Selling the ‘Elixir of Life’: Images of the elderly in an Olivio advertising campaign

Journal of Aging Studies 21 (2007) 1 – 21 www.elsevier.com/locate/jaging

Selling the ‘Elixir of Life’: Images of the elderly in an Olivio advertising campaign Angie Williams, Virpi Ylänne ⁎, Paul Mark Wadleigh Centre for Language and Communication Research, Humanities Building, Colum Drive, Cardiff University, Cardiff, CF10 3EU, Wales, UK

Abstract This paper explores images of older people in advertising in a UK context. It is a case-study of a specific advertising campaign (Olivio/Bertolli margarine) which depicted older people as central characters over a seven year period. We examine what images of older people are employed, whether they are positive or negative and how they fit with current societal stereotypes of elders. Further, through a broadly semiotic and visual semantic perspective, we look at what messages about old age the visual and the textual elements of the advertisements transmit and how the messages evolve through the campaign. We identify four distinct phases of the campaign and show how older people appear in decreasingly traditional roles, being shown as increasingly adventurous individuals. The campaign seems to be breaking new ground for images of elders and is an example of how stereotypes identified in the ageing and communication literature are used for commercial effects. © 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. Keywords: Advertising; Images of older people; Age stereotyping

1. Introduction In most nations around the world (e.g., USA, Japan, Germany) the numbers of elderly people as a proportion of the population is increasing. Indeed, multigenerational families are more commonplace now than ever before. These facts have prompted academics, financiers, social policy makers and others to turn their attention to the issues that face an ageing population. The UK social scientific community has investigated the economic, social and psychological conditions of old age and intergenerational relations for some years now — at least since the mid-19th century, (e.g., see Connidis, 2001; Hareven, 1996; Nydegger, 1983). Issues concerned with communication and ageing are, of course, an important component of this general milieu (e.g., Coupland & Coupland, 1990; Coupland, Coupland, & Giles, 1991; Harwood & Giles, 1992; Nussbaum, Pecchioni, Robinson, & Thompson, 2000; Williams & Nussbaum, 2001). However, despite its vigour and the impetus provided by changing demographics, communication and ageing is a rather ‘minority’ interest in the social scientific community to date. The cogency of the present study derives, in part, from three points. One, we note that intergenerational interaction (i.e., between young adults in their 20 s and 30 s and older adults over 65) can be relatively rare outside family contexts ⁎ Corresponding author. Fax: +44 2920 874242. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A. Williams), [email protected] (V. Ylänne), [email protected] (P.M. Wadleigh). 0890-4065/$ - see front matter © 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.jaging.2006.09.001

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(Williams & Giles, 1996). Two, the popular media (i.e., television, newspapers and magazines) can serve as important resources for individuals to learn about the world in general, and cultural discourses within certain domains more specifically. Three, given the low frequency of real-world contact between younger and elderly people, the media loom as important, if ad hoc, sources of widespread intergenerational ‘contact’ (Williams & Nussbaum, 2001). Advertising in particular is one means of mediated intergenerational contact, and it is thought to play an important role in educating the general public about old age and ageing (Hollenshead & Ingersoll, 1982). Recently Kemper (2003) has compared advertising to anthropology and suggested that while anthropology writes culture, advertising produces culture. Indeed, as cultivation theory (Gerbner, Gross, Signiorelli, & Morgan, 1980) suggests, people may view media and internalise messages about how to be. In this case they are given messages about how to be an older person. Among other things, then, this taps into postmodern notions of the self as a project to be worked and fashioned from a variety of influences and experiences as we go through life (Giddens, 1991). Indeed, as Thompson (1995) argues ‘individuals increasingly draw on mediated experience to inform and refashion the project of the self… The growing availability of mediated experience thus creates new opportunities, new options, new arenas of self-experimentation’ (p. 233). One source of influence is advertisements and it is a particular set of advertisements featuring older people that are the focus of this paper. We have conducted an in-depth study of a series of advertisements of one product — Olivio margarine. We have focused on this product because the Olivio campaign provides a fairly long run of advertisements that feature elderly people. Before describing our study, we will set out the background by briefly reviewing relevant research on stereotypes and expectations about older people and research concerned with communication, media, and the elderly. Stereotypes and expectations about older people We have fairly strong expectations about behaviour and characteristics associated with age. Rather than seeing people as individuals with various idiosyncratic attributes, we tend to generalise about people in line with their particular social group memberships — be it gender, race/ethnicity or age (e.g. Tajfel, 1978). For example, adolescents are expected to experience a degree of ‘storm and stress’, middle-aged people to experience mid-life crises, older people to moan and groan (Williams & Garrett, 2002). Hence, it is fairly common for individuals to categorise themselves and others into groups, to identify ‘typical’ group attributes, and to generalise these attributes to the whole group, thereby creating and perpetuating a stereotype. In the realm of communication and ageing research, Hummert, Gartska, Ryan, and Bonnesen (2004) have shown that both older and younger adults have some well-defined stereotypes of both older and younger people (see also Hummert, 1990). They have identified four main predominantly negative (Despondent, Recluse, Shrew/Curmudgeon, Severely Impaired) and three main positive stereotypes (Perfect Grandparent, Golden Ager, John Wayne Conservative) of older people held by young, middle-aged and older persons. On the negative side, the Severely Impaired stereotype is associated with slow-thinking, incompetence and feebleness, the Despondent is depressed, sad and hopeless; the Shrew/Curmudgeon is complaining, ill-tempered and bitter, and the Recluse is quiet, timid and naïve. On the positive side, the Perfect Grandparent is kind, loving and family oriented, the Golden Ager is lively, adventurous and alert, and the John Wayne Conservative is patriotic, religious and nostalgic. Experimental studies conducted by Hummert and colleagues indicate that unfavourable evaluations of older targets follow activation of negative stereotypes and, conversely, positive stereotype activation stimulates positive evaluations (see Hummert, Garstka, Shaner, & Strahm, 1994; Hummert et al., 2004; Hummert, Shaner & Gartska, 1995). Despite the presence of some positive stereotypes, it might be fair to say, overall, that old age is viewed rather negatively in our society (Palmore, 1982). But this is ambivalent to a degree, as Palmore (1999) suggests that most people have mixed feelings about various aspects of old age and tend to rate old age positively on some dimensions and negatively on others. Common traits ascribed to older persons by younger persons include: nagging, irritable, cranky, weak, feeble-minded, verbose, cognitively deficient, asexual, useless, ugly, miserable, and unsatisfied with their lives (Kite & Johnson, 1988) but on the positive side older people are viewed as sociable, kindly, supportive and wise. In terms of their sexuality and romantic potential, older people are typically viewed with distaste (see Fieldler, 1986; Fournier, 2000). At best they are seen as asexual individuals who have finished with romance and sex. At worst, elderly sexuality and romantic activity is essentially taboo for mainstream culture, possessing an intrinsic unwatchability (Woodward, 1991).

