=0.8951, the corresponding p* is 0.1729. The computed values of B(t) can be plotted against B(t- 1) in a phase diagram. At B(t - 1) =O, B(t) =0.9648. For B(r - 1) sO.3604, the curve is negatively sloping, with kinks occurring at B(t - 1) = 0.1345 and B(t - 1) =0.1447. For B(t- 1)20.8951, the curve is positively sloping with kinks occurring at B(t- 1) equal to 0.9016, 0.9019 and 0.9168, respectively. The kinks occur because eq. (11) involves the distribution functions F(Wo(t)), F(@$(t)) and F( @$(t - 1)). As B(t) gets larger these distributions become exactly equal to one, but not larger, consecutively. The qualitative features of this simulation are represented in fig. 2. Here I replace the curves AB and CDE in fig. 1 by GB and CHE, respectively, while retaining the same portion BC. GB and CHE are obtained from simulations under the assumptions that p’(t) > p(t - 1) and p’(t + 1) > p(t). BC is from the simulation when p”(t) 2 p(t - 1) and p’(t + 1) $p(t). From the figure, it can be seen that if the initial value of B(t- 1) is larger than B,, or if B(t- 1) is so small that B(t) is higher than point C, then B(t) will converge to point E. Otherwise, it will converge to point B.7 Thus, the simple model is capable of generating several stationary equilibria, a feature which seems important in the understanding of corruption.
4. Changes in corruption equilibria In this section I examine how the equilibrium levels of corruption respond to changes in the parameters. It is useful to distinguish between small and ‘Strictly speaking, the portion of the GB curve which is close to point B is not applicable to the situtation where p’(t)
B(t + 1). This is not a continual increase in B(t). The appropriate conditions should be the case when p’(t) cp(t - 1) and p’(t + 1) > p(t). We can of course carry out the simulation for this situation. A similar negatively sloping curve can be obtained, and the qualitative results in the next section still remain valid. Since this problem is only peripheral to the model, I ignore it.
F.T Lui, Corruption deterrence
B(t)
B2
B1
B3
B(t-l) Fig. 2
large changes in the parameters because their effects are quite different. I shall discuss small changes first. Algebraically it is more convenient to deal with the stationary equilibrium auditing probability p* rather than B*. Because of (15), p* is related to the stationary equilibrium corruption level B* by the following equation: p*=A-kB*.
(30)
From fig. 2 there are three possible equilibria for B(t). They are B, C and E. By virtue of (20) and (30), the first two are determined by the equation Cfkp*2-[fk(2C+
l)-2]p*+2(fk-
A)=O.
(31)
Since this is a quadratic equation there are two solutions for p*, which may or may not be real. Consider the situation when the solutions are real, that is, the curve in fig. 2 crosses the 45” line. It is sufficient to consider the larger root of p* only, since this corresponds to the equilibrium B* which is stable (point B in fig. 2). By working on the implicit function defined by eq. (31) we can tell what will happen to p* when there are parametric changes. It is possible to show the following: dp*ldC>O; dp*ldfcO; and dp*ldR >O. It
J.P.E.
-D
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228
should be noted that these results are true only for the larger root of p*. Also recall that R is the resource used for auditing. From section 2 we know that R affects both A and k, which are parameters appearing in eq. (31). From (30) B* is negatively related to p *. Hence, the above results should be interpreted as follows. If the penalty C or the auditing resource R increases, then B* goes down. On the other hand, if the average degree of honesty h in the economy declines, then f and B* go up. These are standard results one should expect from a model of corruption deterrence. Since beside point B, E is also a stable stationary equilibrium solution, we should also examine how it responds to changes in parameters. From (21), the equilibrium point at E can easily be shown to be B*=(2-A)/(2-k).
