Transport, urban development and the peripheral poor in Colombia — Placing splintering urbanism in the context of transport networks

Journal of Transport Geography 51 (2016) 180–192

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Transport, urban development and the peripheral poor in Colombia — Placing splintering urbanism in the context of transport networks Daniel Oviedo Hernandez a,⁎, Julio D. Dávila a,b a b

Bartlett Development Planning Unit, University College London, UK Bartlett Development Planning Unit, University College London, UK

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 26 November 2013 Received in revised form 23 December 2015 Accepted 6 January 2016 Available online xxxx Keywords: Transport networks Splintering Inequality Transport policy

a b s t r a c t In rapidly growing cities the evolution of utility and communication infrastructures has enabled the creation of ‘premium networked spaces’ exclusively for wealthier groups thus deepening already large social inequalities. By the same token, in a context of spatially concentrated income-earning opportunities and other urban functions, as well as limited purchasing power, accessibility to adequate means of connectivity with the rest of the urban fabric can be a determining factor in overcoming conditions of poverty for residents in physically marginal areas. Within the framework of the splintering urbanism thesis, and using the case study of Soacha, a municipality adjacent to Bogotá, Colombia's capital city, we examine the apparent mismatch between the growth of low-income informal settlements in peripheral locations and the development of transport networks in the period 2000– 2010. Our aim is to identify the effects on social and spatial marginalisation of an uneven provision of material infrastructures and services for mobility. We identify central elements in the structure of the networks of connectivity between Bogotá and Soacha, highlighting the main gaps that lead to a fragmented set of connections. We develop a set of criteria for planners and policy makers searching for a more informed analysis of transport supply and policy development practice for poor peripheral populations in similar regions and contexts. © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction In rapidly growing cities utility and communication infrastructures can become instruments of production and reproduction of social and spatial inequalities. As urban areas grow and develop and capital seeks more advantageous conditions for its reproduction, processes of structuring and re-structuring of networks of opportunities arise. In this context, wealthier groups are able to segregate themselves in premium nodes of well-connected networks, accessing information, interacting socially and improving their levels of welfare. In contrast, more remote nodes, comprising mainly low-income populations, are simultaneously excluded as a result of the discontinuity of links and services and a restricted capacity to interact with the city. This suggests that material infrastructures for mobility can have a central role in enabling physical access to the city by the poor and so help reduce social exclusion. Our paper addresses the need for a framework to critically examine how some groups in society are by-passed by transport and infrastructure planning. The splintering urbanism thesis (Graham and Marvin, 2001) has helped explain growing gaps in access to public services ⁎ Corresponding author at: The Bartlett Development Planning Unit, 34 Tavistock Square, London WC1H 9EZ, UK. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (D. Oviedo Hernandez), [email protected] (J.D. Dávila).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtrangeo.2016.01.003 0966-6923/© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

and communication infrastructures in modern cities, particularly in the industrialised world. These ideas suggest that political, social and economic forces play a role in the apparent mismatches between development of poor settlements in urban peripheries and provision of means of connectivity in these areas. In this regard, we argue that several elements of Graham and Marvin's interpretation of infrastructure provision can be extended to the analysis of transport networks and services and associated social inequalities in segregated urban communities, particularly in the global south. We apply some of their central interpretations outside of the British context where it was originally developed. The urban area where we examine these issues is located in the central city-region of Colombia, one of the most populous in Latin America. In the framework of the splintering urbanism thesis, and using the case study of Soacha, a municipality adjacent to Bogotá, Colombia's capital city, we examine the apparent mismatch between the growth of lowincome informal settlements in peripheral locations and the development of transport networks in the period 2000–2010. This enables us to analyse marked centre-periphery dynamics, common in the Latin American context, as well as the importance of informal housing development in shaping such dynamics for the poor. Furthermore, considering the limited power and influence of Soacha residents and the observable deficit in local infrastructure and services, the case study leads to an analysis of the spatial fragmentation in the structure of

