Teachers' beliefs about developing language proficiency within the context of study abroad

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System 41 (2013) 134e148

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Teachers’ beliefs about developing language proficiency within the context of study abroad Linda Quinn Allen* Department of World Languages and Cultures, 3102 Pearson Hall, Iowa State University, Ames, IA 50011, USA Received 10 September 2012; revised 11 January 2013; accepted 16 January 2013 Available online 16 February 2013

Abstract The study described here is grounded in naturalistic inquiry, a research methodology that seeks to understand phenomena in context-specific settings. The goal of the study was to identify the beliefs about developing language proficiency of a group of North American French-as-a-foreign language teachers in the specific context of a three-week, NEH-sponsored institute that took place in Lyon, France, and to determine if their beliefs are compatible with the literature on foreign language teaching. The teachers kept diaries in which they recorded their experiences about increasing their proficiency in French. The final data set consisted of 273 pages of handwritten diary entries. Analysis of the data revealed five distinct beliefs and related corollaries about SLA. The number of diary entries that substantiated each belief ranged from 14 to 39, with between 42 percent and 63 percent of the teachers expressing each belief. As in all naturalistic inquiry, generalizing the results of this study to other contexts should not be made. The beliefs found are unique to the context of the three-week institute and to the particular group of teacher diarists. Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Teachers’ beliefs; Diary studies; Professional development; Immersion studies

1. Introduction Educational research that investigates teachers’ beliefs about teaching and learning suggests that there is a complex relationship between teachers’ beliefs and their classroom practices. It is generally accepted that teachers’ beliefs impact their curricular and instructional choices, as well as many other aspects involved in teaching.1 Similarly, teachers’ classroom practices and the resulting impact of their practices on students’ learning influence the teachers’ beliefs. The correspondence between beliefs and practices, however, is not always seamlessly aligned. Perceived or real constraints, conflicting beliefs, and student needs, along with other variables in the classroom, can prompt teachers to implement instruction that is not entirely compatible with their beliefs. Research on the beliefs of second and foreign language teachers began appearing in the mid-1990s and continues to gain momentum. Given the insights the field of foreign language education has gained from studies in second * Tel.: þ1 515 294 9014; fax: þ1 515 294 9914. E-mail address: [email protected]. 1 For further detailed discussions of teachers’ beliefs and their classroom practices, see Basturkmen (2012); Borg (1998, 2006), Calderhead (1996); Kagan (1992), Richardson (1996), and Yero (2002) among others. 0346-251X/$ - see front matter Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.system.2013.01.020

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language acquisition (SLA) and the contemporary emphasis on using the language in real-world contexts,2 it is important to understand what foreign language teachers believe about developing proficiency in another language. Teachers who hold beliefs that are inconsistent with current research-supported best practices may not provide the opportunities learners need to develop target language proficiency. The goal of this study was to identify the beliefs of a group of North American French-as-a-foreign language teachers about developing their own proficiency in French. The context of the study was a three-week summer institute that took place in Lyon, France, during which participants kept diaries documenting their own continuing language development.3 Taking teachers out of their habitual milieu and placing them in an environment where they must speak the language they teach may cause the teachers to re-examine their beliefs about developing language proficiency. They may question long-held beliefs about language learning that are inconsistent with research-based contemporary language teaching practices. 2. Literature review The present study contributes to the body of literature on teachers’ beliefs, immersion programs, and diary studies. Before addressing each of these areas in the review of the literature, the term beliefs, within the context of this study, is operationalized. 2.1. Defining the term beliefs In his seminal article on teachers’ beliefs and educational research, Pajares (1992) points out that if research on teachers’ beliefs is to inform educational practices, the concept of beliefs must be defined. Richardson (1996) contends that differentiating beliefs from knowledge is the most complex challenge facing researchers in this area. Rather than delineate a distinction between the concepts, however, Borg (1999) subsumes beliefs and knowledge, along with theories, assumptions, and attitudes, under the broad term cognitions. Woods (1996) and Woods and C ¸ akir (2011) also take an integrated view wherein beliefs, assumptions, and knowledge are perceived as points on a spectrum of meaning, and taken together, form the broader concept of BAK. Verloop et al. (2001) support unifying the terms because “in the mind of the teacher, components of knowledge, beliefs, concepts, and intuitions are inextricably intertwined” (p. 446). Informed by the researchers cited above, the definition of beliefs in the present study is broad and inclusive of beliefs, knowledge, and attitudes. Moreover, drawing on Kalaja (2003), beliefs are perceived to be dynamic and socially constructed as part of an individual’s meaning-making processes. Beliefs “are related to language. and should be investigated in [a teacher’s] ‘stretches of talk’ or ‘pieces of writing’ about aspects of [developing language proficiency]” (Kalaja, 2003, p. 196). 2.2. Research on L2 teachers’ beliefs There is a growing body of research on the investigation of foreign language/second language (L2) teachers’ beliefs about a wide variety of aspects of teaching and learning an L2. Studies have involved teachers at all educational levelse preservice, elementary, secondary, and tertiary (professors as well as teaching assistants). An extensive review of the literature revealed that 21 different areas of L2 teaching and learning and their relationship with the teachers’ beliefs have been investigated. Allen (2002), Bartz and Singer (1996) and Bruning et al. (1999) focused on the extent to which teachers’ beliefs were consistent with the vision, philosophy, content, and pedagogic implications of the Standards for Foreign Language Learning (Standards Project, 1999). Allen (2007) investigated a high school French teacher’s beliefs about the role of the textbook and whether or not those beliefs may impede the teacher’s integration of the innovations proposed by the Standards. Teachers’ beliefs on grammar and focus on form (Basturkmen et al., 2004; 2 See, for example, Doughty and Long (2008), Ellis (2012), and Ortega (2008) for studies in second language acquisition. See the ACTFL Performance Guidelines for K-12 Learners (1998), the Standards for Foreign Language Learning (Standards Project, 1999), and the ACTFL Integrated Performance Assessment (2003) for the most recent developments in foreign language teaching. 3 The institute was funded by a grant from the National Endowment of the Humanities (#ES 50145-07). The contents of the article are solely the responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the funding agency.

