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The Application of a Sociocognitive Framework to the Career Development of Lesbian Women and Gay Men
JOURNAL OF VOCATIONAL BEHAVIOR ARTICLE NO.
48, 136–148 (1996)
0014
The Application of a Sociocognitive Framework to the Career Development of Lesbian Women and Gay Men SUSAN L. MORROW,* PAUL A. GORE, JR.,†,1
AND
BRIAN W. CAMPBELL*
*Department of Educational Psychology; and †University Counseling Center, University of Utah Researchers and theorists have identified a need for integrative models of career development, particularly as they apply to specific populations. This article focuses on the application of social cognitive career theory (SCCT, Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994) to the career development of lesbian women and gay men. Specifically, we address societal influences at various points in the process of academic and career development and their effects on self-efficacy, outcome expectations, interests, and vocational choice. We describe how environmental and contextual influences shape academic and career-related interests through their impact on self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. In addition, we describe how environmental conditions more proximal to junctures of academic and career-related choice may prevent the translation of interests to choices congruent with those interests. Implications for theory-building research are included. q 1996 Academic Press, Inc.
Two noteworthy themes have emerged in the field of vocational psychology in recent years. Researchers are now beginning to recognize the need for including previously underrepresented populations in career theory, and the field is calling for integrative models that move beyond trait-factor or developmental theories to those that synthesize conceptually related constructs (Hackett & Lent, 1992). Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1994) responded to the call for theory convergence by proposing a social cognitive model of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Moreover, Lent et al. noted the potential for their model to guide inquiry on the career development of specific populations such as women and racial/ethnic minorities. In particular, they acknowledged environmental factors, noting how ‘‘supportive or oppressive The authors thank Ruth E. Fassinger, Gail Hackett, Frances N. Harris, and Robert W. Lent for their invaluable feedback and suggestions on earlier drafts of this manuscript. Address correspondence and reprint requests to: Susan L. Morrow, Department of Educational Psychology, 327 Milton Bennion Hall, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT 84112. E-mail: morrow@gse. utah.edu. 1 Present address: Department of Counseling Psychology and Counselor Education, University of Missouri-Kansas City. 136 0001-8791/96 $18.00 Copyright q 1996 by Academic Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
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features of the interpersonal environment affect and are affected by cognitive and behavioral person factors’’ (p. 117). Acknowledgment of societal influences is consistent with recent social constructionist explications of sexual orientation (Kitzinger, 1995). Social cognitive career theory (SCCT, Lent et al., 1994) describes how career and academic interests develop across the life span, how these interests are transformed into goals, and how goals are translated into academic and career-related actions. SCCT outlines two primary types of self-referent beliefs—self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations—that interact over time to establish career and academic interests. According to Bandura (1986), selfefficacy beliefs—individuals’ beliefs in their abilities to carry out actions to reach specific goals—develop through four sources: personal performance accomplishments, vicarious learning, social persuasion, and physiological mechanisms (i.e., arousal). Over the course of development, children and adolescents are exposed both directly and vicariously to a variety of activities and, through instrumental, associative, and sociocognitive learning mechanisms, develop beliefs about their efficacy in a wide range of domains. Individuals also come to develop expectations about the outcomes of their performance through repeated direct or vicarious learning experiences. SCCT postulates positive relationships between expressed or inventoried interests and concurrent self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations, findings well supported by existing research (Lent et al., 1994). In essence, people develop career interests for activities in which they feel efficacious and for activities that they perceive will provide positive and desirable outcomes. In addition to the direct effects self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations have on the development of interests, SCCT proposes that self-efficacy beliefs will also be positively related to outcome expectations—a relationship describing the observation that people tend to have positive expectations for the outcome of activities in which they feel efficacious. Though SCCT acknowledges that academic and career interests may develop in the absence of either strong self-efficacy beliefs or positive outcome expectations for a given activity, it postulates that enduring patterns of interests will develop when both efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations are strong and positive. According to SCCT, individuals will establish goals in response to developing interests, and these goals will lead to activity involvement and practice. Performance accomplishments resulting from such involvement and practice feed back reciprocally to influence developing self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. Lent et al. (1994) highlighted the role of human agency by stressing the primary influence of self-referent thought on career development. In so doing, they directly acknowledged the important role of the environment in shaping those self-referent beliefs (i.e., sources of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations). They also acknowledged the importance of social and environmental factors that serve to ‘‘enhance or constrain volitional control’’ (p. 107) at points proximal to academic and career choice. According
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to SCCT, person or environmental factors moderating the transformation of interests into goals or goals into actions can serve to derail a preferably fluid process of career development and choice. For example, a person with a strong interest in science may not express that interest as an educational or occupational goal if faced with overwhelming contextual barriers such as economic limitations. SCCT makes a distinction between the influences of environmental factors based on their proximity to junctures at which individuals make important choices. Background person or environmental factors, distal to career choice, provide a milieu for the development of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. In contrast, contemporary person or contextual factors proximal to points of career or academic choice moderate the transformation of interests into goals or goals into actions. The distinction between distal and proximal contextual factors is sometimes arbitrary. For example, an environmental barrier at a point proximal to career choice might both directly prevent the behavioral manifestation of interests in the form of goals or actions and be internalized in the form of negative outcome expectations. But the distinction is useful as a tool with which to reference various developmental stages and will be used in this article for that purpose. In this article, we examine the application of SCCT to lesbian women and gay men. We focus our analysis on the intersections of self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and interests, as well as the influences of background and contemporary barriers on the development of academic and career-related interests and the translation of interests into choices and actions. Specifically, we examine (a) factors that influence the development of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations and (b) the impact of contemporary barriers on the translation of interests to goals and career choices. Our secondary goal is to stimulate empirical work on the career development of lesbian women and gay men by posing questions for research in the context of SCCT. Although many issues raised herein are relevant to bisexual people, we have found inconsistent evidence for the salience of our analysis for this population. Current research takes into account workplace issues related to bisexual women and men, who experience many of the same barriers that confront lesbian and gay individuals. Indeed, in his review of research on work experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, Croteau (1996) found that investigations including bisexual women and men revealed similar results to those found for lesbian and gay workers. It is tempting, therefore, to include bisexual individuals with lesbian women and gay men when attempting to understand vocational concerns of these populations. However, Morrow and Campbell (1995a) found complexity and contradiction surrounding the career development of bisexual women and men. Chung (1996) speculated that bisexual individuals may be more balanced than lesbian women or gay men in traditional and nontraditional skills. Thus, although many of the applications of SCCT in this article are relevant to bisexual people, we will speak
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explicitly to the career development of lesbian women and gay men. Clearly, additional research is needed to understand career development of bisexual people. SELF-EFFICACY BELIEFS
Career and academic interests are partially a function of self-efficacy beliefs. Through the sources of these beliefs, social or environmental factors at any stage of career development can have a negative impact on interests. Self-efficacy beliefs and subsequent interest development in a given domain may be completely forestalled, for example, when an individual is discouraged or prohibited from engaging in activities within that domain. Bandura (1986) suggested that personal performance accomplishments are primary determinants of self-efficacy. For personal performance accomplishments to be realized, children must have opportunities to engage in relevant activities. Self-efficacy beliefs generally form prior to one’s identification of sexual orientation. Thus, gender identity and traditionality or nontraditionality are likely to be primary influences on career development in the early childhoods of lesbian women and gay men. In addition, being perceived as ‘‘different’’ by others (discussed more fully in the next section) may lead to restricted— or even enhanced—opportunities to develop self-efficacy beliefs. For example, the boy seen as unmasculine or a sissy may not be selected for sport activities on the playground, whereas the tomboy may be among the first chosen by her peers. Because of the early ages during which self-efficacy beliefs are formed, sexual orientation per se is rarely a direct influence on the development of those early self-percepts. Parents, most notably fathers, encourage their children to engage in gendercongruent activities (Unger & Crawford, 1992). However, research points to early self-perceptions of gay boys as sensitive and aesthetically oriented (Isay, 1989), both gender-incongruent qualities. A boy whose interest lies in dance, for example, will require certain opportunities and contextual supports in order to pursue that interest. However, because of gender-role expectations, society views many artistic boys as unmasculine and either actively or passively discourages the development of their self-efficacy beliefs and, consequently, their interests. The literature also points to lesbian women’s more liberal gender roles, androgyny, and nonconformity to traditional stereotypes and gender-related expectations (Browning, Reynolds, & Dworkin, 1991; Fassinger, 1996b; Hetherington & Orzek, 1989; Morgan & Brown, 1991). Morrow and Campbell (1995b) found that some lesbian women experienced themselves as gender nonconformists at a very young age; however, they, like gay boys, were often censured for their gender incongruence. Because of homophobic fears on the part of families and schools, children of any sexual orientation who have an affinity for gender-incongruent activities may not enjoy the contextual support experienced by their more gender-congruent counterparts (Chung, 1996).