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local networks of connectivity and a potential disconnection between regional and local spatial planning strategies. Peripheral settlements in Soacha could be said to be a case of ‘geographical exclusion’, one of several categories identified by Church et al. (2000) to define social exclusion. This is linked not only to a relational position in space but also to inadequate provision of transport services. Residents of the study area are subject to economic exclusion (Alvarez and Bocarejo, 2013), and in many cases have limited access to cognitive, organisational and physical skills. This prevents them further from fully utilising existing mechanisms for mobility and from maintaining their social and spatial links (Ohnmacht et al., 2009). We examine an apparent mismatch between the evolution of informal settlements and the supply of transport networks with the aim of identifying the effects on social marginalisation of an uneven provision of material infrastructures and services for mobility (Bassols, 1990; Quijano, 1977). The case study offers a relatively unexplored, yet fairly common set of conditions underpinning the interrelations between transport planning, informal development and social exclusion in peripheral areas of large cities of Latin-America. We observe central elements influencing the structure of networks of connectivity in and between Bogotá and Soacha. Building on secondary information and field visits, the research reflects on the causes and consequences of transport-related segregation and marginalisation in the urban fringes. This work sets out to build a better-informed analysis of transport supply and policy development practices for poor peripheral populations in similar regions and contexts. 2. Splintering urbanism in peripheral urban areas: an analytical framework The notion of a networked society developed by Castells (2000) is a good starting point for introducing the applicability of the splintering urbanism thesis (Graham and Marvin, 2001) to the analysis of transport provision in peripheral urban areas. Castells (2000) describes urban spaces as characterised by flows and networks. Flows are sequences of interchanges and movements between positions within different systems of the social, while networks are the material base that make flows possible, including transport and communications (Manderscheid, 2009). These conditions give social relevance to an unequal distribution of material infrastructures of connectivity as they determine patterns of movement of people, goods and information (Ohnmacht et al., 2009). Urban planning and provision of transport networks translate into forces that can either moderate or aggravate social inequalities by enhancing or restricting accessibility (Manderscheid and Bergman, 2008). An individual's travel expenditure depends on the number of connections needed to access relevant opportunities of employment, education, leisure and social interactions, which are in turn reliant on networks of infrastructure, communications and technology. Graham and Marvin (2001) interpret these networks as technoeconomic constructs arising from social and historical processes, highlighting the mutual relationship between the development of networks and urban spaces (Zérah, 2007). As urban structures develop and become more complex, a poorly planned supply of transport infrastructure will tend to reinforce the process of spatial concentration of urban activities and wealth. The splintering urbanism thesis responds to what Graham and Marvin describe as an urgent need for developing a more robust, comprehensive approach to the understanding of “the changing relations between contemporary cities, infrastructure networks and technological mobilities” (2001, p. 33). The core of the splintering urbanism argument is that this dialectical relationship is currently undergoing structural changes through a: “…process of ‘unbundling’ and ‘splintering’ the diverse political and regulatory regimes that supported the roll-out of power, transport, communications, street and transport networks towards the

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rhetorical goal of standardised ubiquity” (Graham and Marvin, 2001, p. 382). The unbundling in the production and delivery of infrastructure services sought to increase economic efficiency rather than reduce social and spatial inequalities (Graham and Marvin, 2001). Through the constant creation of premium developments that include among others gated communities, commercial complexes and high-tech economic clusters, the production of urban spaces is shaped along with the provision of infrastructure, leading to a growing separation among socioeconomic groups (Zérah, 2007). Premium networked spaces allow higher income groups to segregate themselves from the rest of the urban fabric while, paradoxically, remaining strongly connected to other premium spaces even in distant localities (Graham and Marvin, 2001). Differentiated mechanisms of infrastructure supply not only allow the segregation of wealthier groups but they bypass less powerful groups generating inequalities in relation to the capacity to interact with the economic and social structure of the city (Graham and Marvin, 2001). Social groups lacking necessary resources and choice to be able to move become deprived from interacting with the whole extent of opportunities offered by society (Bauman, 2000; Zibechi, 2008). The production of bypassing strategies in infrastructure provision makes splintering urbanism a useful framework for studying transport development in segregated nodes of a networked society. Increasing gaps between connected and disconnected people lead to a ‘poverty of connections’ that limits “a person or group's ability to extend their influence in time and space” (Graham and Marvin, 2001, p. 288), so understanding the causes and consequences of this type of exclusion becomes central in examining transport services. Limited provision of infrastructure to particular groups in society has serious implications in terms of transport-related social exclusion, which involves spatial, political, personal and societal disadvantages that can be aggravated by poverty and in turn help deepen it (Kenyon et al., 2002). Transport-related social exclusion derives from the insufficiency or inexistence of adequate means to travel (Kenyon et al., 2002). According to Grieco (2006), people that experience conditions of exclusion see their travel choice removed as a consequence of an urban environment built around the notion of high mobility. Limited access to networks of connectivity can curtail full participation in society (Burchardt, 1999, Witter, 2010). Graham and Marvin's thesis highlights the weakness of regulation and policies of privatisation and provision of infrastructure services that may lead to an increase in inequalities and the exclusion of specific socio-demographic groups (FernándezMaldonado, 2008). Some limitations of Graham and Marvin's thesis become relevant when testing its claims in the context of (1) cities in developing countries, and (2) groups who are spatially segregated on the basis of their poverty (as opposed to their wealth). As Coutard (2002) stresses, this theory gives no room to the specificity of each infrastructure sector. Furthermore, a premise of the splintering urbanism thesis is that observable changes produce a similar mismatch between globally connected spaces and bypassed areas. There is a symmetry hypothesis that needs to be controlled for. The thesis also provides a general framework to explore the causes and consequences of a disconnection between land-use planning and the provision of infrastructure and transport services. This can be linked to housing processes in the periphery of Bogotá in the decade after 2000, marked not only by an almost total absence of a formal urban planning framework but to poor urban governance and limited institutional capacity in the municipality. This is compounded by the high speed of development and consolidation of neighbourhoods that merge seamlessly with neighbouring Bogotá's urban fabric, with limited transport networks to access main opportunity clusters in the core of the metropolitan region.