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Bell, 2005; Borg, 1998, 1999; Mitchell and Martin, 1997), grammar and error correction (Oskoz and Liskin-Gasparro, 2001; Schulz, 1996, 2001), and error correction, class participation and affect (Maloney-Berman, and Yang, 2004) have received considerable attention. Another area that has attracted the interest of researchers is communicative language teaching and teachers’ beliefs (Karavas-Doukas, 1996; Sato and Kleinsasser, 1999). Research has also been conducted on preservice teachers’ beliefs about the language of instruction (Bateman, 2008), and the impact of teachers’ beliefs on reading instruction (Graden, 1996), literacy instruction (Johnson, 1992) writing instruction (Scott and Rodgers, 1995), and teaching culture (Ryan, 1998). Teachers’ beliefs about effective teaching behaviors (Bell, 2005) and theories of learning (Dahlman, 2004) have been the subject of investigation, as well as the impact of teachers’ beliefs on their decision making (Smith, 1996; Woods, 1991). Borg (2011) studied the impact of professional development on teachers’ beliefs. Sakui and Gaies (2003) explored the relationship between teachers’ beliefs and their self-identity. Several studies compared teachers’ beliefs about certain aspects of their work with the beliefs held by their students. Levine (2003), for example, studied teachers’ and students’ beliefs about anxiety associated with target language use and found that teachers believed their students to be more anxious than did the students themselves. Brown (2009) compared beliefs held by teachers and students about what constitutes effective teacher practices. Similarly Peacock (1998) and Siebert (2003) examined teachers’ and students’ beliefs about the usefulness of certain classroom activities. Chavez (2007) compared teachers’ beliefs about the degree of accuracy needed to obtain a grade of A with what students believed. Finally, the particular context in which the teaching and learning occurs may be an influential factor in the beliefs teachers hold. Burnett (1998) compared one teaching assistant’s beliefs about the language of instruction in a computer-equipped room with those held by the same teaching assistant in a regular classroom. Burns (1996) looked at institutional, classroom, and instructional context. Kleinsasser (1993) investigated the interactive relationship between a school’s social organization and the teachers’ beliefs, cognitions, and behaviors. Results of the studies cited above reaffirm that which has been reported elsewhere in the literature (e.g., Basturkmen, 2012; Borg, 2011; Calderhead, 1996; Kagan, 1992; Pajares, 1992; Richardson, 1996). This body of work has demonstrated that the beliefs about teaching and learning held by preservice and inservice teachers alike influence their professional development and their amenity to change. The research has also demonstrated that the relationship between beliefs and practices is complex, and a variety of factors may derail teachers’ ability and/or willingness to teach in ways that are consistent with their beliefs about teaching and learning. Because of the many uncertainties inherent in classroom teaching, teachers may plan practices that are consistent with their beliefs but find it necessary to deviate from their plans during actual instructional time. Teachers may hold competing beliefs which they find difficult to reconcile. They may subordinate their beliefs to students’ needs. Perceived or real constraints and opportunities may mediate the beliefs/practices connection. 2.3. Research on L2 teachers in immersion programs A limited number of studies examined the effects of immersion programs on experienced L2 teachers. After a three-week study abroad experience, the teachers in Allen (2010) self-reported improvement in their language skills and increased cultural knowledge. The data in Barfield (1994) included Oral Proficiency Interviews (OPI) at the beginning and at the end of the six-week program. Results of both pre- and post-program OPIs indicated the same range of proficiency, from Intermediate-Mid to Superior. Barfield concluded that six weeks was not long enough for the teacher participants to progress to a higher level of proficiency. The teachers in Thompson (2002) and those in Rissel (1995), however, demonstrated, through quantitative assessments, an improvement in listening, speaking, reading, and writing skills. Biron (1998) conducted a case study of a foreign language teacher who had participated in an interdisciplinary study abroad program. After returning to the classroom, the teacher became more adept at integrating the Standards for Foreign Language Learning (Standards Project, 1999) in her teaching. Biron attributed the change in teaching to the higher-order thinking processes in which the teacher engaged during the immersion program. Campbell (1996) examined her own language learning experiences during a two-month stay in Mexico. Based on diary entries, Campbell realized the importance of social interaction and prior language learning in learning a new