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Such views of older people are not exclusive to the young, however. Elderly people themselves also report a similar array of notions regarding their age group (Noels, Giles, Cai, & Turay, 1999; Walker, 1999). Even those with typically positive outlooks on their age cohort and ageing in general are themselves prone to negative self-stereotyping when confronted with certain negative portrayals of old age (Levy, 1996; Levy, Ashman, & Dror, 1999). Perhaps the presence of these negative stereotypes of the elderly held by the elderly themselves can be explained as vestigial remnants of negative stereotypes they formed regarding old age in their own youth. If society in general views old age and the elderly in these mixed ways, including some positive but many negative views, we might expect this to be reflected in the media. It is therefore media research that we turn to next. The media, communication and ageing There is more research, to date, on communication, ageing, and the media in the United States than in the United Kingdom. In fact, such research in the UK, particularly portrayals of the elderly in UK advertising, is rather sparse1 (Ylänne-McEwen & Williams, 2003). Typical topics for examination in US research have included mass media use by the elderly, and portrayals of the elderly in magazines and on television (including advertising). There is a reasonably substantial (but rather outdated) body of evidence about how the elderly are portrayed on US prime-time television, especially within entertainment (e.g., sit-coms), documentaries (see Robinson & Skill, 1995 for a review), as well as in print media (e.g., Miller, Miller, Mckibbin, & Pettys, 1999; Roberts & Zhou, 1997). Generally speaking, what research there is from both the USA and UK suggests that elders were found to be underrepresented in the media relative to their respective proportion of the population (e.g., see Robinson, 1998). When elderly people were represented, especially prior to the mid-1980s, negative images and stereotypes were common. In television entertainment, for example, frail, feeble minded, senile, or bitter characters were often deployed as dramatic victims or comedic counterpoints (Barrick, Hutchinson, & Deckers, 1990; Harwood & Giles, 1992). Robinson's (1998) study of portrayals of age in US print and electronic advertisements found that products targeting elderly consumers were predominantly health-related with portrayals as ‘active/healthy, ‘happy/content’ or (negative health) ‘lonely and sad’. Elders were featured alone or in relational roles as husband/wife or as grandparent. When a younger audience was targeted, elders were presented in minor roles or in the background and as undesirable. Often elders for this audience were portrayed as ‘sick and feeble’. Apart from endorsing previous findings regarding the under-representation of elders, Robinson concludes that images of elders in the materials he studied were very limited. The pattern of under-representation and negative portrayal previously found in the media, especially in television entertainment, appears to be broken, as it were, when attention is directed towards some modern magazines, and towards advertising. A study of portrayals of older people in TV advertisements (Roy & Harwood, 1997) found that while elders were generally under-represented (and women and minority ethnic elders even more so) they were much more likely to be represented in terms of positivity. Most encouraging, perhaps, was the finding that the older characters were depicted as information providers more frequently than as information receivers, and they often appeared as strong, active, happy and lucid. Lastly, given the roles as targets of ridicule, low-brow comedy, and buffoonery often associated with elderly media portrayals (Barrick et al., 1990; Harwood & Giles, 1992), it is somewhat heartening to see that over half of the elders depicted in these advertisements had ‘serious’ roles. Harwood and Roy (1999) also analysed print advertisements, coding ads from five top-selling magazines from the US, and five comparable titles from India. Findings were similar to their earlier television ad analysis, in that the elders' portrayals in the magazines were virtually all positive. The elders in both countries were shown to have similarly high levels of role prominence and positive gloss. A few differences were observed that could be attributed to the cultures, such as the US models were more often smiling, and the Indian models were placed more often in outdoor and business settings. Print media can be a little more positive towards old age than television. A few magazines in the UK (e.g., Yours, (Retirement) Choice and Saga) have proclaimed their mission to be one of counter-influencing negative stereotypes of old age. They present editorial and advertising content that fosters a positive self-image and a healthier, more dynamic

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Note that a few researchers in the UK have examined visual representations and photographic images of the elderly as far back as the 1800s (see Blaikie, 1995).