(32)
This B* does not depend on the penalty C. However, when the resource R is increased, both A and k will go up the same proportion. Consequently B* will decline. Hence, if the economy is at a high level corruption equilibrium, changes in R can reduce corruption, but small changes in C cannot. In this model, since there can be two stable equilibria, it is of interest to see how B(t) can move from one to the other. Suppose the economy is at a low level corruption
equilibrium,
that is, point
B in fig. 2. The position
of the
curve GBCHEF of fig. 2 depends on the parametric values. If there are sufficiently large changes in the parameters, it is possible that this curve does not pass through the 45” line. In other words, B* as given by (23) does not have real roots. B(t) will then converge towards the higher level equilibrium point E. This can be illustrated by the numerical simulation that we have used before. Suppose we retain all the parametric values, with the exception that C = 1. This will shift the GBCHEF curve upwards far enough to miss the 45“ line completely. This is illustrated in fig. 3. The equilibrium point must move from B to E. This simple example gives an important insight into the understanding of corruption. It says that if society becomes more lenient towards corrupt officials, it is sometimes possible to have a sudden large increase in the level of corruption. Moreover, once the high level of equilibrium is attained it will stay there, even if the parameters come back to their previous values. This explains a problem posed in the beginning of this paper, namely two otherwise identical economies may have very diffeent levels of corruption even though the parameters of their deterrence schemes are roughly the same. The intuitive explanation for this phenomenon is that once corruption is common, the cost for each auditing becomes higher. The deterrence effort of the government will be less effective. The analysis can be carried another step further in the reverse direction. Suppose now the economy is at a high level of corruption equilibrium. How
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229
B(t-1) Fig. 3
can the government move it to the lower level? This can be done by shifting the curve of the phase diagram downwards. For example, one could change the value of C to 1.4 while retaining all the other parametric values. This will be sufficient to create a situation such as that depicted in fig. 4. B(t) will then converge to point B. The change in C need not be permanent. Indeed, once B(t) is close enough to point B, the government may find it unnecessary to maintain the severe penalty. Even when C is changed back to a more normal level, say the original value of 1.25, the economy will still stay at the low level equilibrium.* Because of the possibility of moving from one equilibrium to another, sometimes a harsh deterrence scheme which seems suboptimal in the short run may in fact be optimal from a long-term perspective.’ Lastly, sometimes a temporarily harsh deterrence scheme can also produce just the opposite effect if the economy is already at the low level equilibrium. Referring to fig. 2 again, suppose the economy is initially at point B. Then assume the government increases C (or R) significantly at time t- 1. This will *This example shows that even if the parameters of the deterrence scheme become variables which respond to changes in the corruption level, it is still possible for the model economy to exhibit several stable equilibria. ‘This analysis is similar to the so-called ‘big-push’ theory in economic development [Nelson (1956)]. If the corruption in the economy is initially at a ‘high level equilibrium trap’, then it is necessary to make a ‘big push’ in order to restore it to the low level equilibrium.
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230
deterrence
B(t)
B( t-l)
Fig. 4
move point B to the left. If the policy is only temporary, then at time t, point B will come back to the original position. However, B(t- 1) has a small value, and if it is close enough to zero, B(t) can become very high. If it is higher than point C, it will converge to the high level equilibrium point E. The result occurs mainly because of the intertemporal substitution decision problem solved by the officials. At very low B(t - l), or equivalently very high p(t - l), they may perceive that the probability will be lower in the future. Therefore, it pays for them to refrain from accepting the bribes now and wait until next period. Moreover, since not many people are corrupt at t - 1, very few of them are punished. This means that more old officials at t are liable to become corrupt. 5. The history of corruption in a developing country In this section I present a case study of the history of corruption in China from the early 1950s to the mid-1980s. The choice of China is particularly appropriate for empirically illustrating the relationship between corruption and its deterrence. As argued in Lui (1985a, ch. l), corruption occurs more easily if there are lots of market distortions. The Chinese economy is far from being perfectly competitive, and corruption is likely to be widespread if there
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are no deterrence schemes. Another nice feature about the Chinese experience is that both the level of corruption and the severity of the deterrence schemes underwent large changes during the period. This permits us to learn more about the underlying relationship between the two. More specifically, I shall show three things. First, the Chinese government often resorted temporarily to severe crackdown policies. Second, the level of corruption in the economy could increase even when the government invested more resources in deterrence and penalties became more severe. Third, the basic assumption in this paper has strong empirical support. In other words, there is evidence that coalition formations among corrupt officials made it very difficult to audit them. During the revolutionary period before 1949, corruption, though not completely absent [Mao (1967)], was seldom associated with the Chinese Communist Party. However, after coming into power in 1949, the communist government was soon alarmed by a series of serious corruption incidents in the bureaucracy. An anti-corruption campaign was then called for by a highranking official in Northeast China in August 1951 [Jen-min Jib-pm (23 1951, this had already developed into a November, 1951)]. lo By December major national campaign called the sanfulz (three anti: anti-corruption, waste and bureaucratism), which was soon reinforced by a second campaign, the wufan (live anti: anti-bribery, tax evasion, stealing state property, cheating in workmanship and materials, stealing state economic intelligence). The campaigns were widely publicized and forcefully organized. In the heyday in early 1952, it was difficult to find an issue of the party organ, Jen-min Jihpao, not flooded with reports and documents on corruption. In city after city, mass rallies consisting of thousands of people were held for the public trials of corrupt officials, many of whom were sentenced to death [e.g. JMJP (2 February, 1952)]. Special people’s courts to deal with corruption were established [JMJP (25 March, 1952)]. Corruption acts were promulgated to serve as guidelines in deciding the penalties. People were mobilized to report corruption cases to the government [JMJP (5 January, 1952)]. The campaigns were officially ended in June 1952. To assess the effectiveness of the campaigns, we have to compare the pervasiveness of corruption before and after the campaigns. During the sun fun and wu fun, the Chinese government often stressed that the situation was serious [e.g. Hsin-ha Yueh-puo (January 1952, p. 15)].’ 1 The chief official of the campaigns estimated the total bribes accepted by officials in the central government (during the first two years of the regime) were sufficient to buy enough grain to feed 280,000 people for a year, and the total for the whole country could feed several million people [JMJP (2 February, 1952)]. ‘“Jen-min Jib-pm, or People’s Daily, will be abbreviated as JMJP. “Hsin-hua Yieh-pao, or New China Monthly, will be abbreviated as HHYP.
