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WASHINGTON Abortion returns to haunt US Presidential campaign
DISPATCHES
WASHINGTON
Abortion returns to haunt US Presidential campaign
bortion is back in presidentialelection politics. But, rather than serving as a customary rallying cause for Republicans, it is now a millstone around the neck of their candidate, Governor George W Bush, who needs and seeks a broad ideological span of voters to win the White House. Bush’s stance on the issue is closely watched because the politics of abortion resonates in American society. By Congressional edict, federal programmes for the poor may not finance abortion services. Strict and cumbersome regulations govern the use of federal funds for research employing aborted fetal tissue and embryo stem cells. Distribution of the abortifacient mifepristone remains extremely limited. And at the state level, legislative and legal conflicts repeatedly flare over attempts to restrict access to abortion. Bush expressed strong anti-abortion sentiments to attract the die-hard “right-to-life” vote in the hard-fought primary campaign, especially in conservative South Carolina, where he went all-out to defeat Senator John McCain. Bush triumphed, but at the cost of embracing a position that many in his own party have come to regard as a vote loser. He now faces the tricky task of moving towards the “inclusive” role he espouses, without losing the anti-abortion conservatives’ support. The manoeuvre will take place under fire from his Democratic rival, Vice-President Al Gore, the strongly favoured candidate of the abortionrights movement. Gore was accused
A
DUBLIN
by his primary-campaign rival, Bill Bradley, of faint support for abortion rights during his long-ago early career as a Congressman from conservative Tennessee. Gore responded to the attacks by reaffirming his support for abortion rights. The abortion issue has infested national politics since 1973, when the Supreme Court, in Roe v Wade, ruled that a state may not prevent abortion during the first two trimesters. The decision prompted the growth of fundamentalist Christian political-action organisations and a determined, but futile, campaign for a constitutional amend-
“most voters support, or at least tolerate, the availability of abortion services” ment to reverse the court decision. Ever since 1980, when Ronald Reagan won the Republican presidential nomination, that party’s platform has endorsed a constitutional ban on abortion. The difference today is that the fundamentalist Christian right has fallen into political disarray and no longer wields national influence over Republican party politics. Hard-core opposition to abortion and related matters is as strong as ever, and has led to fatal attacks on physicians and other health workers. The anti-abortion language remains strident. But it is clear that most voters support, or at least tolerate, the availability of abortion services. And national politics has taken note of their sentiments.
The “right-to-life” influence lingers on in laws and regulations. But change is evident at the long-troubled intersection of biology, politics, and religion. In 1994, Newt Gingrich and his Republican Revolution won control of Congress with a ten-point “Contract with America” that vowed major reductions in government power and spending, but did not mention abortion. At the outset of the primary season, Bush, aiming for the middle of the road, shied away from endorsing a constitutional amendment to ban abortion. However, under attack by his millionaire rival Steve Forbes, Bush took the constitutional pledge in Iowa. Later, threatened in South Carolina by Senator McCain’s robust campaign, Bush took the high-octane pledge, declaring opposition to any exceptions to an abortion ban, including rape, incest, and danger to the mother’s life. He is now on the record with numerous anti-abortion declarations, and holds endorsements from the “pro-life” camp. “I do not like abortions. I will do everything in my power to restrict abortions”, Bush declared in 1994. As Governor of Texas, he has carried out that pledge, supporting laws requiring parental notification before teenage abortions and mandatory waiting periods. “Bush is not soft on abortion. He is a good pro-life candidate”, a senior official of the National Right to Life Committee said last year. A modified image is likely to emerge when the campaign begins in earnest. Daniel S Greenberg
Militant anti-abortion group sets sights on the world
A
new global network of antiabortion organisations, Youth Defence International is now providing money for the controversial Scottish anti-abortion organisation, Precious Life. This group uses shock tactics to disseminate its message, and has a website “dedicated to the millions of children murdered in their mothers’ wombs at the hands of the practitioners of legalised infanticide”. Jim Dowson, the spokesman for Precious Life Scotland told The Scotsman newspaper: “Youth Defence is launching the front to pull all the resources of the individual groups together. This is a radical new pan-European
THE LANCET • Vol 355 • April 1, 2000
movement. Youth Defence has recognised the international nature of the problem.” The group was formed in Ireland in 1992 after the controversial X-case, which saw the Supreme Court rule that termination was allowable if there was a real threat of suicide by the mother. The organisation of young people is known for its militant action in Ireland including the picketing of politicians’ homes and familyplanning clinics. Moderate anti-abortion groups have publicly distanced themselves from Youth Defence because of their deliberate provocative tactics including attempts at intimidation. Last month, Youth Defence
activists rushed the podium to attempt to disrupt the Irish Prime Minister, Bertie Ahern, while he was addressing his party’s annual convention. A few days later, the Youth Defence organisation in Australia picketed Ahern during an official visit, saying that he had pro-abortion policies. Youth Defence International, which is composed of young people’s organisations from the Irish Republic, Italy, France, Spain, and Australia, plans to hold a major meeting in Rome in August. It claims to have supporters from most of the world, not just Europe. Karen Birchard