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and overall positive lifestyle for older persons (Bytheway, 2003; Bytheway & Johnson, 1998; Featherstone & Hepworth, 1995). Featherstone and Hepworth's (1995) longitudinal (1972–1993) case study of the (Retirement) Choice magazine suggests that it is an example of what may be the modern anti-ageist idea of newly defined ‘proper’ ageing. This is predominated by images of relatively glamorous, youthful, fit and healthy middle-aged and older people. However, as Featherstone and Hepworth (1995) point out, the new lifestyle touted in (Retirement) Choice and other publications for this age group is not without problems. Among these is the stress placed on a consumerism that might be out of financial reach for many elderly people, and a failure to confront the very real problems of chronic debilitating illness and the need for people to come to terms with the end of life. Focusing on advertising It is easy to understand why the advertising context fosters positive portrayals of elderly people. First, we have magazines aimed at older consumers and some of these have an explicit anti-ageist stance (see also Carrigan & Szmigin, 1999; Roberts & Zhou, 1997). Second, advertising practitioners have to be careful to produce images that do not deter consumers, but evoke motivating feelings within them. It is plausible to assume that, generally, more positive and thus more attractive (and attract-ing) images, and the subsequent consumer reactions based upon those, would tend to be the more sought after ideal for advertisers (the specialised case of advertising based on ‘fear appeals’ and age-contrastive strategies notwithstanding). Thus, the general pressure is to present a more positive side of ageing and older adults. There are features unique to advertising, whether in magazines, television, or newspapers, that set it apart from the other media genres, such as entertainment and news. For example, in an effort to attract viewers' or readers' attention, advertisements must first engage the audience. Advertisers often approach this in multiple ways simultaneously, employing some mix, for example, of expectation violation, shock, and challenge (Stuteville & Roberts, 1975). Thus, advertisers are often innovative, portraying people and situations in novel ways (Arlen, 1980). An important feature with respect to the learning effect is that advertisements are repetitive, producing a high frequency of exposure, the first of four requisites in Bandura's (1977) social learning model. Further, due to the demands of the competitive marketplace, we would expect advertisements to be attuned to social changes, and to respond quickly to contemporary issues and current trends (Schudson, 1993). This is partly, perhaps, because they often have a higher turn-over and shorter shelf-life than TV shows (e.g., serials and sit-coms). They also, by definition, need to target and engage the attention of likely customers, that is, the target audience, not merely random audience members (Robinson, 1998), and they need to pack a commanding message into a relatively small amount of time or space (Brierley, 1995). Finally, the identifying and attracting elements regarding a specific group such as older people in advertisements need to be carefully designed to correspond with current shared societal understandings of the nature of that group (Brierley, 1995). For all these reasons, advertisements are an important location for the study of contemporary and changing images of social groups such as elders. An important distinction to make is between advertising targeted to older people and advertising that features images of older people. Here we are concerned with the use of images of older people, and the evocation – the form and function – of stereotypes of the elderly used in the Olivio margarine advertising campaign. The intended targets of the Olivio margarine advertisements were adult readers of all ages (Holmes, McDonald, & Firth, 2002), including, of course, but not restricted to, older readers. The appeal of the Olivio advertisements for this study drew from several factors. Explicit images of elderly people were used in all campaign materials and a campaign featuring elders as primary ‘actors’ was somewhat unusual. Not only this but the relatively long duration of the campaign, approximately 1996 to 2003, produced a variety of different images and allowed for analysis in terms of the evolution or development of the images. A consideration of current stereotypes of elders and the possible social impact of the images used in the advertising campaign is therefore one of the features of our analysis2. 2 As an additional interest, the same campaign was used in four countries: the UK, Belgium, Germany and Holland. The text was translated into the local languages but otherwise identical images and text were used (Holmes et al., 2002). Data from Unilever indicates that the campaign was relevant across these cultures and that responses to particular images were not just local. Unilever's own data tracked (younger and older) consumer response over the seven years, and in each of the four countries. We can draw on this data to make inferences about the ‘real world’ responses to the range of images used in the campaign.