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Vicarious learning, social persuasion, and physiological mechanisms are also important determinants of self-efficacy beliefs. Although media images increasingly depict women and men in nontraditional occupations, the predominance of models are gender-stereotypic. Similarly, social persuasion operates in the direction of encouraging young children to engage and achieve in gender-congruent activities. An absence of appropriate models or negative social persuasion may attenuate self-efficacy beliefs, thereby forestalling or restricting developing interests. Alternatively, vicarious learning may provide sufficient support to promote the development of those beliefs in the absence of direct experience, persuasion, or same-gender modeling. In that case, even faced with a nonsupportive environment, lesbian or gay children might continue to develop interests based on exposure to gender-nonstereotypic models. This premise may have implications that reach far beyond the impact described for lesbian women and gay men to include heterosexual people, as well, who develop interests in nontraditional occupations. Finally, physiological arousal occurring in conjunction with other sources of self-efficacy can either negatively or positively influence self-efficacy beliefs and, consequently, interests. For example, a lesbian or gay individual may experience negative arousal states such as anxiety while participating in gender-congruent activities. These negative arousal states may arise from performing behaviors that are incompatible with self-identity and may counteract positive influences from other sources. Conversely, positive arousal states may arise from performing behaviors that are compatible with self-identity. Although Bandura (1986) suggested that sources of self-efficacy interact in complex ways, the relative salience of sources of self-efficacy in individuals in nontraditional occupations is a question requiring empirical investigation. OUTCOME EXPECTATIONS
According to SCCT, interests are also a function of outcome expectations. Thus, social and contextual factors may negatively affect interest development in a similar manner to that described for self-efficacy beliefs. Bell, Weinberg, and Hammersmith (1981), Morrow and Campbell (1995b), and numerous theoretical articles (see Fassinger, 1996b) indicate that many lesbian women believe that having been masculine or tomboys as girls was a precursor of their lesbianism. Regardless of the accuracy of this perception, personal, occupational, and societal stereotyping may converge, with the tomboy girl receiving either mixed or negative messages about engaging in boyish activities (Fassinger, 1996b; Morrow & Campbell, 1995b). In turn, the girl may incorporate those messages as negative outcome expectations regarding maletyped behaviors, thereby restricting her range of interest. Many lesbian women and gay men report having felt ‘‘different’’ from others at a very early age (Gonsiorek, 1995). In a familial, religious, or educational environment that rewards conformity and punishes differentness, the child is given the message, ‘‘If you are different, there is something wrong
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with you.’’ Unpleasant associations with being perceived as different will lead to negative outcome expectations related to behaviors that further draw attention to the child’s differentness. Consequently, the range of interests otherwise available to the child may be restricted, leading to an equally restricted behavioral repertoire. On the other hand, in an environment encouraging uniqueness, the lesbian or gay child will develop positive associations with differentness and positive outcome expectations for a broader range of activities. Lent et al. (1994) noted, ‘‘An individual with high perceived efficacy but low outcome expectations relative to a given activity may be less likely to develop an enduring interest in that activity since the latter is seen as offering limited potential for reinforcement’’ (p. 93). For lesbian women and gay men, and perhaps for any oppressed group, outcome expectations may be more salient than self-efficacy beliefs in the formation of interests. The crucial issue may not be, ‘‘Can I do it?’’ but ‘‘What will happen if I do?’’ This latter question may be especially salient under conditions in which the individual anticipates oppression or discrimination based on sexual orientation. The relative influences of self-efficacy and outcome expectations on the development of career interests and choice in oppressed populations is a topic for future research. Lent et al. (1994) reported meta-analytic evidence suggesting that the relation between self-efficacy beliefs and interests was virtually identical to that between outcome expectations and interests (r Å .53 and .52, respectively). Similar findings were reported by Gore (1995), using covariance structural analysis. Under conditions of anticipated oppression or discrimination based on sexual orientation, however, it is plausible that outcome expectations may be more strongly related to interests than are self-efficacy beliefs. Research aimed at comparing the relationships among self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and interests in lesbian and gay individuals who perceive discrimination and those who do not will begin to address this question. TRANSFORMING INTERESTS INTO GOALS AND ACTIONS: THE MODERATING ROLE OF PROXIMAL CONTEXTUAL BARRIERS
As interests develop, individuals begin to establish goals for activity involvement and practice. In a supportive environment, these goals translate into actions. As SCCT points out, however, person and environmental forces may serve as barriers to the transformation of interests into goals or goals into actions, thereby moderating the relationship among these variables. According to Lent et al. (1994), career development is most fluid through late adolescence, stabilizing in early adulthood. The period of adolescence in which academic and career interests are beginning to crystallize is also that period in which the lesbian or gay youth may be in most turmoil about her or his developing sexual identity. Thus, the young lesbian woman or gay man may postpone or abandon crystallizing interests that might otherwise translate
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to academic and career choices or activity involvement. Theoretical work (Croteau & Hedstrom, 1993; Fassinger, 1996a; Morgan & Brown, 1991), as well as investigation by Morrow and Campbell (1995a), indicate that identity confusion, conflicts with parents or peers, and other barriers to forming a sexual identity frequently stall the career development of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth. Additional research might explore the effects of sexual-identity confusion and the timing of its resolution on the relationships among interests, goal behaviors, and activity involvement. Many lesbian women and gay men report having made abrupt career shifts during the ‘‘coming-out’’ phase of their sexual identity development, coinciding with major alterations in self-identity (Morrow & Campbell, 1995a). Identity confusion appears to introduce an element of rigidity into the potentially fluid process of translating interests into goal behaviors and actions. Lacking this fluidity, the individual may jump from one job to another, making seemingly random career choices incongruent with interests. Alternatively, an abrupt career shift following identity resolution might represent a return to more fundamental interests that the individual had previously inhibited or hidden in response to environmental pressures to conform. A third possibility is that resolving sexual identity provides a powerful impetus for reevaluating basic interests. According to Lent et al., ‘‘Once interests crystallize, it may take very compelling experiences to provoke a fundamental reappraisal of career self-efficacy and outcome beliefs and, hence, a change in basic interest patterns’’ (p. 89). In addition to the coming-out process, other overwhelming life events that lesbian and gay individuals experience (e.g., being diagnosed HIV-positive or losing custody of children) may also contribute to redirecting career-related behavior. Thus, it is imperative that researchers and practitioners explore the effects of compelling or traumatic experiences on career patterns of lesbian and gay people. In addition, the positioning of the lesbian or gay individual in the coming-out process relative to his or her career development bears systematic investigation to better understand these relations. In contrast to the subtle moderating effects of contextual factors on the translation of interests into goals and actions, career opportunities and choice may be more directly influenced by environmental conditions such as economic oppression, discrimination in the workplace, stereotyping within and outside lesbian and gay communities, and support in the workplace (Fassinger, 1996b). Employment discrimination has been identified as a serious problem by lesbian, gay, and bisexual workers (Croteau, 1996; Croteau & Lark, 1995; Croteau & von Destinon, 1994; Levine & Leonard, 1984; Morgan & Brown, 1991) and has been covered extensively in the literature (Diamant, 1993; Elliott, 1993; Fassinger, 1991, 1993; Garnets & Kimmel, 1991; Lee & Brown, 1993). In addition, Fassinger (1996b) noted the interaction of lesbian sexual orientation, oppression, and occupational stereotyping, pointing out the effects of these interactions on career choices. Although the literature addresses the