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deterrence
Although moderate by contemporary Chinese standards. these were large figures in the 1950s. However, after the campaigns, the corruption level went down significantly. Even the rate of crime, which included corruption, fell from 500,000 cases in 1950 to an average of 290,000 in the period from 1950 to 1965 [Washington Post (30 August, 1980, p. A24)]. During this time, corruption was so low that it was seldom mentioned again in the Chinese press. In fact, even nowadays the general attitude of the government towards the period from the early 1950s to the mid-1960s is that is was a golden age of honesty [e.g. JMJP (3 September, 1983)]. Thus, China at that time could impress a noted Western scholar and many South Asian intellectuals as ‘a strong disciplined state, one that is scrupulously honest by South Asian standards’ [Myrdal (1968, p. 938)]. In terms of reducing corruption, the campaigns were therefore a success. The above experience shows that heavy penalties,12 together with massive efforts in auditing, could effectively bring down the corruption level. Even more remarkably, the Chinese government did not spend any significant amount of resources for auditing within the next 30 years, but corruption remained low until the mid-1960s. Thus, a temporary crackdown policy apparently could have a long-lasting effect. This result is of course consistent with the multiple equilibria theory proposed earlier in this paper. While a harsh crackdown may bring corruption down to a low-level equilibrium, a sufficiently large relaxation in the deterrence scheme may also restore it back to a high-level equilibrium. Beginning in 1966, the Cultural Revolution broke out in China. An important design of the Revolution was to destroy the existing government machinery so that a new one could be created. Law and order were supposed to be detrimental to this end [e.g. JMJP (31 January, 1967)]. ‘Thoroughly smash the public security, procuracy and courts’ was a famous slogan of the time. In 1975, when the Cultural Revolution was near its end, the new constitution formally abolished the procuratorial organs and placed people’s courts under the control of the administrative organs at the same level [Chiu (1982)]. Evidently, this practice effectively reduced the probability of punishing a corrupt official who might himself be the decision-maker in the court. By the end of the 197Os, corruption again attracted nationwide attention. In 1979, the reporter Liu Bin-yan published a brilliant case study which showed in detail how the Party secretary of a local coal company, through various corrupt activities, was able to obtain for herself more than half a million yuan, a sum enough to pay the salary of a worker for 1,000 years [Liu (1979)]. A striking feature of the case was that the corrupt official was ‘*Penalties for corrupt A criminal who accepted gold, could be sentenced the yuan used in the early
criminals during sari Jan and wu Jan were severe by Western standards. 100 million yuan, which at that time could buy about 110 ounces of to death. See JMJP (2 February, 1952). Because of a currency reform, 1950s was not comparable in value to the yuan used today.