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3. Bogotá–Soacha: a metropolis over-spills its boundaries Colombia's capital region comprises the agglomeration of Bogotá DC (‘Capital District’) and surrounding municipalities. While there is no officially designated metropolitan area in Bogotá, in practice a functional area has been gradually emerging from the conurbation formed with neighbouring municipalities as the city extends beyond its administrative boundaries. Depending on how flows of people and goods are measured, this can comprise up to 19 adjacent municipalities that have a functional, social and economic relationship with the capital city. All adjacent municipalities are located in the province (departamento)1 of Cundinamarca, with limited administrative and financial autonomy when compared with Bogotá (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005). According to census data, the strongest dynamics of conurbation and suburbanisation take place between Bogotá and seven surrounding municipalities, including Soacha, which have been unofficially defined as the region's Inner Ring. Other municipalities that have progressively strengthened their link with the city despite not showing yet clear spatial continuity have been assigned to a second group or Outer Ring in this practical definition of a city-region (Departamento Nacional de Planeación — DNP, 2005). Jobs, commerce and leisure tend to be located at, or in close proximity to, higher-income areas in the east and north-east of Bogotá. As the supply of land at prices that the poor can afford is all but exhausted in the better serviced and better resourced areas within the capital's administrative boundaries, the location of newly formed low-income households and recent in-migrants has gradually shifted toward peripheral areas, from southern and south-eastern neighbourhoods to the western corners and adjacent municipalities (Fig. 1). This process of occupation has progressively led to the saturation of Bogotá's southern-most localities, leading to the rapid emergence of informal settlements in un-serviced, lower-priced land in Soacha (Dávila et al., 2006). The spatial and functional conurbation Bogotá–Soacha has the most intense flows of people and services in the region and in recent years has become the main destination of low-income in-migrants, even in a context of poor governance and limited municipal investment capacity. Population growth rates have been high in Soacha, particularly along the border with Bogotá. Soacha's population grew from 344,761 inhabitants in 2000 to 455,992 in 2010, an annual rate of over 6%, well above the national urban average of 1.2% and Bogotá's annual growth rate of 2.17% (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística — DANE, 2005). In 2003, in-migrants represented 81.6% of Soacha's population (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005). Demand for low-cost housing outstrips supply, with the gap filled by sales of land and rental units largely in informal settlements. Individual plots are sold in areas where building is either restricted or forbidden on environmental grounds (Osorio, 2009) and with little or no suitable transport or utilities infrastructure. As part of the process of informal occupation, families build their homes through self-help housing, often illegally tapping nearby electric and water mains. Municipal planning offices do not offer legal recognition to settlements developed without adequate provision of public utilities and basic infrastructure networks until they have attained a ‘critical population mass’ enabling their residents to exert enough political pressure to have their neighbourhood ‘legalised’ (Bocarejo and Velasquez, 2012). The increase in size and political significance of segregated nodes puts pressure on local authorities to retrofit connections to utilities and provide additional infrastructure like storm drainage, pavements, roads and street lighting, at considerably high costs (Dávila et al., 2006). 1 Colombia's 1991 Constitution establishes that the country is a unitary republic divided administratively and politically in 33 divisions: 32 departments, governed from their respective capitals, and Bogotá. The departments are geographical, cultural and economic regions with fiscal and administrative autonomy (Colombia's political constitution, 1991).

Urban population growth has created pressure for better transport connectivity for the workforce commuting between the two cities, but this has faced challenges of a political and administrative nature. Bogotá is the largest and most populous city in Colombia. It houses the national and provincial governments as well as a great share of national output, accounting for about 25% of gross domestic product. Given the importance of Bogotá relative to neighbouring municipalities, a high share of transport investment by neighbouring municipalities aims to improve connections to the core city often at the expense of local connectivity, particularly in low-income areas. In addition, expenditure by local administrations is constrained by insufficient budgets that rely on provincial transfers and on local taxes on property and economic activity, in a context where much property and economic activity are informal (and therefore virtually impossible to tax). Demographically and economically, Bogotá dominates the region with some 7.5 million inhabitants, with the remaining municipalities in the capital region comprising a population of under one million altogether (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística — DANE, 2012). Bogotá is the main centre of employment in the country, supplying around 3.5 million jobs in the formal sector (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2008), with an additional 1.8 million informal employment jobs (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2012). In contrast, Soacha generates some 200,000 formal jobs, mainly in the manufacturing and mining sectors, representing almost half of the municipality's economically active population (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística — DANE, 2005). Soacha could be described as a ‘dormitory city’ relying largely on Bogotá for jobs (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística — DANE, 2005). A substantial share of jobs is spatially concentrated on or close to the central business district (CBD) and the industrial area to the west of the CBD (Bocarejo and Oviedo, 2012). For workers residing in neighbouring municipalities this involves long travel distances. This spatial concentration of activities is strongly related to the city's transport infrastructure. Mainstream transport planning focuses on providing connections between centres of housing and activities following a demand–supply logic analogous to gravity models (Ortuzar and Willumsen, 2011). In a city with such marked concentration of jobs, it is thus natural that the primary road network is linked to main axes of activity with mass public transport services connecting residential areas with main employment centres. Fig. 2 shows that jobs are comparatively scarce in the South of Bogotá and most of Soacha when compared with Bogotá's CBD and main manufacturing axes to the West. The implementation of Transmilenio, Bogotá's Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system, in 1998–2010 is an example of the influence of centralised opportunities on the transport network of the city. The system helped improve transport conditions in Bogotá considerably, increasing average travel speeds from 13 km/h in the early 1990s to 26 km/h during its first phase in 1999 (Gakenheimer, 1999). However, despite progress in consolidating a comprehensive transport network, the initial phases of the programme sought to connect main workforce residential areas with employment clusters leaving some areas of the region largely disconnected from high-quality means of connectivity. This improved accessibility in wealthier areas but restricted connectivity in neighbourhoods farther away, which house mostly low-income populations. As a consequence, the latter became captive of lowerquality traditional and often informal modes of transport either for the last leg of their commutes or the entire trip. As shown in Fig. 3 (where 1 represents the lowest income stratum and 6 the highest), there is a high degree of spatial segregation along socio-economic lines, which in turn is reflected in highly differentiated access to transport, including high-capacity public transport. In Bogotá, higher income groups occupy better-connected spaces. The lack of land-use policies that encourage not only mixed land use but higher socioeconomic mix in residential areas has contributed to the consolidation of premium spaces in the areas of concentration of

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Fig. 1. Neighbourhoods with an informal origin in Bogotá and Soacha, 1950–2000. Source: Dávila et al. (2006).