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2. Research questions Our analysis of the Olivio campaign in the UK print media was based on the following research questions: 1. What images of older people do the Olivio advertisements employ/invoke? What aspects of old age are foregrounded in the images and text in the advertisements? 2. Are these images positive or negative or a mixture of both and how do the images fit within current understandings of stereotypes of elderly people? 3. If negativity is used how is it managed? 4. Apart from the goal of selling a product, what message about old age do the images and text together transmit to readers/viewers of the ads? 3. Method The sample A sample of print media advertisements promoting Olivio margarine that featured older people was collected by the researchers from a variety of available publications. These publications were the researchers' own as well as those provided by students enrolled on Communication courses who were asked to collect advertisements featuring older people for research. Typical magazines where ads were found were Women's Own, BBC Good Food Magazine, Good Housekeeping3 . This resulted in a total of 11 ads in the sample. While this sampling process is not strictly random – it is a convenience sample – we have no reason to suspect that it resulted in any bias. Moreover, subsequent contact with Unilever and the advertising agency that fronted the campaign confirmed that we had collected a good representation of the entire campaign (details about the campaign itself can be found below). The campaign ran from 1996 to 2003, there were a total of 16 ads, 11 of which were included in our sample. Two of the ads that were not in our sample did not feature any people and would have therefore been excluded anyway. Three others could have been included but were not picked up in our sample. However, these three excluded ads were judged as very similar in tone and style to those that were in our sample. Overall, we feel that our sample is a good representation of the campaign. Analysis Our analysis of the print media advertisements takes a broadly social semiotic (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 1996) and visual semantic (Barnhurst, Vari, & Rodriguez, 2004) position (see also Garrett, Coupland, & Bishop, 2005) whereby we focus on text and pictures to interpret trends in the use of images of older people, and how the content and meaning of the images change over time. These images were selected by advertisers. That is, the images, as social constructions, are not the result of processes outside the common culture to which the advertisers, as ordinary people, the analysts for this study, and readers belong. We assume, therefore, that the advertisements provide viewers/readers of the ads with up-to-date discursive representations of elders. As Kress and Van Leeuwen (1999: 379) point out, ‘readers will at least recognise these communicative intentions [of the advertising image creators] and these values for what they are, even if they do not ultimately accept them as their own values and beliefs’. In semiotic terms, then, we are assuming that we can reasonably dismiss Hall's (1973) concerns over whether readers will derive the expected ‘preferred reading’ or form their own, unexpected, ‘oppositional’ reaction (see also Garrett et al., 2005). Our analysis focuses on the text and images used in the ads — photographs and captions, based on the premise of discourse analytical research that a text will conventionally contain within it the cues and resources needed for interpretation (Garrett et al., 2005). Regardless of whether producers and readers of these texts are consciously aware of it, media texts such as these are produced in the context of social institutions of various descriptions, and communicate attitudes and meanings about aspects of social life and towards the people who participate in them. It is these attitudes and meanings that we seek to uncover. 3

Unilever were unable to specify exactly where the ads had appeared.

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Returning to the notion of oppositional readings mentioned above, it seems unlikely that a media outlet (especially advertising) will consistently produce texts that their readership will respond to oppositionally. Media texts can therefore reasonably be seen as a resource for interpretations in themselves. Readers interact with them through their own sociocognitive resources (or ‘members' resources’, Fairclough (2001: 9)). As Garrett et al. (2005: 536–537) point out, ‘these include knowledge of language and communication, representations of their natural and social worlds, values, beliefs, assumptions’. Olivio as text: The Advertising Campaign as setting for the research This next section is not part of our analysis but is included in order to provide a context for our research. Unilever, a multinational foods company, developed an olive oil-based margarine in the UK, launched in 1995, with the brand name Olivio4. Initially, when launching the Olivio brand in the UK, Unilever positioned their olive oil margarine as a ‘healthy food’. Their launch campaign in 1995 presented a rational appeal to consumers, arguing that eating it will contribute to a healthier lifestyle (Holmes et al., 2002; advertising agency representative, personal communication5, 2004). One presumes that longevity is a natural outcome of a healthy lifestyle, and in fact Olivio advertisements touted exactly that: eat this margarine, and live longer; presumably like the elderly characters who were featured in these ads. Unilever's own research indicated that consumer response to these messages was disappointing (Holmes et al., 2002; Olivio Brand Manager at Unilever, personal communication6, 2005). Merely rationally promising a longer life evidently did not emotionally engage consumers (Holmes et al., 2002). Unilever then decided to re-launch Olivio in the UK in 1996 with a new appeal, the ‘Mediterranean Lifestyle’, replete with sunshine, a more relaxed view to life, and ‘cheeky’, fun-loving elders consuming lots and lots of olive oil and, evidently, olive oil-based margarine. ‘Rather than selling the generic of long life, Olivio created a whole brand world based on the Mediterranean idyll of enjoying a longer, fuller life’ [emphasis added] (Holmes et al., 2002). This ‘full life’ element seemed to be the key to success in the UK. It also had a similar effect in the Northern European countries as well. Statistical analysis of sales data before and after the introduction of the elderly theme in each market demonstrate a strong correlation between the theme and increased sales performance (Holmes et al., 2002). Overall, it was claimed that the elderly themed advertisements were solely responsible for an increase in sales of approximately 150%. Further, and of particular interest to those concerned with communication and ageing, data show that responses of younger consumers (under 35 years of age) were stronger than responses from older consumers. That Unilever and their advertising agency used older people as the ‘stars’ of their advertisements does not appear to be a direct or intentional effort to comment upon elderly people (according to the Brand Manager, personal communication, 2005). But the persuasive and evocative needs of the campaign were squarely and appropriately met by the elderly depictions used. With this in mind we turn to our analysis of the print media advertisements themselves. 4. Results and discussion We have divided the advertisements into four groups that represent four distinct phases which we see connected to the text and images used in the campaign through the years. We note that it is not clear if these divisions would be shared by the advertisers. That being said, we find our divisions, as the four phases, derived from the data, to be a useful rubric for analysis. We direct the reader's attention, particularly, to the way the text and images used in the campaign evolve and change through these phases.

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Unilever had a popular brand of olive oil in Europe called Bertolli, so when they expanded distribution of the margarine to the European continent, they capitalized on that well established brand name and renamed the margarine Bertolli. Both brand names have been used in their advertisements in the UK, at times interchangeably, and sometimes even together, as can be seen in Figs. 10 and 11. To clarify discussion, however, only the Olivio brand name shall be used throughout this paper, representing both brand names of the margarine product featured throughout the campaign. 5 These communications were semi-structured telephone interviews in which details were gathered about the reasoning behind the campaign and the display and distribution of the advertisements. 6 Please see Footnote 5.