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influence of the environment upon the well-being of the lesbian or gay worker, it seldom speaks to economic consequences for lesbian and gay youth of being raised in families who condemn them. Homophobia within family and school can result in ridicule and humiliation, psychiatric incarceration, sexual abuse, and violence aimed at punishing nonconformity to heterosexual norms. As a result, a high proportion of lesbian and gay adolescents are at risk for poor school performance, dropping out, substance abuse, and suicide (Robinson, 1994; Savin-Williams, 1995). Parents may be unwilling to provide support for gender-incongruent educational programs or may punish offspring who do not live by family rules. Consequent economic hardship may restrict opportunities to pursue educational or occupational activities congruent with one’s interests or potential. Another economic factor affecting educational and career choice occurs among lesbian women, who, like women in general, have lower earning potential than men (Fassinger, 1996b). Lesbian couples raising children often experience additional hardship because their combined income is much lower than that of heterosexual couples. Lack of societal support and validation for lesbian and gay relationships may result in limited options that heterosexual couples often take for granted, such as spousal benefits for partners. Employment discrimination is a reality for lesbian and gay people (Diamant, 1993) that may be compounded by issues of race or ethnicity, socioeconomic class, or disability. Thus, a smooth translation of interests into career-related behavior and choice is a possibility for many heterosexual individuals but may not be a reality shared by lesbian women and gay men (Fassinger, 1996a). In many cases, interest in a career may have crystallized prior to an individual’s awareness of the possible ramifications of being lesbian or gay at work. For example, a lesbian or gay individual who has a special talent for interacting with children may dream of becoming a teacher. However, as the individual prepares for a career in teaching, he or she may realize that lesbian and gay teachers are in jeopardy because of societal prejudices and stereotypes. Griffin (1992) and Woods and Harbeck (1992) found that lesbian and gay teachers were reluctant to be open about their sexual orientations in the workplace. The awareness that being ‘‘out’’ or being found out could put one’s job in jeopardy may contribute to the lesbian woman or gay man foreclosing on teaching in favor of a career with less perceived risk despite strong self-efficacy beliefs about teaching. Like the larger society, lesbian and gay cultures hold stereotypes regarding certain careers, selectively reinforcing particular occupational activities. The popularity of lesbian softball teams or the belief that gay men are artistic, good decorators, and talented hairdressers may inspire a self-fulfilling prophecy, leading the individual to choose a stereotypic occupation that may or may not relate to interests. Safety, rather than pursuit of interests, is a primary factor affecting career choices of many lesbian women and gay men (Fassinger, 1996a, 1996b). Consequently, some choose to work in environments
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they perceive as lesbian- or gay-friendly. For example, many perceive fields such as library science, acting, or nursing as professions in which sheer numbers of lesbian women or gay men provide a buffering, supportive climate. Although many lesbian and gay people select occupations that are not based on considerations of sexual identity, analysis of qualitative data collected by Morrow and Campbell (1995a) indicates that many do so and that both positive and negative stereotypes affect their career choices. Going beyond merely supportive environments, some individuals require work in environments where they can be ‘‘out of the closet,’’ either because they have already come out publicly prior to making career decisions or because they are politically active. Research is needed to understand the salience of sexual orientation for lesbian women and gay men and its impact on either seeking or avoiding stereotypic or lesbian–gay-friendly occupations. The influence of sexual orientation on career choice may also be conceptualized as a kind of outcome expectation. Specifically, barriers related to sexual orientation at points subsequent to the development of interests may be internalized as outcome expectations that affect vocational behavior. Researchers developing measures of outcome expectations might consider including items that address the role of sexual orientation in the workplace. This research would aid in understanding the reasons individuals select or deselect occupations, the relations between people’s choices and interests, and their resultant career satisfaction. A CALL FOR RESEARCH
Two overarching aspects of SCCT have particular relevance to the career development of lesbian women and gay men: (a) distal contextual barriers in the development of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations and (b) contextual barriers proximal to career choice. Environmental influences are inextricably woven into the fabric of sources of self-efficacy beliefs. Societal stereotyping, gender-role expectations, and peer pressure may all serve to thwart early attempts at activity involvement, resulting in a truncated range of academic and career interests. Additionally, gender-stereotyped models, negative persuasive messages from influential authority figures, or negative affective associations may inhibit the development of interests. Though sexual orientation often cannot be determined at points most crucial in the early formation of self-efficacy beliefs, retrospective research with lesbian and gay adults focused on the sources of these beliefs might help to illuminate the impact of environmental influences on developing interests. Specifically, researchers must reexamine the influences of factors in the environment related to the socialization of gender roles (Gottfredson, 1981; Hackett & Betz, 1981), particularly as they might affect children who could grow up to be lesbian or gay. We encourage both qualitative and quantitative investigations that explore the relations between and among gender, gender traditionality or nontraditionality, and sexual orientation (lesbian, gay, bisexual) as those fac-
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tors influence career development. These relations should be examined specifically in conjunction with the development of self-efficacy beliefs in the context of either support or nonsupport of emerging interests. In addition, qualitative research may shed light on the complexities and contradictions surrounding the experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual women and men as both gendered individuals and related to gender-traditional and nontraditional work roles. Societal forces also serve to determine the direction of a young person’s outcome expectations. Our application of SCCT to the career development of lesbian women and gay men suggests that, given the barriers and challenges affecting these populations, outcome expectations may operate as powerful forces in sustaining and fostering developing interests. Further research is needed to examine the relative salience of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations to the career development of lesbian women and gay men. We encourage research linking the taxonomy of interests proposed by Holland (1985), the model of circumscription and compromise articulated by Gottfredson (1981), and SCCT, with the goal of understanding more clearly the place of distal barriers in the development of interests. In addition to distal barriers, contemporary barriers proximal to career choice impede the translation of interests and goals into academic and careerrelated activities and choices. These barriers include economic forces; prejudices and stereotypes; and discrimination based on sexual orientation related to hiring, promotion, and benefits. Research is needed to understand the nature and extent of proximal barriers, as well as to uncover the influences of both perceived and actual barriers on the career-related activities and choices of lesbian women and gay men. Additionally, we believe that it is important to discover at what points in the SCCT model personal and occupational stereotyping have the greatest effect and what kinds of effects occur based on the timing of such stereotyping. Lesbian women and gay men confront environmental barriers at almost every stage of their career development. The earliest barriers may be the most insidious, as background or distal contextual factors prevent individuals from engaging in activities that lead to greater self-efficacy and positive outcome expectations. Individuals subjected to gender-stereotyped environments that restrict activity involvement, filter exposure to models, or limit verbal reinforcement for performing a broad range of activities may develop severely restricted interests. Consequent to the development of interests, contemporary or proximal influences can create economic hardship or foreclosure on welldeveloped career aspirations. Theory and research are needed to develop interventions appropriate to the developmental stages of the lesbian or gay individual. Counselors require specific strategies to help clients expand a restricted range of interest, move through the process of identity development, manage sexual identity in the workplace, and cope with employment risks and difficulties.