Fig. 2. Bogotá and Soacha: Spatial distribution of employment. Source: Bocarejo and Oviedo (2012) and Transmilenio (2009).

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Fig. 3. Bogotá: Population by socioeconomic stratum and Transmilenio (BRT) Network. Source: Origin–Destination Survey for Bogotá DC (2011).

employment opportunities and access to the transport network. Higher accessibility produced as result of transport investments, combined with limited mechanisms for land value capture has allowed the market to capitalise on land price increases, making new developments in areas close to the BRT less affordable for people in low incomes (Bocarejo et al., 2013). In addition, the existence of high-capacity road corridors in or along some areas of restricted urbanisation has served as an excuse for informal housing providers to continue selling plots of land to lowincome households with the promise of future connectivity, eventual legalisation and provision of basic public utility networks, thus exacerbating the growth of low-income residents in distantly located informal peripheral settlements. Bogotá's residents make on average 1.5 trips per day, with mean commuting times of over one hour. Low-income households spend more than 20% of their income in motorised transport to reach centres of employment, as well as long periods on foot to reach public transport, particularly in peripheral areas (Bocarejo and Oviedo, 2012). These conditions are common in areas with low coverage of public transport and where there is discontinuity in public transport services or infrastructure. This is worsened by long distances and poverty. On average residents in the south of the city travel less, while residents in wealthy neighbourhoods of the north-east, where more income-earning opportunities are concentrated, have much higher rates of daily mobility (Fig. 4). Low coverage of transport infrastructure, added to spatial concentration of jobs and limited purchasing power of residents in peripheral areas, would seem to contribute to low rates of motorised mobility in low-income zones. The basic structure of the road network in Soacha is derived from one of the most important roads in the national network that connects the central region with the southwest and east of the country (Fig. 4).

This corridor plays a central role in the national road network by linking manufacturing clusters with Bogotá's airport hub (Soacha Municipality, 2011). The existence of this strong transport link has allowed the development of logistic facilities, access to water supply and location of different activities, particularly in the mining industry. Because it also works as a link between Bogotá and Soacha, the highway has been a determinant factor in fostering a conurbation between the two cities. As it gives Soacha strategic features in terms of connectivity to Bogotá, the highway became one of the main reasons for the significant development of low cost housing by both formal and informal developers, as well as occasional squatting on private and public property. Rapid population growth combined with conditions of poor governance and severe institutional weaknesses in the municipal government makes provision of utility and communication networks very difficult in many lowincome settlements (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005; Acevedo et al., 2013). 4. Informal settlements in Soacha: a social and spatial peripheries The rationale for applying the splintering urbanism thesis to the study of transport networks in Soacha lays in the notion of differentiated power and influence that leads to concentration of connectivity and bypassed nodes in the provision of transport infrastructure. Soacha is peripheral to Bogotá, socially, spatially and politically. Soacha's tax base is weak, as much productive activity is informal and property taxes on informal settlements are virtually non-existent. Much of its population depends on social welfare programmes. About a quarter of Soacha's neighbourhoods (82 out of 348) are either informal or in the process of becoming formalised (Soacha Municipality, 2011). The municipality has one of the highest migration

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Fig. 4. Bogotá region: Average rates of daily motorised mobility and road network. Source: Origin–Destination Survey for Bogotá DC (2011).

rates of ethnic minorities in the country, mostly due to internal forced displacement arising from the low-intensity internal conflict affecting Colombia over the past four decades. The majority of these minority groups (especially indigenous groups) are located in urban areas in poor and overcrowded conditions (Soacha Municipality, 2011). According to data from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, three of the six local administrative divisions (comunas) in the municipality house a large share of internally displaced people (United Nations High Comission for Refugees — UNHCR, 2005). These areas also have very low coverage of utility networks and high geological and seismic risks. Most migrants have very low levels of income, no job security, limited or no formal education qualifications, and perform unskilled jobs. In-migrants move to Bogotá in search of a better quality of life and access to education and employment, but many settle in Soacha mainly because of lower land prices and rents, particularly in the informal housing sector (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005). Soacha's Comuna 4 has among the highest degrees of informal occupation, migration and poverty in the region, particularly in neighbourhoods like Altos de Cazucá, Altos de la Florida and Ciudadela Sucre, jointly described here as Cazucá. Cazucá provides a good case study to examine the splintering urbanism thesis as it is located not only in the administrative boundary between Bogotá and Soacha, but it is also peripheral to both in terms of structures of connectivity. By 1996, as a result of the occupation and development by informal housing developers, the settlement spread and reached a high degree of consolidation within a few years. It currently extends up to the boundary with Bogotá, and to the untrained eye it is difficult to make out