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Fig. 1.

Phase one 1996–1997 Phase one of the campaign features a range of advertisements that set up the ideas and images that follow through in later phases (see Figs 1–3). As to the general features of the ads – background, colouring and so forth – in this phase, the text is more elaborated and detailed than in later phases. The font is traditional with decorations of vines (olives) being combined with the letters around it, bringing to mind old-fashioned Italian olive oil canisters from the early part of the 1900s. The background colour of the ads is creamy yellow, echoing the colour of the margarine pack. In terms of the text, one interesting feature of this phase is the considerable effort made to educate readers about the benefits of the Mediterranean Lifestyle. The emphasis is on sunshine, and the benefits of a diet rich in fish and fresh vegetables, but particularly one that features olive oil. The theme involving older people is one of longevity — living a long and healthy life is associated with the Mediterranean Lifestyle and diet. This campaign invokes the popular view

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Fig. 2.

garnered from emergent research at the time that such a diet and even a small glass of red wine each day lead to good health. Each ad features lengthy text that explains and reinforces these ideas. The text from Fig. 1 is an example of this: ‘In the Mediterranean people realise that exercise isn't the only way to prolong your life expectancy. Diet is just as important. Plenty of fish, fresh vegetables and, of course, olive oil. In Italy, the benefits of olive oil are acknowledged by doctors and it has virtually taken on the mantel of the elixir of life. Olivio spread is a delicious way to incorporate the oil from age-old olive groves into your daily diet. Simply use it to take the place of saturated fats like butter (which can actually increase your blood cholesterol levels) and immediately you'll be reducing your saturated fat intake. Of course a Mediterranean diet alone won't give you the health and figure of a supermodel. But it may add a few years to your life.’ Each advertisement in phase one features a version of this text and we see this as educating those consumers who bother to read it. For one reason or another, the lengthy text was dropped from the second phase of advertising, possibly reflecting general trends in advertising to give more prominence to visual imagery, but also as a recognition that these ‘facts’ were already known to readers by the next stage of the campaign.

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Fig. 3.

Regarding the interplay between text and images, the text in each ad is modified to accommodate the images shown alongside it. In Fig. 1 there is no mention of a ‘glass of wine’ — possibly because of gendered age stereotypes: consumers might be alarmed by the image of a ‘boozy old granny’! But both Figs. 2 and 3 mention a glass of wine: ‘a glass or two of red wine’ (Fig. 2), and ‘a glass or two of vino’ (Fig. 3). We assume that wine is mentioned here because the ads feature males as well as females. Other features of the text are notable, too. Figs. 1, 2 and 3 all mention the endorsement of this diet by ‘doctors’. In Fig. 1 we find ‘the benefits of Olive oil are acknowledged by doctors.’ Fig. 2 states ‘After all, doctors have linked longevity with a diet low in saturated fat. It's just one of the reasons why people in the Mediterranean live longer than we do’ (note the comparison with ‘us’ — the readers). The text in Fig. 3 highlights this aspect as it begins with ‘DOCTORS have identified a low saturated fat diet as one of the reasons people in the Mediterranean have such a long life expectancy’. In this way, then, the seemingly logical arguments put to consumers are given credibility by being linked to an expert source. However, recall from above that Olivio's own follow-up research indicates that logical argumentation and persuasive appeal was not the key to sales success. As we indicated above, consumers may not have bothered to read much of the text that featured in these ads.

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The text is also modified to fit the characters and message of each ad. For example, in Fig. 1 we have reference to the figure and shape of the older woman. As sub-text to the headline that refers to a ‘workout video’, the small print reads ‘Of course a Mediterranean diet alone won't give you the health and figure of a supermodel. But it may add a few years to your life.’ (Note, too, that the viewer is addressed directly here by the use of the second person pronoun). In this way the woman in the picture is implicitly compared to a supermodel and perhaps there is a little ‘fun poking’ here. This is also reflected in Fig. 2 that features a football team. The text begins ‘SEVENTY EIGHT. That's the average age of this village football team. A figure which team captain, Mario, is very keen to point out. He only wishes their goal scoring could be as high. But there is plenty of time for improvement’. Again there is humour here – the older men in the photograph are all proudly posturing and many are quite serious – but from the text and the headline ‘It's not fame, glamour and money that keeps them going…’ they are obviously not to be taken too seriously as athletes on the world stage. Mario is a prominent feature of Fig. 2. Inserted into the standard text after ‘age-old olive groves’ is ‘(even older

Fig. 4.