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language. In another diary study, Carson and Longhini (2002) documented Carson’s language learning styles and strategies used in learning Spanish during an eight-week Fulbright exchange in Argentina. The researchers found that Carson’s learning style remained relatively constant, although her strategies varied over time. Walker de Fe´lix and Cavazos Pen˜a (1992) used both quantitative and qualitative data to determine the impact of a four-week program in Mexico on sixteen bilingual heritage language teachers. Results of the Modern Language Association (MLA) reading and writing tests, which were administered both before and after the program, indicated a significant increase in the teachers’ writing skills. Results also showed a significant decrease in their reading skills, a finding for which the researchers had no explanation. Pre- and post-program data from an instrument used to measure attitudes indicated that the teachers had more positive opinions of Mexicans and a less-idealistic perception of North Americans after completing the program. 2.4. Research on L2 teachers and diary studies Campbell (1996), Carson and Longhini (2002), and Walker de Fe´lix and Cavazos Pen˜a (1992), cited above, are three of the very few studies on L2 teachers’ beliefs that utilized diaries as data. In another study, Hosenfeld (2003) kept a record of her experiences learning Spanish in a non-immersion setting. Sakui, a Japanese teacher of English, kept a journal in which she recounted her beliefs about writing and teaching writing (Sakui and Gaies, 2003). The study took place in Japan, and the beliefs emerged as Sakui taught a writing class in English that was part of students’ general education requirement. 2.4.1. Rationale for diaries in studies of beliefs Diaries provide a valuable source of data in naturalistic inquiry. They capture the “minutiae of day-to-day social interaction” (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995, p. 164) in a way that is not possible using other data collection methods. Diaries provide a rich source of information about the diarist’s behavior and experiences on a regular basis, minimizing memory decay and providing more accurate and less biased data that may occur from retrospection over long periods (Alaszewski, 2006; Bolger et al., 2003; Corti, 2003). Diaries are flexible, take a variety of forms, and are used in a range of research designs, either in combination with other sources of data-elicitation methods, such as observations, or as primary data (Alaszewski, 2006; Strauss and Corbin, 1990). The advantages cited above notwithstanding, diary studies can be problematic for researchers and diarists. Bailey (1991) mentions the challenges in reducing the data, defining categories, and establishing reliability in coding and interpretation. The possibility of prejudice and bias in selecting the diarists and in the many aspects of data analysis is also a concern (Brecht and Robinson, 1995). Bolger et al. (2003) call attention to the high level of commitment and dedication required of the study participants. Diarists may write what they think the researcher expects to hear rather than reveal their true thoughts and impressions, or they might write content that is not useful to the study. The quality of their writing may fluctuate from thick, rich description to sketchy reports (Bailey, 1991). To overcome these problems, the researcher should explain the purpose of keeping the diary and persuade the participants to faithfully record entries (Alaszewski, 2006). Corti (2003) recommends providing each diarist with the material needed for the diary and building guidance into the structure of each diary. 3. The study 3.1. Research questions the methodology of the study was guided by the following two questions 1. What do teachers whose goal is to increase their proficiency in French during a study abroad experience believe about developing language proficiency? 2. To what extent are their beliefs compatible with the current literature on foreign language teaching? 3.2. Methodological background The study is grounded in naturalistic inquiry (Tullis Owen, 2008), which recognizes that individuals construct their beliefs about what is true within a specific, natural context as they engage in interactions with others. The study is consistent with a contextual approach (Barcelos, 2003) in that beliefs are considered to be dynamic, socially

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constructed, and context-specific. The method of data collection is consonant with narrative research (Clandinin and Connelly, 2000) which maintains that individuals can uncover their beliefs about a given phenomenon through reflection upon their interpersonal experiences. 3.3. Participants Participation was solicited from a group of 30 secondary school teachers of French who had been selected to participate in a three-week summer institute held in Lyon, France.4 Prior to the institute, all teachers were sent an invitation to participate in the study. Nineteen teachers (17 female, 2 male), from nine states across the United States, agreed to participate. Their teaching experience ranged from 2 to 30 years, with a median of 14 years. The teachers signed a pledge to speak only French during their stay in France. They were housed with French families, attended classes led by native French speakers, and visited museums, restaurants, and other places of interest in Lyon. To facilitate interaction in French, they were required to research a cultural topic by interviewing Lyon residents. Thus, they had ample opportunities to speak and interact with native French speakers within a socially constituted context. 3.4. Data collection To encourage the teachers to write regularly, suggestions by Alaszewski (2006) and Corti (2003) were followed. On the first day of the institute, the researcher explained the purpose of the study and encouraged the teachers to describe their impressions about perfecting their proficiency in French. The researcher emphasized the importance of writing faithfully, reflectively, and descriptively. Following Corti, the researcher gave each diarist a notebook with instructions for keeping the diary posted on the inside cover. The choice of language used was left to individual discretion. Eleven teachers wrote in French; eight wrote primarily in English. At the end of the institute, the participants submitted their diaries. The 19 diaries yielded 273 handwritten pages of data, ranging from two to thirty pages per participant, with a median of 15 pages. The total number of diary entries was 195, with a range between one to nineteen entries per participant and a median of ten entries. 4. Data analysis In analyzing the diaries, the researcher followed procedures for content analysis as suggested by Berg (2009). Content analysis, “a careful, detailed, systematic examination and interpretation of a particular body of material in an effort to identify patterns, themes, biases, and meaning” (Berg, 2009, p. 338), is a widely accepted means of analyzing artifacts of human communication, such as diaries (Alaszewski, 2006; Berg, 2009). Both manifest and latent content analysis strategies were used. First, the researcher did an open coding, which involved reading each diary in its entirety and highlighting sentences that contained verbs or phrases that signal a belief (e.g., believe, convince, doubt, find, realize, seems, it is important). These highlighted sentences constitute “manifest content” (Berg, 2009, p. 344) because the actual words are present in the data. The researcher then reread the diaries and highlighted phrases that implied a belief about language proficiency, but did not include specific belief words, as in the manifest content. These inferred expressions of belief constitute “latent content” (Berg, 2009, p. 344). Upon completing the open coding, as suggested by Berg (2009), the researcher copied the exact wording of each highlighted expression, along with the name of the diarist and the entry date, onto separate 300  500 index cards, yielding a total of 154 cards. The cards made it possible to physically sort and resort the data into themes. Through iterative sortings, the researcher identified 14 themes, each representing a distinct belief about developing second language proficiency. Following Berg (2009), themes addressed by fewer than three teachers were eliminated. The final data set was made up of five beliefs with one corollary for each belief. 4 Selection of participants followed a rigorous process that included narratives written in English and in French, an audio tape of the applicant’s speech in French, and letters of recommendation. The teachers’ approximate level of French was determined by the reviewers from the audio tapes submitted. No official OPIs were administered due to the short duration of the program and Barfield (1994) conclusion that six weeks, the length of Barfield’s program, was not long enough for participants to make significant progress.