where the administrative boundary lies. This provides little more than an imaginary division in a hilly area occupied by a vast number of low-income self-built housing. Field observations show that basic infrastructure (like sewerage and water supply) will be available to a welling located inside the Bogotá boundary, but is likely to be absent in an adjacent house despite the urban fabric being virtually undifferentiated. People in Soacha are bounded by geographies of administration and power and are unable to exert any political influence on Bogotá to help improve the conditions of their settlements. Cazucá is represented by only one of 18 elected members of the Municipal Council (Concejo de Soacha, 2014). Although neighbourhoods in each Comuna have a local board of representatives, in practice these leaders have little influence on the planning processes and lack the political capital to pursue higher representation in the Municipal Council. These, added to conditions of informality and social stigmas affecting local residents, are strong constraints for local representatives from Cazucá to influence decision-making processes in relation to municipal infrastructure. Lack of power and influence in municipal governance is compounded by limited municipal financial and technical capacity (Soacha Municipality, 2000; Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005). Although infrastructure conditions in Bogotá neighbourhoods adjacent to Soacha might not be as bad, local governments there are also constrained by their own budgets and jurisdiction. The Locality of Ciudad Bolivar in Bogotá, for example, where low-income settlements adjacent to Cazucá are located, had one of the lowest rates of investment in transportrelated infrastructure of the city between 2006 and 2010 (Instituto de Desarrollo Urbano — IDU, 2012). The law forbids Bogotá to make investments outside its jurisdiction, while Soacha's local government lacks the

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funds and capacity to supply infrastructure and services to informal neighbourhoods, particularly those on land officially classified as inadequate for residential occupation on environmental grounds. Lack of political legitimacy in Cazucá adds to the limited availability of resources for investment in urban transport infrastructure by the local government, increasing the disconnection of the area from the rest of the urban fabric. Utility and connectivity networks in Soacha are insufficient for the size and pace of growth of its population. In 2005 96.7% of households had access to electricity, 82.8% to water supply and 83.6% to sewerage (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística — DANE, 2005). In Cazucá, with a population of 69,325 in 2005, 74.7% lacked access to water supply, 66.2% were not covered by sewerage and 63.6% were not served with natural gas connections (Acevedo et al., 2012). This contrasts significantly with dwellings located over the border in Bogotá, which have close to 100% coverage in almost all utilities (Ipsos Napoleón Franco, 2011). This shows a clear splintering in the provision of urban infrastructure. Although Soacha lacks the highest income strata so highly visible in Bogotá's northeast, public investment does seem to give preference to more consolidated and richer neighbourhoods and comunas. More productive areas and those neighbourhoods deemed more relevant for the local economy have much higher levels of coverage than those found in areas with higher incidence of informality (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005). At 4.73, Cazucá's population has Soacha's lowest average of years in formal education (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística — DANE, 2005). The Municipal Development Plan (PMD) estimates municipal unemployment at around 15.6% affecting especially groups aged 15 to 24 (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005), with rates reaching even more critical levels in Cazucá. There is a high incidence of child labour, particularly in the poorest areas, generating conditions for the intergenerational transmission of poverty. About 55% of Soacha's economically active population works in Bogotá despite the high presence of manufacturing and extractive industries locally and a recent reactivation of the local economy (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2011). Cazucá's dismal living conditions are compounded by limited availability of resources and the necessary assets to overcome poverty. Recent research suggests that residents' most critical social and economic problems are mainly related to limited purchasing power, long working hours, single-parent households, high incidence of teenage pregnancies and difficulties in accessing employment and education (Alvarez and Bocarejo, 2013). Most workers have precarious job conditions, low salaries, erratic incomes, and informal job contracts. In addition to spatial barriers for accessing income-earning activities, the main constraints when looking for jobs lie in lack of qualifications, while the social stigma associated with a high incidence of crime and insecurity in the area portrayed in the media considerably reduces residents' opportunities for interaction with populations both outside the neighbourhoods and even inside them (Alvarez and Bocarejo, 2013). Pre-existing transport infrastructure has played a determinant role in the evolution of informal settlements in Cazucá and the high consolidation rates achieved in the area. Previously built roads for industrial purposes that connect to the main highway have historically provided the main entry paths. Developers used the small road networks formerly used to access quarries in the periphery of Soacha to organise informal land occupations in the hills, either under informal distribution of land and housing units, or through illegal invasion of private and environmentally protected land. The pre-existence of these precarious networks partly explains the fragmented connectivity of the settlements with the rest of the fabric and the current under-investment in road infrastructure. The main road connection to the neighbourhood is the somewhat grandly termed Avenida Terreros, which was there long before the urbanisation processes in Cazucá and served as a connection to the main highway for heavy vehicles and machinery that operated in the quarry (Dávila et al., 2006). This corridor progressively became