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than Mario's grandfather)’. In this way ‘age-old’ olive groves mirror the age-old images. After the text that addresses the reader ‘ …immediately you'll be reducing your saturated fat intake…’ it reads ‘Which means that you could be as active as Mario and his team mates at the ripe old age of seventy eight, whatever your goals in life’. The use of age-salient ‘ripe’ here may reinforce images of summer, sunshine and fruit — the lemons, tomatoes and particularly the olives featured in these ads. Notable in this text Mario and his team-mates are not just living longer, but are ‘active’ — whereas long life and not necessarily activity are features of the other two ads from this phase. Fig. 3 takes a more serious tone. It features a five-generation family. The headline reads: ‘They also hand down the secret of long life’. The use of ‘secret’ and ‘elixir’ evokes an image of secret potion — reminding one, possibly, of movies, folklore and fairy tales. The photograph features five males – (a boy) the son, his father, his grandfather, his great-grandfather and his great-great-grandfather. One woman appears – we can assume that she is the great-greatgrandmother. Each male has a speech box that echoes a specific intergenerational discourse: ‘one day my son all this will be yours’ (presumably referring to the shop featured at the back of the shot), except the son who says ‘thanks’. The focus is therefore on men, families, and traditional lines of inheritance. The text reads ‘A diet that has led the men of Crete (where olive oil is actually drunk before a meal) to live longer than men in the rest of Europe and North America. …’, and further on we have ‘you'll be reducing your saturated fat intake. A fact your children, your children's children, and their

Fig. 5.

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children will be glad to know. Who knows, you may even be around to tell them yourself’. Again the viewer is directly addressed. As regards images of older people in the ads in phase one, they are clearly of Mediterranean origin and characterised rather traditionally — a homey grandmother (Fig. 1), the local football team (Fig. 2) and a family of shopkeepers (Fig. 3). The age-salient features that are foregrounded in this phase evoke stereotypically positive images which seem to belong to (at least from a British perspective) an earlier era of close-knit family ties and extended families. Albeit in a different cultural setting, there are images here that fit the Perfect Grandparent and traditional views of extended families who work together and pass property down the male line. In Fig. 1 an ample and homey smiling woman sits in the sunshine preparing vegetables. A family is probably nearby to eat the food that this grandmother is preparing. To suggest this, we can see the wheel of a bicycle in the bottom right hand corner of the picture. This woman is perhaps a little out of touch because ‘she has never heard of a Jane Fonda video’. In spite of this she has the advantage— ‘but she'll probably live longer than you’. Here the reader is addressed directly and told that while they may be sweating at the gym, this traditional ‘old girl’ is going to live longer because of her diet. This image arguably suggests aspects of the ‘perfect grandparent’ stereotype — a kindly and cuddly older woman prepares good food for her family. She is a little out of shape physically, and apparently out of touch with modern life, but that doesn't matter because she has helpings of common sense and age old wisdom on her side. This might be comforting and appealing to most of us, knowing that even as our ‘non-super-model’ and ordinary selves, we could have access to longevity and good health.

Fig. 6.

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The sunshine lifestyle (a lifestyle that British people envy, and for the most part enjoy only while on holiday) is invoked by a number of features in these images. In Fig. 1 we see ‘natural abundance’, depicted as appealing vegetables – tomatoes (as big as a fist), onions, lemons and avocados – some of these could not be typically grown in the UK. In Fig. 2 we do not see a flat and carefully mowed football pitch but the undulating lines and trees of an olive grove. Fig. 3 features a typical Italian style shop (although the text refers to Crete). In the background we can see stock of olives, tomatoes, bananas, wine and lemons. The shop is called ‘GAMBERINI’ — here then readers might be reminded of their holidays in Italy and Greece or even their favourite local delicatessen. Phase two 1998–1999 In phase two (Figs. 4–6), there is a shift away from the idyll of traditional images. Phase two is also where some degree of emotional involvement for readers begins to be felt. Whereas in phase one the elders were a positive version of what we might expect, the elders here are questioning our expectations in various ways. This is ‘gently’

Fig. 7.

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done — the boundaries are being probed rather than torn down. Presumably the advertisers are aware that they must keep consumers ‘on-side’ and so images are only slightly provocative, and not outright shocking. Violations of expectation (Harwood & Giles, 1992) can capture attention and provide very positive role models for consumers. Thus, these people are active, capable, and tough. Strength, enjoyment and stamina are emphasised here rather than longevity per se. In terms of the general appearance of the ads in this phase, all of the illustrated ads have buildings as their backdrop but these are not the cold concrete and steel of Northern European or North American cities, these are colourful villas. Colours are vivid and warm- orange, blue, gold, cream and ochre are featured and in Fig. 6 a blue sky can be seen in the background. All of the images are placed in the top third of the page with the headline directly underneath. The text is simplified and not as elaborate as it was in phase one — the ‘traditional’ style font is modified slightly with the loss of the vine and leaves embellishments. There is still plenty of small print here and the argument about the healthy diet is also still a feature in this phase, as is the cream background behind the text in the bottom two thirds of the page. Fig. 6 features a shuttered building in a colour washed village bathed in sunshine.

Fig. 8.

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As regards the interplay between the text and the images, Fig. 4 features an elderly man who has entered a bicycle race, a connotation achieved through his entry number and sponsor endorsements on his shirt. The headline reads ‘He's never won a race in his life. It's early days though’. His portly stature suggests that his cycling efforts should not be taken too seriously, but he is unsmiling and the by-line ‘It's early days though’ could be taken to suggest that his winning is at least plausible (even if unlikely). More likely this is for humorous effect, but not at the expense of the featured elder. The text begins ‘You could be forgiven for thinking his racing days were over.’ This can be taken as a reference to the assumptions that we make (and understand people to make) about growing old, assumptions that are being questioned here. Further down in the text we read ‘…reducing your fat intake. Just what you and your family need to help them get a bit of extra mileage out of life.’ ‘Mileage’ plays on the general topical theme of the ad and refers to longevity but also possibly to activity. Fig. 5 invokes notions of the Mafia (and movie stereotypes) with an older man seated at a table with a glass and carafe of wine. The heading states, ‘He may be 73, but you wouldn't want to spill his Chianti’. In the smaller print we are told that this is Sicily where ‘life is hard’… ‘so the people have to be too’. ‘Even at this ripe old age he's still as tough as old boots.’ Again the ‘actor’ is unsmiling and it is implied that he is strong and tough — a person who would take no

Fig. 9.