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The challenge for researchers and practitioners, then, is multifaceted, involving a dual focus on the individual and the environment. Although environmental change is vital to the well-being of lesbian and gay people, rapid change is not forthcoming. Fundamental concerns for research include documenting the mechanisms (e.g., self-efficacy) through which external barriers (e.g., oppression) affect career development. In addition, applied research should focus on developing advocacy, policy, and systemic interventions to maximize self-efficacy, inculcate positive and accurate outcome expectations, and nurture actions that are consistent with goals. Researchers and practitioners have an ethical obligation to contribute to systemically oriented investigations and interventions to combat the effects of oppression. To do less is to benefit, economically and professionally, from the human suffering caused by that oppression. Society has already experienced the contributions of many lesbian women and gay men, even in the face of their oppression. Society can only benefit as professionals confront barriers to career development and lesbian and gay people are encouraged to contribute their abilities, interests, and energies to endeavors consistent with their capabilities and desires. REFERENCES Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Bell, A. P., Weinberg, M. S., & Hammersmith, S. K. (1981). Sexual preference: Its development in men and women. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Browning, C., Reynolds, A., & Dworkin, S. (1991). Affirmative psychotherapy for lesbian women. The Counseling Psychologist, 19, 177–196. Chung, Y. B. (1996). Career decision making of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. The Career Development Quarterly, 44, 178–190. Chung, Y. B., & Harmon, L. W. (1994). The career interests and aspirations of gay men: How sex-role orientation is related. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45, 223–239. Croteau, J. M. (1996). Research on the work experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people: An integrative review of methodology and findings. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48, 195–209. Croteau, J. M., & Hedstrom, S. M. (1993). Integrating commonality and difference: The key to career counseling with lesbian women and gay men. Career Development Quarterly, 41, 201–209. Croteau, J. M., & Lark, J. S. (1995). On being lesbian, gay, and bisexual in student affairs: A national survey of experiences on the job. NASPA Journal, 32, 189–197. Croteau, J. M., & von Destinon, M. (1994). A national survey of job search experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual student affairs professionals. Journal of College Student Development, 35, 40–45. Diamant, L. (Ed.). (1993). Homosexual issues in the workplace. Washington, DC: Taylor & Francis. Elliott, J. E. (1993). Career development with lesbian and gay clients. Career Development Quarterly, 41, 210–226. Fassinger, R. E. (1996a). From invisibility to integration: Lesbian identity in the workplace. Career Development Quarterly, 44, 148–167. Fassinger, R. E. (1996b). Notes from the margins: Integrating lesbian experience into the vocational psychology of women. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48, 160–175.
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Fassinger, R. E. (1991). The hidden minority: Issues and challenges in working with lesbian women and gay men. The Counseling Psychologist, 19, 157–176. Fassinger, R. E. (1993). And gladly teach: Lesbian and gay issues in education. In L. Diamant (Ed.), Homosexual issues in the workplace (pp. 119–142). New York: Wiley. Garnets, L., & Kimmel, D. (1991). Lesbian and gay male dimensions in the psychological study of human diversity. In J. D. Goodchilds (Ed.), Psychological perspectives on human diversity in America. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Gonsiorek, J. C. (1995). Gay male identities: Concepts and issues. In A. R. D’Augelli & C. J. Patterson (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities over the lifespan: Psychological perspectives (pp. 24–47). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gore, P. A., Jr. (1995). A structural analysis of a social cognitive theory of career interests. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Loyola University of Chicago, Chicago. Gottfredson, L. S. (1981). Circumscription and compromise: A developmental theory of occupational aspirations. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 28, 545–579. Griffin, P. (1992). From hiding out to coming out: Empowering lesbian and gay educators. In K. M. Harbeck, (Ed.), Coming out of the classroom closet (pp. 167–196). Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press. Hackett, G., & Betz, N. E. (1981). A self-efficacy approach to the career development of women. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 326–339. Hackett, G., & Lent, R. W. (1992). Theoretical advances and current inquiry in career psychology. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Handbook of counseling psychology (2nd ed.) (pp. 419–451). New York: Wiley. Hetherington, C., & Orzek, A. M. (1989). Career counseling and life planning with lesbian women. Journal of Counseling and Development, 68, 52–57. Holland, J. L. (1985). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Hyde, J. S., Rosenberg, B. G., & Behrman, J. (1977). Tomboyism. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 2, 73–75. Isay, R. A. (1989). Being homosexual: Gay men and their development. New York: FarrarStraus-Giroux. Kitzinger, C. (1995). Social constructionism: Implications for lesbian and gay psychology. In A. R. D’Augelli & C. J. Patterson (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities over the lifespan: Psychological perspectives (pp. 136–161). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lee, J. A., & Brown, R. G. (1993). Hiring, firing, and promoting. In L. Diamant (Ed.), Homosexual issues in the workplace (pp. 45–62). New York: Wiley. Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45, 79–122. Levine, M. P., & Leonard, R. (1984). Discrimination against lesbians in the work force. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 9, 700–710. Morgan, K. S., & Brown, L. S. (1991). Lesbian career development, work behavior, and vocational counseling. The Counseling Psychologist, 19, 273–291. Morrow, S. L., & Campbell, B. W. (1995a). The influence of sexual orientation on the career development of lesbian, gay, and bisexual women and men. Unpublished manuscript. Morrow, S. L., & Campbell, B. W. (1995b). The impact of invisibility on the career directions of lesbian women. Unpublished manuscript. Robinson, K. E. (1994). Addressing the needs of gay and lesbian students: The school counselor’s role. The School Counselor, 41, 326–332. Savin-Williams, R. C. (1995). Lesbian, gay male, and bisexual adolescents. In A. R. D’Augelli & C. J. Patterson (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities over the lifespan (pp. 165–189). New York: Oxford University Press.