the central axis for the operation of public transport routes, both formal and informal, that started serving the increasing demand that was consolidating after 2000. In the following years, as a result of urbanisation and consolidation of developments closer to the main road connecting Soacha with Bogotá and the dynamic development of Cazucá, a basic road network was built, although it has not been substantially upgraded in the last decade. The lack of public investment in the area has created an incomplete road network marked by poor maintenance and limited capacity. These roads are not only insufficient for the adequate circulation of motorised transport but also pose a constraint for pedestrians as there is insufficient space for pavements or kerbs (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005). According to Soacha's Land Use Plan (Soacha Municipality, 2000) 49% of roads in the municipality lacked surfacing, 34% had fair pavement quality and only 17% were considered to be in good condition. Hilly areas and more remote developments that have been consolidated informally are almost generally limited to narrow and unpaved streets with no or very little maintenance. As shown in Fig. 5, Cazucá has among the worst road conditions in the municipality, with low bearing capacity, high levels of surface and structural damage and lack of adequate surfacing. Most of the local roads are poorly designed and are too narrow for two-way traffic (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, 2005). The limited provision and poor conditions of road infrastructure have direct implications for the availability of transport services and connectivity for the area's residents. As shown in Fig. 6, although coverage of public transport is limited throughout the municipality, Cazucá (number 2 in the map) has the lowest provision of public transport routes (Transmilenio, 2009). Evolution of transport networks in parallel to the development of Cazucá has been only in scale as demand increases. Although there is now a higher number of public transport routes with higher frequencies in comparison with the year 2002, their scheme has remained unchanged and operates at a local scale. 90% of the routes in Cazucá operate only inside the municipality, covering mostly trips from the inner settlements to the main highway where passengers can transfer to routes providing services towards Bogotá or downtown Soacha. In the absence of an integrated fare system, this forces commuters to pay at least a second full fare in each direction (Transmilenio, 2009). These features limit considerably accessibility to residents. First, lack of good-quality road infrastructure and public transport services means that access times are particularly high. The low number of corridors for public transport operation, erratic frequencies and limited services, generate considerable barriers for interaction and increases transport expenditure as a result of interchanges. According to data from Metro de Medellín (2008), average daily transport expenditure in Cazucá represents between 19% and 27% of household income, well above the average found for low-income areas in Bogotá (24%) (Oviedo and Bocarejo, 2011). In addition to the limited number of connections available, quality of service is considerably low. 76% of the public transport fleet in Soacha is older than 11 years. Operational schemes are inefficient, marked by oversupply of low-capacity vehicles. Frequencies are unequally distributed, falling short at peak times and providing excess of supply in nonpeak periods. According to data from the Origin–Destination Survey for Bogota DC (2005) and technical studies (Transmilenio, 2009), Soacha's inhabitants make fewer trips than lower-income people in Bogotá. Despite recent improvements, notably in the recent addition of a Transmilenio line connecting Soacha and Bogotá, Soacha's average rates of motorised trips remain very low in comparison with its richer neighbour. A more detailed comparison of daily trip production between zones of Soacha accounting only for motorised trips shows a clear differentiation in transport demand in the municipality. Although Soacha in general has a very low rate of motorised mobility, the spatial distribution of trip production shows inequalities in terms of travel capacity (Fig. 7). Mobility is highly dependent on Bogotá, with 85% of demand in the

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Fig. 5. Soacha: Road network inventory, 2008. Source: Master Plan of Transport for Soacha (Soacha Municipality, 2009).

Fig. 6. Soacha: Coverage of public transport services, 2009. Source: Transmilenio (2009).

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morning peak commuting between Soacha and different areas of the capital city. This entails higher travel costs associated with longer distances and higher need for interchanges arising from lack of available integrated services and fares between Soacha and destinations in Bogotá (Fig. 8). Travel demand from Soacha is highly dependent on public transport services. In 2011, 85.1% of trips generated were made on public transport, with an average travel time of 79.3 min (Table 1). For Soacha residents 85% of transport demand in peak hours traveling to Bogotá involves distances of between 17 and 24 km. Only 8.6% of internal trips (i.e. within Soacha) were non-motorised, with an average travel time of 40.2 min. Transport services within the municipality weigh heavily on household incomes: on average, 6% of Soacha residents spent up to 1 USD per trip, 55% between 1 and 2.5 USD, and 39% more than 2.5 USD per trip. In an area where most household incomes are close to the minimum legal wage (270 USD per month) (United Nations Development Programme — UNDP, 2013), these levels of expenditure hinder mobility for household members and reinforce social inequalities and exclusion across the conurbation. According to Acevedo et al. (2012) Cazucá's most relevant transport problems are related to inadequate supply of transport infrastructure and services, low accessibility, and economic and personal barriers for accessing public transport. Travel patterns for accessing incomeearning opportunities usually involve long periods of travel towards Bogotá subject to long walking times and high financial outlays for individuals and their households. These are also constrained by high crime and violence levels that limit the areas and times when it is possible to travel on foot (Acevedo et al., 2012). This restricts mobility and limits the levels of interaction of the people in Cazucá with the opportunities available in Soacha, Bogotá and the rest of the region and is reflected in a poor capacity to travel and very low average rates of individual mobility. It could be argued that Soacha offers Cazucá's residents comparatively few opportunities, while transport barriers limit their access to those in Bogotá. Of the 17,136 trips to Bogotá from Soacha in morning peak hours in 2011, 15.06% originated in Cazucá. When compared with Cazucá's share of 17% of Soacha's population, and considering that the demographic profile of the population is similar to the municipal average, this may be suggesting that residents in Cazucá have a comparatively lower capacity for mobility than Soacha's average residents, partly due to long distances and relative inaccessibility of the hilly terrains they inhabit. Arguably, overall travel capacity in the area has improved at a slower pace than the average of the municipality and other higher income areas.

Fig. 7. Cazucá, Soacha and Bogotá: Rates of motorised mobility, 2009. Source: Authors based on Transmilenio (2009) and Secretaría Distrital de Movilidad (2005).