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5. Results The five beliefs and their corresponding corollaries, along with the number of teachers expressing the belief and the number of journal entries about the belief, are presented in Table 1. Each belief and corollary were expressed by between 42 percent and 63 percent of the teachers and were addressed in 14e39 diary entries. 5.1. Belief # 1: there are different levels of French and it’s okay not to understand all levels Twelve teachers wrote 39 diary entries expressing this belief. Levels of French were defined by the speakers’ manner, mode of delivery, vocabulary, and the number of interlocutors. Comprehension decreased as level of French increased. Two of Rhonda’s entries suggest an elevated manner of speaking French.5 “[He] spoke in such a distinguished manner, so gracious and so elegant” (July 13). In a subsequent entry, Rhonda mentioned “the almost ceremonial way in which people talk. so graceful” (July 16). Jennifer noted the vocabulary in a film and her comprehension problems. “The dialogue in the film was a sophisticated French, no slang, few modern expressions” (July 13). Jennifer, Kathy, and Jason wrote about problems understanding slang. Jason considered slang as not at the level of “true” language. J’ai un livre qui s’appelle «Street French» mais j’ai toujours du mal de comprendre les jeunes et tout l’argot qu’ils emploient. Ce n’est pas une priorite´ de les comprendre (puisque je ne conside`re l’argot d’eˆtre la vrai langue; bien que ce soit parle´ par les jeunes et pas mal d’adultes) mais c’est une sorte de langue a` part, un «phenome`ne» de quelque sorte. [I have a book that’s called Street French, but I still have problems understanding young people and all the slang they use. It’s not a priority to understand them (since I don’t consider slang as the real language; even though it is spoken by young people and no small number of adults) but it is a language apart, a phenomenon of some sort.] (July 16).6 Pam suggested that the tone of speech, serious or lighthearted, could affect her understanding. Another level of comprehension is to be able to tell, understand jokes or tease people as well as understand slang. This is obviously a higher level of comprehension. I understand when someone is being teased or me, but often need clarification of jokes and slang (July 11). Kathy and Rhonda recounted the relative ease with which they were able to understand conversation directed specifically toward them. When everyone was “kind and attentive” to her, Rhonda “had no problems with comprehension or communication” (July 12). Similarly, Kathy found it difficult to understand when many people were speaking at once and no one addressed her in particular. Et bon, j’ai remarque´ une autre chose e pendant le dıˆner, il y avait plusieurs conversations au meˆme temps e et c’e´tait vraiment difficile de suivre toutes les conversations! Mais pourquoi? Quand on nous a parle´ (a` l’autre e´tudiante et moi) ses paroles e´taient plus facile a` comprendre. En parlant parmi eux, on parlait vite, on employait l’argot, on ne finissait pas toutes les phrases e ou on a fini la phrase d’un autre, et les mots se trainaient a` des autres mots. [Well, I noted another thing e during dinner there were several conversations going on at the same time e and it was really difficult to follow all the conversations! But why? When someone talked to us (to the other student [teacher] and me) his words were easier to understand. When talking among themselves, they spoke quickly, they used slang, they didn’t finish all their sentences e or someone finished someone else’s sentences, and the words mixed in with other words.] (July 12). 5.1.1. Corollary # 1: external factors often impede comprehension Even though the teachers didn’t always understand the different levels of French, they were not overly critical of themselves. They reasoned that there are many external factors that inhibit total comprehension. One of the most 5

Pseudonyms were given to those teachers who did not grant me permission to use their real names. The excerpts are included exactly as they were written in the diaries. No attention was drawn to grammatical or orthographical mistakes, such as inserting [sic], and no corrections were made. 6

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140 Table 1 Results of data analysis. Beliefs

Corollaries

Number of teachers expressing the belief

Number of entries about the belief

# 1: There are different levels of French and it’s okay not to understand all levels. # 2: Becoming proficient in an L2 is a long process.

# 1: External factors can impede comprehension. # 2: There will be ups and downs, joys and frustrations on the path to proficiency. # 3: Within the immersion experience, you have to interact with native speakers. #4: Vocabulary is acquired in many different contexts. # 5: Staying in the L2 will eventually feel normal and the learner will even begin to think in the L2.

