the mid-1960s, when the Municipality of Naples earmarked a 110 hectares site to build a new district for business services and residential purposes, aiming to decongest the historical centre. The concept of the CDN adopted the French model of the centre directionnel, first applied in the La Defense project in Paris in 1958 through the creation of the Etablissement public pour l’aménagement de La Défense (EPAD). The masterplan for CDN was not however committed (to Kenzo Tange) until 1982. Significant buildings were erected during the 1980s and 1990s, designed by architects including, inter alia, Renzo Piano, Massimo Pica Ciamarra and Nicola Pagliara. The CDN was completed in 1995.

the urban space; the question of administrative structure and efficiency; and the self-image of Neapolitans. Although environmental and landscape factors have always been one of the Naples’ great strengths, development and building practices, especially in the city’s periphery, have had often devastating impacts on the urban space and environment. The resulting urban system is often disorganized and very low in quality. A general weakness in the economic and social tissue have influenced these results, leading to worsening effects on the urban system. Furthermore, the efficiency or otherwise of the administrative management structure is critical. The 1980s and 1990s were a period of great exhibitions, a functioning municipal machine and a strong synergy with the other levels of administration, so much that numerous observers created the expression ‘‘Neapolitan Renaissance”. In more recent years, however, this very favorable trend has been reversed. A climate of pervasive and spreading irresponsibility and even of illegality, has characterized much of local public administration (Cento Bull, 2006). Twice in recent years the managerial ineptitude of the city has been sharply exposed to national and international public opinion: in Naples’ unsuccessful bid to host the 33rd America’s Cup in 2003; and in the persisting crisis in waste collection and disposal.

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Fig. 10. The buildings of the business district of Centro Direzionale Napoli, 1980s (photo: author).

The choice of Valencia for the America’s Cup reflected the Spanish city’s evident capacity to mobilize the public and private resources necessary for the event’s success. The city of Naples, however, although certainly able to offer the more attractive venue, could not give comparable guarantees in terms of organization and had not the capability to realize in a short time the necessary urban transformations. In a second and more shameful case, Naples (and adjoining parts of the Campania) have shown their persistent impotence to build a coordinated waste disposal system. This cycle requires effective disposal structures (from recycling waste, to dumping grounds and incinerators). But very little has been achieved, showing up above all a lack of political will in the city which is associated with infrastructural delays, weakness in public administration and an unwillingness to challenge the interests of criminal groups. More generally, there is found a chronic ineptitude to consider the city as a public good. Such failings were made only too clear to the eyes of the world in Naples’ waste disposal crisis stretching from the end of 2007 into the first half of 2008. The third factor is linked to the above considerations. Naples’ self-esteem has been historically low. Neapolitans have a strong consciousness of family and personal values but are reluctant to identify themselves with the public space – which tends to be seen rather as space for conquest than as space to safeguard and to defend (Arcidiacono et al., 2001). The effect on the city is pernicious: unauthorized building, filth, lack of respect for the law, violence and crime. The resulting situation can discouraging (Ghirelli, 2006).Naples’ growth seems to point more toward a decomposition of the urban structure than to an innovative and positive process. Despite some weak attempts at transformation, it is necessary to recognize the

flaws in the present situation – and not be seduced by images emanating from plans and the programs. Still, among all the implemented actions, some – the recent improvements to the urban mobility network (Comune di Napoli, 1996), the transformations of the Western area of Bagnoli, the re-launching of the Port and the Airport – are very positive. But they have for the most part progressed very slowly, being more or less directly restrained by behaviours resulting from the fragmentation of power, and from inability to build and maintain an administrative system comparable with successful examples found elsewhere in Italy. The hope is that coming opportunities (starting with the 2013 Culture Forum) can prove real turning points in the situation of the city (Vicari, 2001), even if the possibility of such positive change depends absolutely on strong and sustained efforts at administrative, cultural and entrepreneurial levels.

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