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well protected by other officials which made the investigation process extremely diflicult. Liu’s article received immediate concern from all over the country. In his words, this was because the details described in his article were pervasive and commonly known to people [Liu (1980)]. The seriousness of corruption soon led the State Council of the government to conclude that the problem had become much worse than that during the sun fun period [HHYP (April 1982, p. 27)]. In 1982, 164,ooO cases related to economic crimes, most of which were corruption, were registered, and about 30,000 people were convicted [HHYP (February 1983, p. 32)]. In value terms, the State Council reported that in the two years before the end of 1985 the amount related to economic crimes which had been discovered was 8.9 billion yuan (2.9 billion dollars) [Chung Pao (19 December, 1985)]. Although these figures indicate a situation unprecedented in contemporary Chinese history, they represent only the small officially investigated fraction of corruption cases. The large number of reports on the subject show that corruption has permeated into the everyday lives of people. For example, because of the low-rent policy, housing is in acute shortage in the cities. As a result, a main source of dissatisfaction towards the bureaucracy is that many officials have used their power to allocate houses for their own uses [HHYP (August 1982, p. 93)]. In international trade, it is well known among businessmen in Hong Kong that they often cannot get contracts signed unless bribes have been paid [Qishi Niundui (April 1982, pp. 15-19)]. Other examples of corruption include custom officials confiscating smuggled materials for themselves, exaggeration of budgets for engineering projects [Qishi Niundui (April 1982, pp. 13-15)], officials in grain stations stealing grain, and postal workers selling postal bags for personal profits [HHYP (July 1983, p. 42)]. In short, if an official has decision power in the allocation of a commodity, it is not surprising to find him making use of that power for his own benefit. The Chinese Communist Party long realized that corruption was detrimental to its image. After an important meeting of its Central Committee in 1978, the Party began to rebuild its disciplinary organs aimed at auditing and punishing its corrupt members [HHYP (February 1983, p. 24)]. Starting from February 1982, a major anti-corruption campaign was launched. Once again, as in the sun fun and wu fun, the news media were filled with publicity on the campaign. The Central Committee also announced that it would pay as much attention to the campaign as to the economic reform taking place at the same time [HHYP (April 1982, p. 26)]. However, there were two differences between this new campaign and the sun fan and wu fun. First, the 1982 campaign lasted for a much longer time. In 1983 it was integrated with a massive anti-crime campaign beginning at that year. In 1984 and 1985, the campaign had slowed down but not completely stopped. Then, in January 1986, 8,000 high-ranking officials were asked to attend a meeting aimed at
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putting greater efforts into the anti-corruption campaign [Jiushi Niundai (February 1986, pp. 39-42)]. Second, in the new campaign, formal laws played a more important role. China’s first Criminal and Criminal Procedure Codes were promulgated in 1979 and became effective in 1980. The penalty structure in the Criminal Code had been deliberately made very flexible so that two persons committing the same crime could be punished quite differently. An official justification for this was that the severity of the punishment should depend on the political situation of the time [JMJP (14 September, 1981)]. During the campaign, the general attitude was that criminals had to be punished to the limit of the severity described by the law. In addition, several laws were amended in August 1983 to make the penalties related to corruption more severe [JMJP (3 September, 1983)]. The ancient saying, ‘Heavy penalties have to be used in chaotic times’, was often quoted to rationalize this change. Some observations should be made here. The efforts put into the investigations of corrupt officials during the 1980s were definitely higher than those between 1952 and 1965, and penalties were at least as severe. However, corruption in the 1980s was much more serious than before. This fact is again consistent with the multiple equilibria result in this paper. Second, the corruption deterrence campaign beginning from 1982 was much less successful than the sun fan and wu fan, since even now there is no evidence for any significant reduction in corruption. A possible explanation lies in the difference in coalition formations among the corrupt oflicials in the two periods. As early as the sun fan and wufan there were reports that corrupt officials formed the so-called ‘offensive and defensive alliances’ when they faced the danger of being audited [e.g. JMJP (2 February, 1952)]. However, since the bureaucracy was relatively new at that time, it was unlikely that the coalition networks were very well organized. Three decades later, this situation had changed. In Liu’s (1979) report, he described how the investigation process had been made difficult because a team of officials were trying to help the audited corrupt official. In 1983, after encountering much difficulty in auditing corrupt officials, the Central Disciplinary Committee stated that many cases could not be pursued because they involved other higher ranking officials [JMJP (15 September, 1983)]. According to another report, in most cases officials in the leadership were involved. They generally provided protection for the lower ranking ones. If a leading official was audited, it was common for his corrupt subordinates to misguide the investigators, or sometimes, a minor official might even end up bearing all the responsibility [HHYP (February 1982, p. 39)]. In many instances, people who sent out confidential reports to uncover corruption cases could be revenged, because the report might be handed to the corrupt otfcial by other officials in coalition with him [HHYP (June 1982, p. 31)]. In short, coalitions among
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235
the corrupt officials had formed an effective barrier against auditing. Although the resources spent on auditing were large, the actual probability of success was low. Moreover, after the much longer time of learning how to organize the coalitions, the network seemed to be much more extensive and effective than before. A deterrence scheme that was successful in the past was not sufficient for the 1980s. One way to interpret this result is to assume that the parameters A and k defined in section 2 decrease, causing the curves in figs. 14 to shift upwards. Hence, the same deterrence scheme cannot bring corruption from a high to low equilibrium.