5. Recent changes in infrastructure policy An extension of Transmilenio bus rapid transit system from Bogotá to Soacha has been openly discussed since the early 2000s with the aim of supplying increasing demand from a work force that makes a non-trivial contribution to the economy of the capital city. In 2002, the national government decided to adopt the BRT scheme as the backbone of urban transport policy for major cities of the country. As a tool to promote this policy, the government pledged to finance a substantial part of the infrastructure costs of BRT systems where municipalities decided to undertake the respective projects. However, priority was given to the largest cities in the country. Given Soacha's position in relation to the capital city, as well as technical and institutional weaknesses inside the municipality to develop such a project, the national government decided to explore the possibility of extending the Transmilenio network to Soacha rather than developing a BRT project for the municipality on its own. Although the government of Soacha showed interest in such an initiative, negotiations had not only to involve the governments at the national and Bogotá levels as central stakeholders of Transmilenio but also Cundinamarca's as the provincial government. This institutional framework for the project meant the interaction of stakeholders with different levels of power and influence and different interests in relation to the project. On the one hand, the national government was required by law to provide 70% of the financing costs of mass public transport investments, which makes it one of the main stakeholders in the project. In addition, Cundinamarca's government was required to support the municipality in financing part of the remaining share of the projects costs, seeing the project as an opportunity to consolidate the subregion around Soacha. Finally, Bogotá as owner of Transmilenio would be responsible of project management, and overseeing of design and operation. The role of Soacha was limited despite having the highest interest in the project in relation to the benefits it would provide to its population. Given financial constraints of the municipality to cover its required share of the financing scheme, the local government faced additional challenges in influencing the development of the project to respond to local priorities. In late 2002 an initial study of traffic demand between the two municipalities and a first proposal for the project were developed. The project involved an extension of 5.5 km of the corridor planned for Bogotá, with seven stations and a centre of operations, and was divided into three phases to alleviate co-financing restrictions. In 2003 Transmilenio awarded a contract to a private contractor for the operation of Phase II of the BRT system, including the trunk and feeder operation to and from Soacha. In 2005 policy-makers decided to increase the capacity of the South Highway as part of the national road network improvement programme. The project included major road upgrading including the extension of the transversal profile. To this end, a concession contract was awarded with national government funds. However, due to the requirements of intervention in a section of the road of approximately 6 km for the extension of Transmilenio within Soacha it was decided to include the infrastructure for the BRT as part of the general concession. Through this decision, the stakeholders involved in the project were able to bypass jurisdiction limitations for developing a project that was part of Bogotá's public transport network, ran on a central corridor in the national road network and was central for the mobility of Soacha. The lack of a metropolitan authority for the city of Bogotá and its surrounding municipalities implied the need to modify institutional, legal and financial frameworks to develop the project. However, this also meant for the project to be always identified as a ‘special’ initiative, becoming an annex of bigger projects and policies due to the lack of an instance of metropolitan governance. To formalise changes to the project, the national government issued a new policy document that defined in higher detail the contribution from the national government (69.5%), Soacha (20.5%) and

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Fig. 8. Origins (above) and destinations (below) of Soacha–Bogotá trips in the morning peak hour. Source: Transmilenio (2009).

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Cundinamarca (10%). The timetable envisaged that the work started in the first quarter of 2006 and ended in mid-2007, subject to compliance with requirements including signing the agreement between co-financiers and approval from the Ministry of Transport and the National Institute for Concessions on the relevance of adding the Transmilenio system works to the concession highway Bogotá– Girardot. As a result of this decision, which was ultimately taken at the national level because of the aforementioned institutional and financial constraints, a new contract was signed for the technical restructuring of the BRT system in Soacha that responds to the new specificities of the project. In this case, Transmilenio undertook a study to measure demand and explore alternatives for an operational scheme integrated with the existing public transport network within Bogotá. This project included restructuring local routes and improvement in the coverage of public transport in the municipality, implying fleet size reduction and optimisation of vehicle distribution. Despite the timeframe for the project being set for a relatively expedite implementation, the project was only able to start its operation in late 2013, over six years after its original launch date, and without including the feeding routes (El Espectador, 2013). The operational design seeks to turn the BRT into the backbone of public transport operation in Soacha, complementing it with feeder routes. However, their layout is almost the same as in traditional routes, a product of the restrictions imposed by a poor infrastructure. The design of the new system builds on the ability of traditional systems to respond to changing demand distribution and adapt to infrastructurerelated constraints. However, lack of integration between public transport planning and infrastructure development, both technically and financially, limits the benefits of the system in terms of coverage especially in areas like Cazucá, as shown in Fig. 9. The operation of Transmilenio goes beyond the timeline set for this research. However, this project represents a change in previous practices for provision of public transport, and to some extent infrastructure, in the municipality. The decision making process involved in the definition of this new system in the municipality is a clear example of the fragmentation in spatial and infrastructure planning in centre-periphery systems like the Bogotá–Soacha region. Although the project relied on a comprehensive technical feasibility appraisal and a financial scheme that built on Transmilenio's experience in Bogotá, decisions mostly originated outside Soacha. The project reflects the fragmented institutional framework for transport planning in the region, a direct consequence of lack of a metropolitan authority for Bogotá and the region. Although the municipality was one of several project stakeholders, Transmilenio made most of the decisions. This influenced the design, which focuses more on the aggregate mobility of the residents of Soacha to Bogotá rather than a comprehensive intervention to improve local and external connectivity. As shown in Fig. 9, the feeder system for the BRT in Cazucá is still limited by the same corridors used by current public transport services. The additional investment in road infrastructure to increase coverage was discarded, even though the project involved funding from the municipality. Moreover, some of the main travel destinations for residents in Soacha, as shown in Fig. 6, although covered by Transmilenio, require transfers between trunk lines not currently connected, either increasing travel and transfer times or requiring interchanges with traditional public transport. In the absence of an integrated single-fare system, the transfers involved compound the already high Transmilenio fare compared to current bus service fares. In the absence of a feeder system, the cost of a trip involving Transmilenio and one additional transfer to local conventional transport can escalate from 1.09 USD to 1.43 USD 31% higher than the original cost per trip. This places an additional strain on low-income residents in areas like Cazucá. The estimated change in travel cost for a minimum of two motorised trips per day can represent up to 29% of the average individual income in the area. While the benefits of the system are by no means undermined by this analysis, it is clear that they are rather limited for Cazucá