1165
WASHINGTON
Abortion returns to haunt US Presidential campaign
bortion is back in presidentialelection politics. But, rather than serving as a customary rallying cause for Republicans, it is now a millstone around the neck of their candidate, Governor George W Bush, who needs and seeks a broad ideological span of voters to win the White House. Bush’s stance on the issue is closely watched because the politics of abortion resonates in American society. By Congressional edict, federal programmes for the poor may not finance abortion services. Strict and cumbersome regulations govern the use of federal funds for research employing aborted fetal tissue and embryo stem cells. Distribution of the abortifacient mifepristone remains extremely limited. And at the state level, legislative and legal conflicts repeatedly flare over attempts to restrict access to abortion. Bush expressed strong anti-abortion sentiments to attract the die-hard “right-to-life” vote in the hard-fought primary campaign, especially in conservative South Carolina, where he went all-out to defeat Senator John McCain. Bush triumphed, but at the cost of embracing a position that many in his own party have come to regard as a vote loser. He now faces the tricky task of moving towards the “inclusive” role he espouses, without losing the anti-abortion conservatives’ support. The manoeuvre will take place under fire from his Democratic rival, Vice-President Al Gore, the strongly favoured candidate of the abortionrights movement. Gore was accused
A
DUBLIN
by his primary-campaign rival, Bill Bradley, of faint support for abortion rights during his long-ago early career as a Congressman from conservative Tennessee. Gore responded to the attacks by reaffirming his support for abortion rights. The abortion issue has infested national politics since 1973, when the Supreme Court, in Roe v Wade, ruled that a state may not prevent abortion during the first two trimesters. The decision prompted the growth of fundamentalist Christian political-action organisations and a determined, but futile, campaign for a constitutional amend-
“most voters support, or at least tolerate, the availability of abortion services” ment to reverse the court decision. Ever since 1980, when Ronald Reagan won the Republican presidential nomination, that party’s platform has endorsed a constitutional ban on abortion. The difference today is that the fundamentalist Christian right has fallen into political disarray and no longer wields national influence over Republican party politics. Hard-core opposition to abortion and related matters is as strong as ever, and has led to fatal attacks on physicians and other health workers. The anti-abortion language remains strident. But it is clear that most voters support, or at least tolerate, the availability of abortion services. And national politics has taken note of their sentiments.
The “right-to-life” influence lingers on in laws and regulations. But change is evident at the long-troubled intersection of biology, politics, and religion. In 1994, Newt Gingrich and his Republican Revolution won control of Congress with a ten-point “Contract with America” that vowed major reductions in government power and spending, but did not mention abortion. At the outset of the primary season, Bush, aiming for the middle of the road, shied away from endorsing a constitutional amendment to ban abortion. However, under attack by his millionaire rival Steve Forbes, Bush took the constitutional pledge in Iowa. Later, threatened in South Carolina by Senator McCain’s robust campaign, Bush took the high-octane pledge, declaring opposition to any exceptions to an abortion ban, including rape, incest, and danger to the mother’s life. He is now on the record with numerous anti-abortion declarations, and holds endorsements from the “pro-life” camp. “I do not like abortions. I will do everything in my power to restrict abortions”, Bush declared in 1994. As Governor of Texas, he has carried out that pledge, supporting laws requiring parental notification before teenage abortions and mandatory waiting periods. “Bush is not soft on abortion. He is a good pro-life candidate”, a senior official of the National Right to Life Committee said last year. A modified image is likely to emerge when the campaign begins in earnest. Daniel S Greenberg
Militant anti-abortion group sets sights on the world
A
new global network of antiabortion organisations, Youth Defence International is now providing money for the controversial Scottish anti-abortion organisation, Precious Life. This group uses shock tactics to disseminate its message, and has a website “dedicated to the millions of children murdered in their mothers’ wombs at the hands of the practitioners of legalised infanticide”. Jim Dowson, the spokesman for Precious Life Scotland told The Scotsman newspaper: “Youth Defence is launching the front to pull all the resources of the individual groups together. This is a radical new pan-European
THE LANCET • Vol 355 • April 1, 2000
movement. Youth Defence has recognised the international nature of the problem.” The group was formed in Ireland in 1992 after the controversial X-case, which saw the Supreme Court rule that termination was allowable if there was a real threat of suicide by the mother. The organisation of young people is known for its militant action in Ireland including the picketing of politicians’ homes and familyplanning clinics. Moderate anti-abortion groups have publicly distanced themselves from Youth Defence because of their deliberate provocative tactics including attempts at intimidation. Last month, Youth Defence
activists rushed the podium to attempt to disrupt the Irish Prime Minister, Bertie Ahern, while he was addressing his party’s annual convention. A few days later, the Youth Defence organisation in Australia picketed Ahern during an official visit, saying that he had pro-abortion policies. Youth Defence International, which is composed of young people’s organisations from the Irish Republic, Italy, France, Spain, and Australia, plans to hold a major meeting in Rome in August. It claims to have supporters from most of the world, not just Europe. Karen Birchard
1165