6. Concluding remarks I have developed an overlapping-generations model capable of explaining In addition to generating some standard various aspects of corruption. results on corruption, the model also provides simple dynamic interpretations of several phenomena that cannot readily be handled by static marginal analysis. A crucial assumption of the model is that it is more costly to audit officials when a greater proportion of them become corrupt. When corruption is prevalent, the deterrence scheme will be less effective, and hence the economy will remain highly corrupt. The reverse argument is also true. If most officials do not accept bribes, it will be easier to discover those who do. The corruption equilibrium will be lower. The possibility of having several equilibria has been exploited to explain large changes in the level of corruption. In particular, this explains why the same deterrence scheme can give rise to several levels of corruption with large differences. It also tells us why sometimes a government may temporarily adopt harsh policies so as to shift a high level equilibrium level to a lower one. The model suggests that an excessively lenient policy or temporary neglect of the problem of corruption by the government may have undesirable consequences. Once a high level equilibrium is attained, it is costly to bring it down. This paper contains not only a theoretical model of corruption deterrence, but also a case study to show that the model has empirical content. I have chosen contemporary China for the case study. This choice is appropriate for illustrating the relationship between &he level of corruption and its deterrence schemes because both have undergone several important changes in China. The experience there shows that there is evidence to support the basic assumption in this paper. The results of the model are also useful for interpreting the history of corruption in China. The model need not be confined to the study of corruption. With appropriate modifications, it is applicable to a wide range of criminal activities, as, for example, tax evasion. As long as the probability of being
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punished decreases because of greater prevalence of the activity, similar results may emerge. This condition seems likely to be satisfied since society only has limited resources for deterrence schemes. References Becker, Gary S., 1968, Crime and punishment: An economic approach, Journal of Political Economy, March-April. Becker, Gary S. and William M. Landes, 1974, Essays in the economics of crime and punishment (Columbia University Press, New York). Chiu, Hungdah, 1982, Chinese law and justice: Trends over three decades, Occasional papers/ reprints series in contemporary Asian studies, School of Law, Univeristy of Maryland. Chung Pao (Centre Daily News), December 19, 1985. Ehrlich, Isaac, 1982, The optimum enforcement of laws and the concept of justice: A positive analysis, International Review of Law and Economics 2, 3-27. Hsin-hua Yueh-pao (New China Monthly), various issues. Jen-min Jih-pao’(People’s Daily), various issues. Jiushi Niandai (The Nineties). Februarv 1986 issue Krueger, Anne; 1974, The political economy of the rent-seeking society, American Economic Review, June. Kydland, Finn and Edward Prescott, 1980, A competitive theory of fluctuations and the feasibility and desirability of stabilization policy, in: Stanley Fischer, ed., Rational expectations and economic policy (University of Chicago Press, Chicago). Liu, Bin-yan, 1979, Between man and demon, Jen-min Wen-hsueh (People’s Literature), September. Liu, Bin-yan, 1980, Replies to readers concerning ‘Between man and demon’, Jen-min Wen-hsueh (People’s Literature), January. Lui, Francis T., 1985a, Essays in the economics of corruption, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota. Lui, Francis T., 1985b, An equilibrium queumg model of bribery, Journal of Political Economy, August, 7&78 1. Mao, Tse-tung, 1967, Our economic policy, in: Selected works of Mao Tse-tung, vol. 1 (Foreign Languages Press, Peking). Montias, J.M. and Susan Rose-Ackerman, 1981, Corruption in a Soviet-type economy: Theoretical considerations, in: Steven Rosetielde, ed., Economic welfare and the economics of Soviet socialism (New York). Myrdal, Gunnar, 1968, Asian drama (Pantheon, New York). Nelson, Richard R., 1956, A theory of the low level equilibrium trap in underdeveloped economies, American Economic Review, December. Qishi Niandai (The Seventies), April 1982 issue. Rose-Ackerman, Susan, 1978, Corruption, a study in political economy (Academic Press, New York). Schelling, Thomas C., 1972, A process of residential segregation: Neighborhood tipping, in: Anthony H. Pascal, ed., Racial discrimination in economic life (Lexington Books, Lexington, Massachusetts). Stigler, George, 1970, The optimum enforcement of laws, Journal of Political Economy, March, April. Washington Post, August 30, 19801