Table 1 Average values for trips to Bogotá generated in Soacha Municipality (2011). In-vehicle time Walking time Waiting time Travel distance

79.3 5.7 10.27 24.61

min min min km

Source: Origin–Destination Survey for Bogotá DC (2011).

residents. In particular, it fails to solve the issues of connectivity in the neighbourhoods and increases the cost of the service compared to current public transport alternatives. The design of the project reflects the need to connect the different areas of the municipality with Transmilenio and thus to Bogotá. However, local mobility is bound to suffer from a greater degree of severance produced by a broader highway and the segregated infrastructure of the BRT. Moreover, according to Alvarez and Bocarejo (2013), as a result of the conditions of low income and illiteracy among the population, a more organised system like Transmilenio has access limitations related to affordability and suitability. This limits the travel choice of the population to conventional public transport (buses and shared taxis) and walking, with the resulting problems of long walking distances, long travel times, and low trip generation in households. 6. Conclusions The case study confirms a degree of applicability of Graham and Marvin's thesis to the analysis of transport infrastructure and services in Bogotá–Soacha. The most useful elements in the analysis of the case study refer to the interpretation of networks as socio-technical constructs shaped by the power and influence of different groups in society. Soacha's dependency on Bogotá, in addition to its institutional and financial weakness, has influenced the development of the transport system in the municipality placing connectivity with Bogotá at the centre of planning decisions. However, despite investments in the South Highway, better connectivity with Soacha has not been a priority for Bogotá. Relations between Cazucá and the rest of Soacha in some ways mirror this. Cazucá's characteristics suggest the existence of segregation beyond the merely spatial. The poor quality of the built environment in its neighbourhoods arises from broader, and deep structural problems in housing supply at the national scale, but also puts in evidence low levels of social investment and absence from official municipal development plans. In spite of the informal nature of most of the settlements, the relational position with respect to the social and economic structure of Bogotá and Soacha, whether seen as independent entities or as part of the same urban space, highlights a functional relationship that needs to be well thought-out from both sides of the border. Such conditions reinforce the insufficient availability of mechanisms to Cazucá households to access opportunities in the region, while being subject to social exclusion as a result of economic, spatial and social reasons rooted in the place where they live. The difference between power and resources and the lack of integrated planning in the conurbation has cumulative effects on the segregation of Cazucá and its residents within the region. Power relations become evident at two scales. At the regional level, the relationship Bogotá–Soacha limits the generation of strong networks of connectivity between the two municipalities despite a growing functional integration. The presence of a road of national importance connecting the two cities has defined to a great extent the way in which Soacha has developed, but also the areas where most of the resources in the municipality for infrastructure and transport development are used. At the local scale, the position of Cazucá in spatial, social and political terms makes this neighbourhood a case of a bypassed node in the processes of provision of transport networks. Lack of influence and political representation of the high number of internally displaced people and low-income residents in this area has influenced availability of transport

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Fig. 9. Operational scheme of Transmilenio in Soacha Municipality (2009). Source: Transmilenio (2009).

infrastructure and services in the neighbourhood. This ultimately limits local residents to access opportunities required to overcome their conditions of poverty. The second element that can be drawn from splintering urbanism is the fragmentation of connectivity networks in bypassed nodes within social structures. In contrast to premium spaces, which have been extensively discussed in the literature, the case study shows levels of disconnection that lead to higher travel expenditure and highly constrained accessibility, which can increase the risks of becoming socially excluded. The evidence shows the consequences of a limited provision of networks of physical connectivity. The lack of public-sector investment during the study period is reflected not only in the physical deterioration of the infrastructure network in Cazucá but also in a poor capacity for vehicle circulation. Transport infrastructure plays a central role in underpinning social development and helping to reduce inequalities. Limited interventions in these vulnerable areas have the effect of creating barriers to the flows of demand to the social system of Soacha and the city-region, which contrasts with better infrastructure and services in Bogotá and areas of Soacha closer to the main highway. The splintering urbanism thesis appears to be corroborated in this specific case. This is useful in helping structure an analysis of the processes involved in transport networks and reflecting on their impact on less powerful groups in society. While it does not constitute a formal research approach to a specific case study or even the analysis of a given sector, Graham and Marvin's argumentation provides useful hints about the main elements that might play a role in the generation of spatial inequalities related to transport. One of the main contributions of this type of analysis of transport networks is the development of a more comprehensive assessment of these dynamics beyond either technical or political approaches. By adding a spatial dimension to a sectorial policy analysis, the framework helps facilitate the identification of inequalities in planning and prioritisation of public investments. This

provides a better-informed critique of what is often seen as a mainly technical issue such as the design of the provision of transport services and infrastructure.

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