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Unger, R., & Crawford, M. (1992). Women and gender: A feminist psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill. Woods, S. E., & Harbeck, K. M. (1992). Living in two worlds: The identity management strategies used by lesbian physical educators. In K. M. Harbeck (Ed.), Coming out of the classroom closet (pp. 141–166). Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press. Received May 22, 1995
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The Application of a Sociocognitive Framework to the Career Development of Lesbian Women and Gay Men SUSAN L. MORROW,* PAUL A. GORE, JR.,†,1
AND
BRIAN W. CAMPBELL*
*Department of Educational Psychology; and †University Counseling Center, University of Utah Researchers and theorists have identified a need for integrative models of career development, particularly as they apply to specific populations. This article focuses on the application of social cognitive career theory (SCCT, Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994) to the career development of lesbian women and gay men. Specifically, we address societal influences at various points in the process of academic and career development and their effects on self-efficacy, outcome expectations, interests, and vocational choice. We describe how environmental and contextual influences shape academic and career-related interests through their impact on self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. In addition, we describe how environmental conditions more proximal to junctures of academic and career-related choice may prevent the translation of interests to choices congruent with those interests. Implications for theory-building research are included. q 1996 Academic Press, Inc.
Two noteworthy themes have emerged in the field of vocational psychology in recent years. Researchers are now beginning to recognize the need for including previously underrepresented populations in career theory, and the field is calling for integrative models that move beyond trait-factor or developmental theories to those that synthesize conceptually related constructs (Hackett & Lent, 1992). Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1994) responded to the call for theory convergence by proposing a social cognitive model of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Moreover, Lent et al. noted the potential for their model to guide inquiry on the career development of specific populations such as women and racial/ethnic minorities. In particular, they acknowledged environmental factors, noting how ‘‘supportive or oppressive The authors thank Ruth E. Fassinger, Gail Hackett, Frances N. Harris, and Robert W. Lent for their invaluable feedback and suggestions on earlier drafts of this manuscript. Address correspondence and reprint requests to: Susan L. Morrow, Department of Educational Psychology, 327 Milton Bennion Hall, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT 84112. E-mail: morrow@gse. utah.edu. 1 Present address: Department of Counseling Psychology and Counselor Education, University of Missouri-Kansas City. 136 0001-8791/96 $18.00 Copyright q 1996 by Academic Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
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features of the interpersonal environment affect and are affected by cognitive and behavioral person factors’’ (p. 117). Acknowledgment of societal influences is consistent with recent social constructionist explications of sexual orientation (Kitzinger, 1995). Social cognitive career theory (SCCT, Lent et al., 1994) describes how career and academic interests develop across the life span, how these interests are transformed into goals, and how goals are translated into academic and career-related actions. SCCT outlines two primary types of self-referent beliefs—self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations—that interact over time to establish career and academic interests. According to Bandura (1986), selfefficacy beliefs—individuals’ beliefs in their abilities to carry out actions to reach specific goals—develop through four sources: personal performance accomplishments, vicarious learning, social persuasion, and physiological mechanisms (i.e., arousal). Over the course of development, children and adolescents are exposed both directly and vicariously to a variety of activities and, through instrumental, associative, and sociocognitive learning mechanisms, develop beliefs about their efficacy in a wide range of domains. Individuals also come to develop expectations about the outcomes of their performance through repeated direct or vicarious learning experiences. SCCT postulates positive relationships between expressed or inventoried interests and concurrent self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations, findings well supported by existing research (Lent et al., 1994). In essence, people develop career interests for activities in which they feel efficacious and for activities that they perceive will provide positive and desirable outcomes. In addition to the direct effects self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations have on the development of interests, SCCT proposes that self-efficacy beliefs will also be positively related to outcome expectations—a relationship describing the observation that people tend to have positive expectations for the outcome of activities in which they feel efficacious. Though SCCT acknowledges that academic and career interests may develop in the absence of either strong self-efficacy beliefs or positive outcome expectations for a given activity, it postulates that enduring patterns of interests will develop when both efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations are strong and positive. According to SCCT, individuals will establish goals in response to developing interests, and these goals will lead to activity involvement and practice. Performance accomplishments resulting from such involvement and practice feed back reciprocally to influence developing self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. Lent et al. (1994) highlighted the role of human agency by stressing the primary influence of self-referent thought on career development. In so doing, they directly acknowledged the important role of the environment in shaping those self-referent beliefs (i.e., sources of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations). They also acknowledged the importance of social and environmental factors that serve to ‘‘enhance or constrain volitional control’’ (p. 107) at points proximal to academic and career choice. According
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to SCCT, person or environmental factors moderating the transformation of interests into goals or goals into actions can serve to derail a preferably fluid process of career development and choice. For example, a person with a strong interest in science may not express that interest as an educational or occupational goal if faced with overwhelming contextual barriers such as economic limitations. SCCT makes a distinction between the influences of environmental factors based on their proximity to junctures at which individuals make important choices. Background person or environmental factors, distal to career choice, provide a milieu for the development of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. In contrast, contemporary person or contextual factors proximal to points of career or academic choice moderate the transformation of interests into goals or goals into actions. The distinction between distal and proximal contextual factors is sometimes arbitrary. For example, an environmental barrier at a point proximal to career choice might both directly prevent the behavioral manifestation of interests in the form of goals or actions and be internalized in the form of negative outcome expectations. But the distinction is useful as a tool with which to reference various developmental stages and will be used in this article for that purpose. In this article, we examine the application of SCCT to lesbian women and gay men. We focus our analysis on the intersections of self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and interests, as well as the influences of background and contemporary barriers on the development of academic and career-related interests and the translation of interests into choices and actions. Specifically, we examine (a) factors that influence the development of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations and (b) the impact of contemporary barriers on the translation of interests to goals and career choices. Our secondary goal is to stimulate empirical work on the career development of lesbian women and gay men by posing questions for research in the context of SCCT. Although many issues raised herein are relevant to bisexual people, we have found inconsistent evidence for the salience of our analysis for this population. Current research takes into account workplace issues related to bisexual women and men, who experience many of the same barriers that confront lesbian and gay individuals. Indeed, in his review of research on work experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, Croteau (1996) found that investigations including bisexual women and men revealed similar results to those found for lesbian and gay workers. It is tempting, therefore, to include bisexual individuals with lesbian women and gay men when attempting to understand vocational concerns of these populations. However, Morrow and Campbell (1995a) found complexity and contradiction surrounding the career development of bisexual women and men. Chung (1996) speculated that bisexual individuals may be more balanced than lesbian women or gay men in traditional and nontraditional skills. Thus, although many of the applications of SCCT in this article are relevant to bisexual people, we will speak
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explicitly to the career development of lesbian women and gay men. Clearly, additional research is needed to understand career development of bisexual people. SELF-EFFICACY BELIEFS
Career and academic interests are partially a function of self-efficacy beliefs. Through the sources of these beliefs, social or environmental factors at any stage of career development can have a negative impact on interests. Self-efficacy beliefs and subsequent interest development in a given domain may be completely forestalled, for example, when an individual is discouraged or prohibited from engaging in activities within that domain. Bandura (1986) suggested that personal performance accomplishments are primary determinants of self-efficacy. For personal performance accomplishments to be realized, children must have opportunities to engage in relevant activities. Self-efficacy beliefs generally form prior to one’s identification of sexual orientation. Thus, gender identity and traditionality or nontraditionality are likely to be primary influences on career development in the early childhoods of lesbian women and gay men. In addition, being perceived as ‘‘different’’ by others (discussed more fully in the next section) may lead to restricted— or even enhanced—opportunities to develop self-efficacy beliefs. For example, the boy seen as unmasculine or a sissy may not be selected for sport activities on the playground, whereas the tomboy may be among the first chosen by her peers. Because of the early ages during which self-efficacy beliefs are formed, sexual orientation per se is rarely a direct influence on the development of those early self-percepts. Parents, most notably fathers, encourage their children to engage in gendercongruent activities (Unger & Crawford, 1992). However, research points to early self-perceptions of gay boys as sensitive and aesthetically oriented (Isay, 1989), both gender-incongruent qualities. A boy whose interest lies in dance, for example, will require certain opportunities and contextual supports in order to pursue that interest. However, because of gender-role expectations, society views many artistic boys as unmasculine and either actively or passively discourages the development of their self-efficacy beliefs and, consequently, their interests. The literature also points to lesbian women’s more liberal gender roles, androgyny, and nonconformity to traditional stereotypes and gender-related expectations (Browning, Reynolds, & Dworkin, 1991; Fassinger, 1996b; Hetherington & Orzek, 1989; Morgan & Brown, 1991). Morrow and Campbell (1995b) found that some lesbian women experienced themselves as gender nonconformists at a very young age; however, they, like gay boys, were often censured for their gender incongruence. Because of homophobic fears on the part of families and schools, children of any sexual orientation who have an affinity for gender-incongruent activities may not enjoy the contextual support experienced by their more gender-congruent counterparts (Chung, 1996).