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nonsense. Further down, ‘in combination with a healthy diet, has got to be a good way to keep you and your family fighting fit, no matter what age they are’, ‘fighting’ is used to reflect the topical theme of the older ‘tough guy’. Apart from the wine, we see a platter of Mediterranean style meats, a basket of bread and a fresh salad on a table — this is a meal that is eaten outdoors in the sunshine. Again, then, the Mediterranean Lifestyle and diet are invoked. Apart from trading on popular and positive images of older, active, tough guys, all of these ads challenge expectations and even taboos — albeit in a rather gentle way. The text often sets up a stereotypical assertion which is then followed by a contradictory statement as a challenge to the assertion, for example, ‘He's never won a race in his life; it's early days though’. In Fig. 6, there are no people visible in the picture, but the ‘seventy year old couple’, we are told, are ‘demonstrating the benefits of a Mediterranean diet’. Without the text, we might assume that they are taking a mid-afternoon nap but clearly not: ‘there's not much call for aphrodisiacs.’ Further down the theme is re-employed by implicit – rather coy – reference to sex in ‘which has got to be good for your family's health, not to mention the … ahem… active part you and your partner will take in later life.’ Here, then, while avoiding showing elders in any explicit romantic or sexual way the ‘unmentionable’ is mentioned in an oblique reference to sex. By approaching the issue of elder sex, this ad does not completely conform to the ‘cosmetic’, or ‘sugar-coated’ positivity of traditional elder stereotypes (e.g. Golden Ager, Perfect Grandparent). Phase three 2001–2002 This set of advertisements (Figs. 7–9) is much more playful than the previous phases. Here, images of typical elders in a traditional extended family setting are no longer used. Unlike in phase two, we are not presented with assumptions that are questioned. Instead, we are presented with elders who are enjoying life but who might not be if it was not for the oil. Oil is featured here as a pun. In Fig. 7, Roberto has oil (plenty of it) on his hair so the reference to oil is ambiguous. In Fig. 8, Maria believes in massage and the oil here could be massage oil and in Fig. 9, Rosanna's oil could be engine oil and it could indeed be the car that is being referred to here in the headline — but of course we know that it isn't. So we have a play with words as well as images. Here we have elders who are individualised — Roberto, Maria, Rosanna. The names evoke the Mediterranean theme and perhaps remind readers/viewers of the previous phases of the campaign and the health and diet information that can now be taken for granted. The naming further emphasises the individuation process of the depicted characters that had begun, ever so slightly and implicitly, in phase one, and had intensified and become more explicit in phase two. We shall examine below how this process intensifies even further in phase four. This individuation is significant, of course, to the success of the advertising campaign as a commercial enterprise, but more importantly for our discussion: generally negative views of elderly people can disappear when a younger person is asked to consider a particular older person, that is, an older person with an identifiable profile and individual characteristics. In this case, positive perceptions and trait ascriptions may actually be the result (Hummert et al., 1995). In each of these ads, the focus is on olive oil, and the connotation to readers is that youthfulness of the characters can be attributed directly to olive oil. There is therefore less text in these ads. The elders are not traditional, they are ‘youthful’. For example in Fig. 8, Maria is definitely not the kind of person we think of when we think ‘Mediterranean elder’, she is more like a new age hippie than an Italian Grandmother! Her pose defies the rigours of elderly arthritic joints. Rosanna (Fig. 9) is driving a sports car (admittedly a classic), her speed is indicated by her scarf flying out behind. She smiles at us mischievously as she ‘goes like the clappers’ (meaning ‘like clockwork’). The only one of these three who could perhaps be closer to a stereotype is Roberto (Fig. 7) with his suave ‘youthful’ looks, but even here the focus is on Roberto's potential prowess with the ladies rather than his role as some sort of typical familial Mediterranean elder. Roberto seems to be smiling with us at the irony of the message — most would agree that he does not sport traditional good or even perhaps ‘youthful’ looks but he is not grey. The phrase ’his youthful looks’ is presented as tongue in cheek and he laughs with us. Viewers of these ads may therefore be encouraged to consider possibilities for old age that go beyond the general traditional stereotypes — even the positive ones of Golden Ager or Perfect Grandparent. Phase four 2003 Phase four (Figs. 10, 11) sees a new style of advertising. Here the focus is on the name change of the product (Bertolli — the new name for Olivio). There is very little text in these ads. Presumably there is no need for the text since

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Fig. 10.