12 (63%)

39 (25%)

12 (63%)

30 (19%)

12 (63%)

27 (18%)

11 (58%)

30 (19%)

8 (42%)

14 (9%)

# 3: To make significant progress in L2 proficiency, you must immerse yourself in the language. #4: Developing proficiency in an L2 requires going beyond one’s personal set of vocabulary. # 5: When learning another language in an immersion setting, it is counterproductive to switch back and forth between French, the L2, and one’s native language, the L1.

frequently cited factors was fatigue, both physical and mental (Helen, July 9; Rhonda, July 17; Pam, July 15; Jennifer, July 17). Unfamiliarity with the topic, such as France’s educational system (Rhonda, July 10), the history of the GalloRoman civilization (Bob, July 10), and the political unrest of 19th century France (Jennifer, July 18), inhibited understanding. Other factors included an echo and too many other visitors in the museum (Bob, July 10), the person speaking too softly (Bob, July 17), an accent (Constance, July 19), the inability to hear as well as when she was younger (Constance, July 9), the heat (Rhonda, July 17), the quick rate of speech (Erin, July 9; Bob, July 10; Rhonda, July 10; Rita, July 12; Kathy, July 14), the time of day, and the speaker’s presentation style (Rhonda, July 17). 5.1.2. From the literature In expressing their beliefs about different levels of French and the problems with external factors, the teachers were concerned with comprehension of the language rather than production. The literature on L2 listening processes suggests that familiarity with the topic is an important variable influencing comprehension (Hammadou, 2000; Schmidt-Rinehart, 1994). Much of the language experienced by the teachers as being incomprehensible was on topics with which they had little background knowledge. Moreover, fatigue has been shown to affect language performance (Segalowitz, 2003). 5.2. Belief # 2: becoming proficient in an L2 is a long process The second belief, which arose from discourse in twelve teachers’ diaries, is exemplified in Malia’s reflection. Une reflexion que j’ai fait est que d’apprendre une langue prend vraiment du temps, beaucoup plus long que j’aurais eu pense´. Est-ce qu’on arrivera jamais a` une grande compe´tence de la langue? J’en doute maintenant mais je ne suis pas de´courage´e. [A thought I had is that learning a language takes time, much more than I would have thought. Does anyone ever arrive at having a great competence in the language? I doubt it now, but I am not discouraged.] (July 22). 5.2.1. Corollary # 2: there will be ups and downs, and joys and frustrations on the path to proficiency This corollary was evidenced in the teachers’ expression of their love of French and a palpable yearning to speak the language as well as a native. It is their passion for the language that causes the rise and fall of their emotions. An excerpt from Rhonda, a teacher with only three years’ experience, and one from Constance, a veteran teacher of 30 years, suggest a passion for the French language and a life-long quest to improve their proficiency.

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I want to be great at it [speaking French] myself. I want them [her students] to hear beautiful French when I speak and I want them to trust my mastery. In this respect I will never be satisfied for myself and I tend to assume that most French teachers are shining examples (Rhonda, July 9). J’adore e´couter les Franc¸ais parler leur langue. Notre guide dans le bus s’est exprime´ tellement bien que j’e´tais jalouse. [I adore hearing the French speak their language. Our guide on the bus expressed himself so well that I was jealous] (Constance, July 9). The ups and the joys on the path to proficiency occurred when French people complimented the teachers on their proficiency and especially when the teachers were mistaken for native speakers. Constance described a phone conversation she had with a Parisian friend. “Elle n’a pas reconnu mon accent e que j’e´tais contente de passer pour une franc¸aise!” [She didn’t recognize my accent e how happy I was to pass for a French woman!] (July 10). The teachers were frustrated when they did not meet their own high expectations and when they were unable to speak without first having to think about how to express themselves. They were discouraged when recognized as a visitor to France. Constance wrote about an experience at the tourists’ office that took place the same day as her phone conversation mentioned above. Upon requesting some brochures, Constance was asked if she wanted them in English. She lamented, “Comment savait-elle? Mon accent? Mon franc¸ais? Mon apparence? Contente ce matin e moins a` la fin de la journe´e.” [How did she know? My accent? My French? My appearance? Happy this morning, less so at the end of the day.] (July 10). Lynn had a similar experience. “Dans un cafe´ aujourd’hui, les serveuses m’ont parle´ en anglais. Est-ce que c’est evident que je suis ame´ricaine? Je sais que mon accent n’est pas tre`s bon, mais, quand meˆme, cela m’a geˆne´ un peu.” [In a cafe´ today the waitresses spoke to me in English. Is it that obvious that I’m an American? I know that my accent isn’t very good, but, nevertheless, that bothered me a bit.] (July 10). Perhaps Rhonda most aptly described the experiences that led to the belief that language learning is a long process filled with ups and downs. La compre´hension arriverait aux moments e´pheme`res. Zut alors! [Comprehension would arrive at ephemeral moments. Darn!] It was kind of like trying to express myself in French e written or spoken e that full expression comes and goes in fleeting moments and it is so frustrating. And I know that this is exactly what it takes, constant effort bearing through frustrating times with occasional great success (July 19). 5.2.2. From the literature In the literature on SLA, no definitive amount of time needed to become proficient in a second language has been identified. However, some attempts have been made to correlate years of study with levels of proficiency. Research identified the proficiency of post-secondary language majors as Intermediate Mid to Advanced on the OPI scale (Carroll, 1967; Magnan, 1986). Yet, Thompson (1996), whose subjects had studied Russian for one to five years, found no exact correspondance between levels of proficiency and years of study. The Foreign Service Institute (FSI) estimated that 240 h of instruction are needed for an adult with high aptitude for language learning to reach the Intermediate-Low to Intermediate-High Level in romance languages; 720 h is needed to reach the Superior level. More instructional time is needed for non-romance languages (Liskin-Gasparro, 1982). The theory of automatic and controlled processing, which accounts for variability in performance (Bialystock, 1982; Ellis, 1997), may explain why the teachers felt successful in some communicative situations and less successful in others. The communicative context, such as a one-on-one conversation or a one-to-many conversation also plays a role in variation (Ellis, 1994). 5.3. Belief # 3: to make significant progress in language proficiency, you must immerse yourself in the language Bob, one of the 12 teachers who expressed this belief, succinctly stated “Les langues sont difficiles et on les apprend mieux en place.” [Languages are difficult and are learned best where they are spoken.] (July 25). Tammy, wrote “to really get the language to stick, is to totally immerse yourself in it” (July 10). She and Jennifer (July 16) mentioned the ways in which they immersed themselves in French: reading, watching TV, going to the movies, and talking with members of the host family, for example. Kathy recounted an incident that took place in a restaurant where she put her belief about immersion into action. Among the group at dinner were two friends from England.