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Vicarious learning, social persuasion, and physiological mechanisms are also important determinants of self-efficacy beliefs. Although media images increasingly depict women and men in nontraditional occupations, the predominance of models are gender-stereotypic. Similarly, social persuasion operates in the direction of encouraging young children to engage and achieve in gender-congruent activities. An absence of appropriate models or negative social persuasion may attenuate self-efficacy beliefs, thereby forestalling or restricting developing interests. Alternatively, vicarious learning may provide sufficient support to promote the development of those beliefs in the absence of direct experience, persuasion, or same-gender modeling. In that case, even faced with a nonsupportive environment, lesbian or gay children might continue to develop interests based on exposure to gender-nonstereotypic models. This premise may have implications that reach far beyond the impact described for lesbian women and gay men to include heterosexual people, as well, who develop interests in nontraditional occupations. Finally, physiological arousal occurring in conjunction with other sources of self-efficacy can either negatively or positively influence self-efficacy beliefs and, consequently, interests. For example, a lesbian or gay individual may experience negative arousal states such as anxiety while participating in gender-congruent activities. These negative arousal states may arise from performing behaviors that are incompatible with self-identity and may counteract positive influences from other sources. Conversely, positive arousal states may arise from performing behaviors that are compatible with self-identity. Although Bandura (1986) suggested that sources of self-efficacy interact in complex ways, the relative salience of sources of self-efficacy in individuals in nontraditional occupations is a question requiring empirical investigation. OUTCOME EXPECTATIONS
According to SCCT, interests are also a function of outcome expectations. Thus, social and contextual factors may negatively affect interest development in a similar manner to that described for self-efficacy beliefs. Bell, Weinberg, and Hammersmith (1981), Morrow and Campbell (1995b), and numerous theoretical articles (see Fassinger, 1996b) indicate that many lesbian women believe that having been masculine or tomboys as girls was a precursor of their lesbianism. Regardless of the accuracy of this perception, personal, occupational, and societal stereotyping may converge, with the tomboy girl receiving either mixed or negative messages about engaging in boyish activities (Fassinger, 1996b; Morrow & Campbell, 1995b). In turn, the girl may incorporate those messages as negative outcome expectations regarding maletyped behaviors, thereby restricting her range of interest. Many lesbian women and gay men report having felt ‘‘different’’ from others at a very early age (Gonsiorek, 1995). In a familial, religious, or educational environment that rewards conformity and punishes differentness, the child is given the message, ‘‘If you are different, there is something wrong
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with you.’’ Unpleasant associations with being perceived as different will lead to negative outcome expectations related to behaviors that further draw attention to the child’s differentness. Consequently, the range of interests otherwise available to the child may be restricted, leading to an equally restricted behavioral repertoire. On the other hand, in an environment encouraging uniqueness, the lesbian or gay child will develop positive associations with differentness and positive outcome expectations for a broader range of activities. Lent et al. (1994) noted, ‘‘An individual with high perceived efficacy but low outcome expectations relative to a given activity may be less likely to develop an enduring interest in that activity since the latter is seen as offering limited potential for reinforcement’’ (p. 93). For lesbian women and gay men, and perhaps for any oppressed group, outcome expectations may be more salient than self-efficacy beliefs in the formation of interests. The crucial issue may not be, ‘‘Can I do it?’’ but ‘‘What will happen if I do?’’ This latter question may be especially salient under conditions in which the individual anticipates oppression or discrimination based on sexual orientation. The relative influences of self-efficacy and outcome expectations on the development of career interests and choice in oppressed populations is a topic for future research. Lent et al. (1994) reported meta-analytic evidence suggesting that the relation between self-efficacy beliefs and interests was virtually identical to that between outcome expectations and interests (r Å .53 and .52, respectively). Similar findings were reported by Gore (1995), using covariance structural analysis. Under conditions of anticipated oppression or discrimination based on sexual orientation, however, it is plausible that outcome expectations may be more strongly related to interests than are self-efficacy beliefs. Research aimed at comparing the relationships among self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and interests in lesbian and gay individuals who perceive discrimination and those who do not will begin to address this question. TRANSFORMING INTERESTS INTO GOALS AND ACTIONS: THE MODERATING ROLE OF PROXIMAL CONTEXTUAL BARRIERS
As interests develop, individuals begin to establish goals for activity involvement and practice. In a supportive environment, these goals translate into actions. As SCCT points out, however, person and environmental forces may serve as barriers to the transformation of interests into goals or goals into actions, thereby moderating the relationship among these variables. According to Lent et al. (1994), career development is most fluid through late adolescence, stabilizing in early adulthood. The period of adolescence in which academic and career interests are beginning to crystallize is also that period in which the lesbian or gay youth may be in most turmoil about her or his developing sexual identity. Thus, the young lesbian woman or gay man may postpone or abandon crystallizing interests that might otherwise translate
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to academic and career choices or activity involvement. Theoretical work (Croteau & Hedstrom, 1993; Fassinger, 1996a; Morgan & Brown, 1991), as well as investigation by Morrow and Campbell (1995a), indicate that identity confusion, conflicts with parents or peers, and other barriers to forming a sexual identity frequently stall the career development of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth. Additional research might explore the effects of sexual-identity confusion and the timing of its resolution on the relationships among interests, goal behaviors, and activity involvement. Many lesbian women and gay men report having made abrupt career shifts during the ‘‘coming-out’’ phase of their sexual identity development, coinciding with major alterations in self-identity (Morrow & Campbell, 1995a). Identity confusion appears to introduce an element of rigidity into the potentially fluid process of translating interests into goal behaviors and actions. Lacking this fluidity, the individual may jump from one job to another, making seemingly random career choices incongruent with interests. Alternatively, an abrupt career shift following identity resolution might represent a return to more fundamental interests that the individual had previously inhibited or hidden in response to environmental pressures to conform. A third possibility is that resolving sexual identity provides a powerful impetus for reevaluating basic interests. According to Lent et al., ‘‘Once interests crystallize, it may take very compelling experiences to provoke a fundamental reappraisal of career self-efficacy and outcome beliefs and, hence, a change in basic interest patterns’’ (p. 89). In addition to the coming-out process, other overwhelming life events that lesbian and gay individuals experience (e.g., being diagnosed HIV-positive or losing custody of children) may also contribute to redirecting career-related behavior. Thus, it is imperative that researchers and practitioners explore the effects of compelling or traumatic experiences on career patterns of lesbian and gay people. In addition, the positioning of the lesbian or gay individual in the coming-out process relative to his or her career development bears systematic investigation to better understand these relations. In contrast to the subtle moderating effects of contextual factors on the translation of interests into goals and actions, career opportunities and choice may be more directly influenced by environmental conditions such as economic oppression, discrimination in the workplace, stereotyping within and outside lesbian and gay communities, and support in the workplace (Fassinger, 1996b). Employment discrimination has been identified as a serious problem by lesbian, gay, and bisexual workers (Croteau, 1996; Croteau & Lark, 1995; Croteau & von Destinon, 1994; Levine & Leonard, 1984; Morgan & Brown, 1991) and has been covered extensively in the literature (Diamant, 1993; Elliott, 1993; Fassinger, 1991, 1993; Garnets & Kimmel, 1991; Lee & Brown, 1993). In addition, Fassinger (1996b) noted the interaction of lesbian sexual orientation, oppression, and occupational stereotyping, pointing out the effects of these interactions on career choices. Although the literature addresses the