consumers are well aware of the product and the benefits that advertisers wish to be associated with it (and this points to the success of the previous phases of the campaign). In these ads the elders are even more playful, and notions of romance and sexual attraction are used and even foregrounded. The setting is implicitly Mediterranean — the models have the appropriate ‘look’, as does the background scenery. The elderly man featured in the campaign is set up as attractive to (older?) women and focusing on the name change, the advertisers label his photograph ‘Babe Magnet: The new name for Handsome Fellow’ (Fig. 10). This is echoed by the text beneath which reads ‘Bertolli the new name for Olivio’. Again in Fig. 11 we have the same older man featured this time with an older woman with the caption ‘Arm Candy: the new name for Girlfriend’. So not only are elders being set in a romantic or sexually attractive mode, but also the text uses very modern slang terms for girlfriend, boyfriend and so forth. Usually such terms would be applied to much younger people and it is interesting and, we argue, culturally significant that in these ads older people are associated and linked with change and new vocabulary. Featuring elders in this way could be seen as a fairly risky strategy given that elder sexuality is ‘unwatchable’ (Woodward, 1991, as discussed above). Here it is portrayed as gentle, sweet, playful, and harmless. This style of advert may appeal to middle-aged consumers who do not want to feel that their impending old age will bring a decline in attractiveness and sexuality. This may apply particularly to the baby boomer generation, many of whom will approach

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Fig. 11.

old age with ‘single person’ status. We would suggest that these ads nudge the boundaries of age stereotypes, and at the same time tap into consumer desire for a certain lifestyle and potential for positive ageing. This approach may allay middle-aged (and younger) readers' fears of old age, fears hitherto stoked daily by widespread and pernicious negative stereotyping. We suggest that together these have considerable potential for reflecting postmodern versions of old age and changing social stereotypes of ageing. Summary and review of research questions In answer to the first research question – what images of older people do the Olivio advertisements employ/ invoke? – we would suggest that traditional stereotyped images of the earlier phases of the campaign gave way to more adventurous images that featured healthy, fit, active, modern and even sexual older people. So a continuum can be recognised from traditional and family-centred elders to modern and individual elders. Research question two sought to determine whether or not the images were predominantly negative or positive or a mixture, and whether and how the images fit within current understandings of stereotypes of elderly people. In answer to this we would suggest that the images are predominantly positive. Earlier phases featured traditional images of elders who could be classified in Hummert's (1994 etc.) terms as Perfect Grandparents (the woman preparing food), or John

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Wayne Conservatives (the man with Chianti) or, in the case of those who were active and healthy (e.g., the footballers), Golden Agers. Later phases featured positive images but these images were modernised and elaborated for the 21st century context — at the very least all of these images would be classified as Golden Agers but their romantic potential and lifestyle activities were arguably more than we would expect for a stereotypical Golden Ager and much more inline with what we might expect from ageing baby-boomers. The third research question asked: ‘If negativity is used how is it managed?’ We can find reference to ‘negative’ aspects of ageing in the earlier phases of the campaign. For example, the older woman in Fig. 1 is out of touch and out of shape, the older men in the football team (Fig. 2) do not score as well as they could, the older cyclist (Fig. 4) is not in great physical shape and is rather portly. But all of these negative aspects are mediated in the text. In the case of the elderly woman who had never seen a Jane Fonda video — ‘she will live longer than you’! In the case of Mario and the football team, ‘there is plenty of time for improvement’. In the case of the cyclist who has never won a race, ‘it's early days’. Thus stereotypes are invoked (and by their invocation arguably reinforced) but mediated. In these cases the mediating factor is longevity, leavened with the elders' appealing gumption. Later phases do not use this strategy and overall the images themselves are more positive and upbeat. The final research question asked: Apart from the goal of selling a product, what message about old age do the images and text together transmit to readers/viewers of the ads? As mentioned above, the original message intended by advertisers was the link between longevity and diet. As the campaign progressed, this link was changed to longevity plus activity and stamina linked with diet. This was the intended message about old age. But, there are also ‘unintended’ messages contained within the ads. First of all the mere invocation of negative stereotypes can reinforce their veracity — so the early phases of the campaign as discussed above arguably did just this. In later phases of the campaign, however, a different message was being transmitted. This was one of choice. One could choose to remain active and healthy into old age and one could choose a variety of non-traditional activities and lifestyles such as driving fast cars (and if old cars, then classics), being attractive to the opposite sex and taking part in activities not usually associated with old people (e.g. yoga). Moreover, sexuality between older people was entirely possible and enjoyable, thus challenging the notions that older people are finished with romance and sexual activity. One point to make here is the contrast between the expensive new ‘elders as consumers’ lifestyle promoted by some old-age image makers (as commented on by Featherstone & Hepworth, 1995), and the ‘Mediterranean Lifestyle’ promoted by Olivio margarine. Both promise fun, happiness, longevity and better health. Both hint at warm relationships, great food, family, and overall good times. The one, however, requires substantial investment and deep pockets to sustain. The other, if the advertisements are to be believed, can be obtained for a few pence per week, that is, merely for the cost of a tub of the margarine. Overall, we want to argue that this advertising campaign breaks new ground for images of older people by providing role models for ageing well. It could, however, also be argued that these elders are hard to relate to, being seen as ‘others’ who live in relatively privileged climates, with unattainable lifestyles, and who do not have to confront the negative aspects of old age. Too, others might argue that the campaign reinforces the notion that older individuals should be responsible for their own well-being to the point that those who are unable to embrace the lifestyles promoted by these messages are ‘left behind’ as some sort of underclass of sick, unable and even irresponsible elders. Obviously, our analysis cannot determine how consumers view these images, nor can we be certain that all of the nuances that we discuss are consciously noticed by casual consumers of the ads. We plan to examine these issues in future audience research. In the meantime, we would like to think that people of all ages who view these ads are presented with the idea that older age has many varied possibilities above and beyond the rather tired and traditional stereotypes that we usually encounter. 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