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Kathy purposefully sat as far away from the English-speaking friends as possible so that she would not be tempted to speak English. Ce n’e´tait pas je ne pensais pas que je pourrais pas changer d’une langue a` l’autre, mais, je veux savoir si j’ai ameliore´ mon franc¸ais e et je ne voulais aucune raison de douter que je me suis donne´ 100%. [It wasn’t because I didn’t think I was capable of switching from one language to the other, but I wanted to know if I improved my French e and I didn’t want any reason to doubt that I gave it my all.] (July 14). 5.3.1. Corollary # 3: within the immersion experience, you have to interact with native speakers The belief that immersion and interaction with native speakers is the best way to develop and improve L2 language proficiency was expressed in discourse drawn from 27 journal entries. Pam, who was responsible for five of the entries, was most emphatic. The only way to really improve your language skills (at our level e meaning teachers of French) is to go study, live, and immerse yourself in the language, either France or another Francophone country. It is also what you make of it. You have to interact with native speakers (July 9). Lynn affirmed her belief in L2 interaction when she realized that she had to force herself to expand her comfort zone. Parfois je pense que je suis trop timide pour faire du progre`s. Je remarque une diffe´rence quand je parle aux ame´ricains et quand je parle aux franc¸ais. C’est toujours la question de la “zone de comfort”. Il faut en sortir pour faire du progre`s. [Sometimes I think I am too timid to make progress. I notice a difference when I speak to Americans and when I speak to the French. It is always the question of the “comfort zone”. It’s necessary to go beyond it to make progress.] (July 10). Interaction with native speakers was facilitated by the fact that the teachers were housed with French families. They wrote about their appreciation of the opportunities for interaction that the family experience afforded them. “Passer le temps avec une famille est indispensible, pour discuter, pour observer et pour participer dans la vie quotidienne d’une famille.” [Spending time with a family is indispensible, to discuss, to observe and to participate in the daily life of a family.] (Kathy, July 22). Jason (July 9), Elizabeth (July 11), Malia (July 14), and Jennifer (July 26) mentioned that they found it especially helpful when their host families corrected them. Tammy agreed, writing that “We have to take risks, get corrected, and move on” (July 25). 5.3.2. From the literature The belief about immersion and interaction are consistent with an interactionist approach to language learning. This approach defines input as “the interaction between learners and their environment” (Rast, 2008, p. 14), implying that the learner is not simply a passive absorber of input. Conversation is needed for language acquisition (Gass, 2003; Swain and Lapkin, 1998), especially, as Tammy and others recognized, when the learner receives negative feedback and is pushed to negotiate meaning (Swain, 1985). Negotiation of meaning “faciliates acquisition because it connects input, internal learner capacities, particular selective attention, and output in productive ways” (Long, 1996; pp. 451e2). 5.4. Belief # 4: developing proficiency in an L2 requires going beyond one’s personal set of vocabulary Eleven of the teachers explicitly addressed the belief that in order to develop greater language proficiency it is necessary to expand one’s typical store of vocabulary. Elizabeth noted that “each individual seems to have ‘pet phrases’ or words that s/he employs very often. It seems that a way to look at the problem of language acquisition is increasing the repertoire of these pet phrases” (July 17). Kathy echoed Elizabeth’s sentiment about a personal set of vocabulary. Je me suis rendu compte que chaque personne a employe´ un vocabulaire individuel e c-a-d e qu’on a une tendance d’employer les meˆmes mots pour s’exprimer. Et avec chaque personne, il y a un nouveau choix de vocabulaire. Je comprenais le vocabulaire mais ce n’est pas mon vocabulaire. [I realized that each person used an individual vocabulary, that is to say, that everyone tends to use the same words to express oneself. And