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influence of the environment upon the well-being of the lesbian or gay worker, it seldom speaks to economic consequences for lesbian and gay youth of being raised in families who condemn them. Homophobia within family and school can result in ridicule and humiliation, psychiatric incarceration, sexual abuse, and violence aimed at punishing nonconformity to heterosexual norms. As a result, a high proportion of lesbian and gay adolescents are at risk for poor school performance, dropping out, substance abuse, and suicide (Robinson, 1994; Savin-Williams, 1995). Parents may be unwilling to provide support for gender-incongruent educational programs or may punish offspring who do not live by family rules. Consequent economic hardship may restrict opportunities to pursue educational or occupational activities congruent with one’s interests or potential. Another economic factor affecting educational and career choice occurs among lesbian women, who, like women in general, have lower earning potential than men (Fassinger, 1996b). Lesbian couples raising children often experience additional hardship because their combined income is much lower than that of heterosexual couples. Lack of societal support and validation for lesbian and gay relationships may result in limited options that heterosexual couples often take for granted, such as spousal benefits for partners. Employment discrimination is a reality for lesbian and gay people (Diamant, 1993) that may be compounded by issues of race or ethnicity, socioeconomic class, or disability. Thus, a smooth translation of interests into career-related behavior and choice is a possibility for many heterosexual individuals but may not be a reality shared by lesbian women and gay men (Fassinger, 1996a). In many cases, interest in a career may have crystallized prior to an individual’s awareness of the possible ramifications of being lesbian or gay at work. For example, a lesbian or gay individual who has a special talent for interacting with children may dream of becoming a teacher. However, as the individual prepares for a career in teaching, he or she may realize that lesbian and gay teachers are in jeopardy because of societal prejudices and stereotypes. Griffin (1992) and Woods and Harbeck (1992) found that lesbian and gay teachers were reluctant to be open about their sexual orientations in the workplace. The awareness that being ‘‘out’’ or being found out could put one’s job in jeopardy may contribute to the lesbian woman or gay man foreclosing on teaching in favor of a career with less perceived risk despite strong self-efficacy beliefs about teaching. Like the larger society, lesbian and gay cultures hold stereotypes regarding certain careers, selectively reinforcing particular occupational activities. The popularity of lesbian softball teams or the belief that gay men are artistic, good decorators, and talented hairdressers may inspire a self-fulfilling prophecy, leading the individual to choose a stereotypic occupation that may or may not relate to interests. Safety, rather than pursuit of interests, is a primary factor affecting career choices of many lesbian women and gay men (Fassinger, 1996a, 1996b). Consequently, some choose to work in environments
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they perceive as lesbian- or gay-friendly. For example, many perceive fields such as library science, acting, or nursing as professions in which sheer numbers of lesbian women or gay men provide a buffering, supportive climate. Although many lesbian and gay people select occupations that are not based on considerations of sexual identity, analysis of qualitative data collected by Morrow and Campbell (1995a) indicates that many do so and that both positive and negative stereotypes affect their career choices. Going beyond merely supportive environments, some individuals require work in environments where they can be ‘‘out of the closet,’’ either because they have already come out publicly prior to making career decisions or because they are politically active. Research is needed to understand the salience of sexual orientation for lesbian women and gay men and its impact on either seeking or avoiding stereotypic or lesbian–gay-friendly occupations. The influence of sexual orientation on career choice may also be conceptualized as a kind of outcome expectation. Specifically, barriers related to sexual orientation at points subsequent to the development of interests may be internalized as outcome expectations that affect vocational behavior. Researchers developing measures of outcome expectations might consider including items that address the role of sexual orientation in the workplace. This research would aid in understanding the reasons individuals select or deselect occupations, the relations between people’s choices and interests, and their resultant career satisfaction. A CALL FOR RESEARCH
Two overarching aspects of SCCT have particular relevance to the career development of lesbian women and gay men: (a) distal contextual barriers in the development of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations and (b) contextual barriers proximal to career choice. Environmental influences are inextricably woven into the fabric of sources of self-efficacy beliefs. Societal stereotyping, gender-role expectations, and peer pressure may all serve to thwart early attempts at activity involvement, resulting in a truncated range of academic and career interests. Additionally, gender-stereotyped models, negative persuasive messages from influential authority figures, or negative affective associations may inhibit the development of interests. Though sexual orientation often cannot be determined at points most crucial in the early formation of self-efficacy beliefs, retrospective research with lesbian and gay adults focused on the sources of these beliefs might help to illuminate the impact of environmental influences on developing interests. Specifically, researchers must reexamine the influences of factors in the environment related to the socialization of gender roles (Gottfredson, 1981; Hackett & Betz, 1981), particularly as they might affect children who could grow up to be lesbian or gay. We encourage both qualitative and quantitative investigations that explore the relations between and among gender, gender traditionality or nontraditionality, and sexual orientation (lesbian, gay, bisexual) as those fac-
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tors influence career development. These relations should be examined specifically in conjunction with the development of self-efficacy beliefs in the context of either support or nonsupport of emerging interests. In addition, qualitative research may shed light on the complexities and contradictions surrounding the experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual women and men as both gendered individuals and related to gender-traditional and nontraditional work roles. Societal forces also serve to determine the direction of a young person’s outcome expectations. Our application of SCCT to the career development of lesbian women and gay men suggests that, given the barriers and challenges affecting these populations, outcome expectations may operate as powerful forces in sustaining and fostering developing interests. Further research is needed to examine the relative salience of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations to the career development of lesbian women and gay men. We encourage research linking the taxonomy of interests proposed by Holland (1985), the model of circumscription and compromise articulated by Gottfredson (1981), and SCCT, with the goal of understanding more clearly the place of distal barriers in the development of interests. In addition to distal barriers, contemporary barriers proximal to career choice impede the translation of interests and goals into academic and careerrelated activities and choices. These barriers include economic forces; prejudices and stereotypes; and discrimination based on sexual orientation related to hiring, promotion, and benefits. Research is needed to understand the nature and extent of proximal barriers, as well as to uncover the influences of both perceived and actual barriers on the career-related activities and choices of lesbian women and gay men. Additionally, we believe that it is important to discover at what points in the SCCT model personal and occupational stereotyping have the greatest effect and what kinds of effects occur based on the timing of such stereotyping. Lesbian women and gay men confront environmental barriers at almost every stage of their career development. The earliest barriers may be the most insidious, as background or distal contextual factors prevent individuals from engaging in activities that lead to greater self-efficacy and positive outcome expectations. Individuals subjected to gender-stereotyped environments that restrict activity involvement, filter exposure to models, or limit verbal reinforcement for performing a broad range of activities may develop severely restricted interests. Consequent to the development of interests, contemporary or proximal influences can create economic hardship or foreclosure on welldeveloped career aspirations. Theory and research are needed to develop interventions appropriate to the developmental stages of the lesbian or gay individual. Counselors require specific strategies to help clients expand a restricted range of interest, move through the process of identity development, manage sexual identity in the workplace, and cope with employment risks and difficulties.