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with each person there is a new choice of vocabulary. I understood the vocabulary, but it was not my vocabulary.] (July 10). The vast number of vocabulary words and expressions, especially idioms, dumbfounded several of the teachers. Kathy despaired, “Quand est-ce que je vais commencer a` comprendre ce que j’entends? Je me demande. est-ce qu’il faut apprendre tout le vocabulaire? [When am I going to begin to understand what I hear? I ask myself. is it necessary to learn all the vocabulary?] (July 13). Elizabeth admitted that “the longer [she] is in France, the more [she] feels overwhelmed by all of the language structures and vocabulary that [she] doesn’t know” (July 12). 5.4.1. Corollary # 4: vocabulary is acquired through many different contexts Jennifer was one of several teachers who acknowledged that vocabulary is acquired in context. “Basically it seems that one needs to remember that a word’s meaning comes from context. One cannot understand a word without first hearing how it’s used. Some words have multiple meanings” (July 11). Tammy, Jennifer, Pam, and Erin recounted the many contexts in which they acquired new vocabulary: preparing dinner with the family, noticing ads and billboards as they walked about Lyon, watching television and movies, listening to music, reading newspapers and magazines, and doing crossword puzzles and word games with their host families. Erin classified her knowledge of vocabulary based on the context in which she is speaking. I feel I have my “teaching vocabulary” down, but communicating becomes more difficult here when you’re trying to just have a normal conversation with someone e exactly like you would in English. I have to find a way to learn more “everyday” type of language (July 23). 5.4.2. From the literature The idea that learning large numbers of lexical items is essential for developing language proficiency is noncontroversial. The website of the Acade´mie Franc¸aise (Nombre de mots, http://academie-franc¸aise.fr) estimates that the French language contains 60,000 individual words, including the four or five percent of the lexicon borrowed from English. Granted, it is unlikely that every French citizen knows all 60,000 words, but it is even more unlikely that an L2 learner could ever know as many words as a native speaker of the target language. When it comes to building vocabulary, not all words are of equal value. For example, high frequency words in English, such as a, some, two, because, and to, number around only 2000 (Nation and Hwang, 1995). Low frequency words, also called technical vocabulary, make up the biggest proportion of words in a language (Nation, 2001). Without advance knowledge of the topic and time for preparation, it would be difficult for an L2 learner to understand an academic lecture that included technical vocabulary. Nation suggests that learners would need to know at least 95 percent of the words in a lecture in order to gain reasonable understanding. 5.5. Belief # 5: when learning another language in an immersion setting, it is counterproductive to switch back and forth between French, the L2, and one’s native language, the L1 This belief was expressed by eight teachers in 14 diary entries. Kathy, who was responsible for five of the entries, wrote, “Je crois que chaque fois que j’e´cris, je lis ou je pense en anglais je recule.” [Each time that I write, read, or think in English, I regress.] (July 9). She further explained: De`s que le premier jour j’e´tais convaincue de profiter de ce stage e de mes jours en France. Et pour cela, j’ai essaye´ de comprendre, ou au moins e´couter le franc¸ais, de parler quand j’avais l’occasion e meˆme si j’avais des proble`mes (a` cause de la grammaire e plus tard pour discuter c¸a) et meˆme quand je me parlais e je me demandais en franc¸ais. Comme c¸a il n’y avait pas de transition d’une langue a` l’autre. [From the first day I was convinced to benefit from this program e from my days in France. And for that, I tried to understand, or at least listen to French, to speak when I had the opportunity e even if I had problems (because of grammar e later to discuss that) and even when I was talking to myself e wondering in French. In this way, there would be no transition from one language to the other.] (July 25). Like Kathy, Rhonda believed that allowing herself to speak English while in France would inhibit her growing proficiency. After the end of the institute, Rhonda looked forward to going to Paris, where she “will be without

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students or a husband to keep [her] stuck with a leg in English. [She is] going to stay in French and blossom even more!” (July 25). 5.5.1. Corollary # 5: staying in the L2 will eventually feel normal and the learner will even begin to think in the L2 Jason liked the fact that he was actually thinking in another language. “J’aime bien le fait que je pense dans une autre langue, que je fonctionne (pour le moment) en une autre langue” (July 24). Erin and Helen expressed the notion that after having been immersed in French for only one week, it felt strange to mix the two languages. Helen said that she found herself in a period when “un franglais ridicule sorte de ma teˆte” [a ridiculous franglais is coming out of my head.] (July 16). At the end of the first week, Erin noted that she had “completely spoken French, even with [her] American colleagues, and it’s at the point already where it doesn’t feel abnormal that [they’re] all not speaking [their] first language e a language [they] have in common” (July 11). When writing e-mails home, Erin was amazed that she was “thinking in French while typing in English and that [she has] been forming a lot of mixed sentences in [her] head while typing” (emphasis in original text, July 11). She had to remind herself to use English in corresponding with her family and friends back home. Bob described an incident that took place outside the Muse´e de la Re´sistance et de la De´portation. His diary entry encapsulates the essence of the belief and its corollary. Apre`s avoir visite´ au muse´e, un certain nombre de collegues et moi parlions avec [one of the native French teachers], qui parle assez vite. On e´tait dans la cours du muse´e, loin de l’avenue Bertholot. Apre`s une demiheure de conversation, je me suis rendu compte que je comprenais tout ce qu’elle nous racontait et que j’avais me´me oublie´ que la conversation s’e´tait de´roule´e en franc¸ais. Donc, j’e´tais content! [After visiting the museum, several of us were talking with one of the native French teachers, who speaks rather quickly. We were in the courtyard of the museum, far from the avenue Bertholot. After a half hour of conversation, I realized that I understood everything she was telling us and I had even forgotten that the conversation had taken place in French. So, I was happy!] (July 19). 5.5.2. From the literature The belief that it is counterproductive to switch back and forth between the L2 and the L1 is consistent with the virtual position (Macaro, 2001), which argues for L2 exclusivity in the classroom. Proponents of this position claim that allowing the L1 in the classroom cuts down on the learners’ exposure to the L2 (Chambers, 1991; Halliwell and Jones, 1991; Macdonald, 1993). However, the cited interactions did not take place in a classroom setting. If the teachers are considered as developing bilinguals (Byram, 1998), it is unreasonable for them to ban categorically the use of their L1. It is natural and normal for bilingual speakers to code switch (Turnbull and Dailey-O’Cain, 2009; Zentella, 1997). The second part of the corollary associated with belief number five is that the L2 learner will even begin to think in the L2. This notion is not entirely tenable with sociocultural theory, which suggests that the language of thought is inevitably the learner’s first language (Cohen, 1998; Macaro, 2009). It is reasonable to assume that Erin’s mixture of French and English and Helen’s franglais, as cited above, are more accurate characterizations of the teachers’ thought processes than an all or nothing stance. 6. Discussion The goals of the present study were to identify the beliefs about developing language proficiency that 19 teachers of French expressed in written diaries during a three-week institute and to compare their beliefs with the current literature on foreign language teaching. Analysis of the 195 diary entries revealed five distinct beliefs and related corollaries, which are presented in Table 1. The beliefs were formed within the context of the teachers’ personal experiences and interactions with native speakers of French during the institute. They found that their comprehension of conversations, presentations, and lectures given by native speakers of French was impeded when they were unfamiliar with the speaker’s topic. As lifelong L2 learners themselves, the teachers came to realize that becoming fluent in an L2 is a time-consuming endeavor that is filled with rewards and fraught with disappointments. They discovered that they often had to push themselves out of their comfort zones in order to interact in the L2. They could not be passive absorbers of the input that

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surrounded them and expect to make progress. The teachers appreciated the importance of increasing their vocabulary beyond their limited repertoire of words and expressions. They realized the role of context and the way in which words can change their meanings based on the context in which they are used. Many of the teachers felt that switching between their L1 and the L2 was counterproductive, yet they often found themselves mixing the two languages in their thought processes. Given the advances over the last decade in the field of foreign language education, it is reassuring to note that the beliefs expressed in the teachers’ diaries are largely compatible with the professional literature on SLA. The fifth belief, regarding the alternation between the L1 and the L2, may be a possible exception to the congruence of their beliefs with the literature. Whereas the teachers perceived language alternation negatively, among true bilinguals code-switching is considered to be a natural phenomenon and a valuable asset for increasing flexibility of expression (Myers-Scotton, 1993). 7. Limitations Although diaries have been used as the sole source of data (Campbell, 1996; Hosenfeld, 2003; Numrich, 1996; Peck, 1996), naturalistic inquiry often includes data from several sources for purposes of triangulation (Rothbauer, 2008). The present study may have been more robust if the researcher had interviewed each of the participants. However, interviews were not possible due to the time frame of the study, the sporadic manner in which the teachers wrote their diary entries, and the nonfeasibility of immediate post-institute interviews. 8. Conclusion and implications This study contributes to the limited body of research on beliefs about developing language proficiency that are held by foreign language teachers and to the paucity of research on teachers’ beliefs within a study abroad context. Finding that the teachers’ beliefs were largely compatible with the current literature on foreign language teaching is encouraging. However, even though behavioral intention is a predictor of an individual’s actions (Ajzen, 1991, 2005), and 12 of the 19 diarists explicitly expressed their intention to implement instruction based on what they themselves had learned about language learning during their participation in the institute, one cannot assume automatically that the beliefs revealed here will be apparent in the teachers’ instructional practices. It would be necessary to conduct follow-up case studies that take place in each teacher’s classrooms in order to determine the extent to which their beliefs influence the teacher’s instructional practices. Due to the fact that the teachers in the present study live throughout the United States, case studies in their classrooms were not feasible. Future research on the beliefs of foreign language teachers should include both an immersion program and subsequent classroom observations. The study presented here is characteristic of naturalistic inquiry, a research methodology that seeks to understand phenomena in context-specific settings. Achieving generalizability was neither the purpose nor the point of the study. Rather, it is anticipated that the discussion of the participants’ beliefs will allow readers of the study to create new understandings gained vicariously through the experiences of the teachers in this study. It is expected that the study will stimulate discussion among foreign language teachers and encourage them to reflect on their own beliefs about developing language proficiency and the relationship between their beliefs and classroom practices. References Alaszewski, A., 2006. Using Diaries for Social Research. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA. Ajzen, I., 2005. Attitudes, Personality and Behavior, second ed. Open University Press, New York. Ajzen, I., 1991. The theory of planned behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 50, 179e211. Allen, L.Q., 2002. Teachers’ pedagogical beliefs and the standards for foreign language learning. Foreign Language Annals 35, 518e529. Allen, L.Q., 2007. The impact of teachers’ beliefs on implementing curricular changes. In: Siskin, J. (Ed.), From Thought to Action: Exploring Beliefs and Outcomes in the Foreign Language Program. Thomson Higher Education, Boston, pp. 30e47. Allen, L.Q., 2010. The impact of study abroad on the professional lives of world language teachers. Foreign Language Annals 45, 93e104. American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages, 1998. ACTFL Performance Guidelines for K-12 Learners. ACTFL, Yonkers, NY. American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages, 2003. ACTFL Integrated Performance Assessment. ACTFL, Alexandria, VA. Bailey, K.M., 1991. Diary studies of classroom language learning: the doubting game and the believing game. In: Sadtono, E. (Ed.), Language Acquisition and the Second/Foreign Language Classroom. SEAMEO Regional Language Centre, Singapore, pp. 60e102.

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