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The challenge for researchers and practitioners, then, is multifaceted, involving a dual focus on the individual and the environment. Although environmental change is vital to the well-being of lesbian and gay people, rapid change is not forthcoming. Fundamental concerns for research include documenting the mechanisms (e.g., self-efficacy) through which external barriers (e.g., oppression) affect career development. In addition, applied research should focus on developing advocacy, policy, and systemic interventions to maximize self-efficacy, inculcate positive and accurate outcome expectations, and nurture actions that are consistent with goals. Researchers and practitioners have an ethical obligation to contribute to systemically oriented investigations and interventions to combat the effects of oppression. To do less is to benefit, economically and professionally, from the human suffering caused by that oppression. Society has already experienced the contributions of many lesbian women and gay men, even in the face of their oppression. Society can only benefit as professionals confront barriers to career development and lesbian and gay people are encouraged to contribute their abilities, interests, and energies to endeavors consistent with their capabilities and desires. REFERENCES Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Bell, A. P., Weinberg, M. S., & Hammersmith, S. K. (1981). Sexual preference: Its development in men and women. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Browning, C., Reynolds, A., & Dworkin, S. (1991). Affirmative psychotherapy for lesbian women. The Counseling Psychologist, 19, 177–196. Chung, Y. B. (1996). Career decision making of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. The Career Development Quarterly, 44, 178–190. Chung, Y. B., & Harmon, L. W. (1994). The career interests and aspirations of gay men: How sex-role orientation is related. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45, 223–239. Croteau, J. M. (1996). Research on the work experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people: An integrative review of methodology and findings. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48, 195–209. Croteau, J. M., & Hedstrom, S. M. (1993). Integrating commonality and difference: The key to career counseling with lesbian women and gay men. Career Development Quarterly, 41, 201–209. Croteau, J. M., & Lark, J. S. (1995). On being lesbian, gay, and bisexual in student affairs: A national survey of experiences on the job. NASPA Journal, 32, 189–197. Croteau, J. M., & von Destinon, M. (1994). A national survey of job search experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual student affairs professionals. Journal of College Student Development, 35, 40–45. Diamant, L. (Ed.). (1993). Homosexual issues in the workplace. Washington, DC: Taylor & Francis. Elliott, J. E. (1993). Career development with lesbian and gay clients. Career Development Quarterly, 41, 210–226. Fassinger, R. E. (1996a). From invisibility to integration: Lesbian identity in the workplace. Career Development Quarterly, 44, 148–167. Fassinger, R. E. (1996b). Notes from the margins: Integrating lesbian experience into the vocational psychology of women. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48, 160–175.
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Fassinger, R. E. (1991). The hidden minority: Issues and challenges in working with lesbian women and gay men. The Counseling Psychologist, 19, 157–176. Fassinger, R. E. (1993). And gladly teach: Lesbian and gay issues in education. In L. Diamant (Ed.), Homosexual issues in the workplace (pp. 119–142). New York: Wiley. Garnets, L., & Kimmel, D. (1991). Lesbian and gay male dimensions in the psychological study of human diversity. In J. D. Goodchilds (Ed.), Psychological perspectives on human diversity in America. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Gonsiorek, J. C. (1995). Gay male identities: Concepts and issues. In A. R. D’Augelli & C. J. Patterson (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities over the lifespan: Psychological perspectives (pp. 24–47). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gore, P. A., Jr. (1995). A structural analysis of a social cognitive theory of career interests. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Loyola University of Chicago, Chicago. Gottfredson, L. S. (1981). Circumscription and compromise: A developmental theory of occupational aspirations. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 28, 545–579. Griffin, P. (1992). From hiding out to coming out: Empowering lesbian and gay educators. In K. M. Harbeck, (Ed.), Coming out of the classroom closet (pp. 167–196). Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press. Hackett, G., & Betz, N. E. (1981). A self-efficacy approach to the career development of women. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 326–339. Hackett, G., & Lent, R. W. (1992). Theoretical advances and current inquiry in career psychology. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Handbook of counseling psychology (2nd ed.) (pp. 419–451). New York: Wiley. Hetherington, C., & Orzek, A. M. (1989). Career counseling and life planning with lesbian women. Journal of Counseling and Development, 68, 52–57. Holland, J. L. (1985). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Hyde, J. S., Rosenberg, B. G., & Behrman, J. (1977). Tomboyism. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 2, 73–75. Isay, R. A. (1989). Being homosexual: Gay men and their development. New York: FarrarStraus-Giroux. Kitzinger, C. (1995). Social constructionism: Implications for lesbian and gay psychology. In A. R. D’Augelli & C. J. Patterson (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities over the lifespan: Psychological perspectives (pp. 136–161). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lee, J. A., & Brown, R. G. (1993). Hiring, firing, and promoting. In L. Diamant (Ed.), Homosexual issues in the workplace (pp. 45–62). New York: Wiley. Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45, 79–122. Levine, M. P., & Leonard, R. (1984). Discrimination against lesbians in the work force. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 9, 700–710. Morgan, K. S., & Brown, L. S. (1991). Lesbian career development, work behavior, and vocational counseling. The Counseling Psychologist, 19, 273–291. Morrow, S. L., & Campbell, B. W. (1995a). The influence of sexual orientation on the career development of lesbian, gay, and bisexual women and men. Unpublished manuscript. Morrow, S. L., & Campbell, B. W. (1995b). The impact of invisibility on the career directions of lesbian women. Unpublished manuscript. Robinson, K. E. (1994). Addressing the needs of gay and lesbian students: The school counselor’s role. The School Counselor, 41, 326–332. Savin-Williams, R. C. (1995). Lesbian, gay male, and bisexual adolescents. In A. R. D’Augelli & C. J. Patterson (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities over the lifespan (pp. 165–189). New York: Oxford University Press.
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Unger, R., & Crawford, M. (1992). Women and gender: A feminist psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill. Woods, S. E., & Harbeck, K. M. (1992). Living in two worlds: The identity management strategies used by lesbian physical educators. In K. M. Harbeck (Ed.), Coming out of the classroom closet (pp. 141–166). Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press. Received May 22, 1995
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