A model of identity development: Life-course narratives of North Korean youth resettling in South Korea

Journal of Adolescence 76 (2019) 162–172

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A model of identity development: Life-course narratives of North Korean youth resettling in South Korea

T

Heejung Park Department of Psychology, Bryn Mawr College, 101 N. Merion Avenue Bryn Mawr, PA, 19010, USA

ARTICLE INFO

ABSTRACT

Keywords: North Korea Refugee Trauma Identity Narrative

Introduction: Identity development is a convoluted process for youth experiencing traumatic interruptions in their lives. This study aimed to build a model of identity development in an understudied cultural group of trauma-exposed youth who fled North Korea and resettled in South Korea. Methods: Sixteen participants (75% female, Mage = 26.63 years, Mdefection age = 16.29 years, Mdefection duration = 5.72 years) produced life-course narratives, as guided by the life-lines they drew to depict their high and low points and future trajectories. The cross-sectional qualitative data were analyzed using thematic content analysis. Themes of identity, trauma, and turning points were derived and coded, and then organized sequentially to classify stages of identity development. Results: The Vulnerable stage defined a sense of helplessness during an early life of deprivation in North Korea. Their identity entered the Invisible stage during their hiding in China. Upon reaching South Korea, they traversed four stages: The Renewal stage signaling a fresh outset; the Turmoil stage characterized by acculturative stress, rejection, and family disruption; the Achieved stage of relative stability; and the Self-Transcendence stage in which youth extended beyond their immediate views of self and focused on meaning and purpose across the themes of social change, reconciliation, and spirituality. Discussion: The six-stage model of identity development demonstrates that North Korean youth who defect to South Korea undergo a multifaceted identity development process as they navigate adversities, interruptions, and turning points. Results suggest that traumatic experiences can spur positive identity development and provide implications for professionals working with youth affected by intense and prolonged social conflict.

1. Introduction "I used to be a helpless little chick, but now, I am in the process of becoming an adult." –Eun-Ah, in her late 20s, fled North Korea in early adolescence. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2019) reports that every 2 s, one person in the world is forcibly displaced from home due to persecution, conflict, or human rights violations. Together, they form 71.44 million—9.49% of the world population—“persons of concern” to whom the UNHCR extends protection; it is especially unsettling that minors comprise a significant proportion of the population (UNHCR, 2019). Among the persons of concern are youth who risk their lives to flee North Korea due to violations of human rights (Kirby, 2014), but they are merely considered unlawful “economic migrants” in the E-mail address: [email protected]. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence.2019.08.014 Received 16 February 2019; Received in revised form 26 August 2019; Accepted 27 August 2019 Available online 05 September 2019 0140-1971/ © 2019 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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neighboring China and repatriated by the security services to North Korea (Kim, S., Kim, H., & Lee, 2013). Although the majority desire to reach South Korea where citizenship is granted, hardships continue in South Korea as they experience acculturation challenges (Kim, Hong, Ra, & Kim, 2015; Kim, Cho, & Kim, 2015) and discrimination (Kim, Hong, et al., 2015). This study examines the identity development of North Korean youth resettling in South Korea (hereafter NK youth1) by tracing their life-course narratives. Identity at the core is making sense of self (Oyserman, Elmore, & Smith, 2012), which continually develops in social, cultural, and historical contexts (Hammack, 2008; Markus and Kitayama, 2010; Oyserman et al., 2012). In North America, Erikson (1950, 1968), Marcia (1966), Waterman (1982) models have influenced research on identity development. These models focus on identity exploration, commitment, and achievement during adolescence, with key developmental goals of autonomy and individualization. However, identity development is far more contextualized in Asian cultures where ideal construction of self is lifelong interdependence with one's surrounding members and environments (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligni, & Maynard, 2003; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Oyserman et al., 2012). Therefore, examining NK youth's identity development must take a culturally sensitive approach that allows rich contextual understanding of continuity and discontinuity in their understanding of self. Additionally, NK youth's identity development is unique given their trauma exposure. Exposure to trauma occurs through direct personal exposure, witnessing of trauma to others, or indirect exposure to trauma experience of close persons, and it requires exposure to actual threats beyond psychosocial stress (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Pai, Suris, & North, 2017). NK youth's trauma exposure includes starvation, death of family members, and restricted freedom in North Korea (Kirby, 2014), and the risks of repatriation, rape, and human trafficking in China (Kim et al., 2013). Given such intense and prolonged trauma exposure, it is not surprising that limited research on NK youth has unanimously presented poor outcomes such as PTSD symptoms (Emery, Lee, & Kang, 2015), depression (Emery et al., 2015; Kim, Cho, et al., 2015), and anxiety (Kim, Cho, et al., 2015). However, these studies do not address the issue of identity. Moreover, their reliance on standardized measures ((Emery et al., 2015); Kim, Cho, et al., 2015) and leading interview questions (Emery et al., 2015) approach NK youth as a disrupted population. Yet one study using a participatory design suggests that NK youth may be more than passive recipients of the negative repercussions of trauma; when given the opportunity to construct and express their life stories, they described themselves as courageous people who endured challenges and paved their own destiny (Kim, Hong, et al., 2015). NK youth may cultivate a complex yet positive identity that integrates their life experiences, such as through finding redemptive meanings in suffering or overcoming adversities (McAdams & McLean, 2013; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). In order to examine the dynamic processes of identity development, research tools should allow NK youth to tell their own stories of identity, unbound to standardized measures and assumptions about their narratives. One such approach is life-story narratives, which provides valuable lenses to examine processes of identity development (Hammack, 2006, 2008) particularly when the content of identity is highly culturally and historically contingent (Hammack, 2008). NK youth's narratives of identity involve reconciling their past and present stories in the culturally situated contexts across North Korea, China, and South Korea, as well as integrating the reconstructed past and imagined future to provide life with a sense of unity and purpose (McAdams & McLean, 2013). Narrative research with other cultural groups shows that youth experiencing hardships generated by societal and political conflicts can form complex yet coherent identities. For instance, refugee youth in the U.S. and Australia who moved from Bosnia and Herzegovina narrated dynamic processes of identity development wherein life-course challenges and successes expanded their self and world views (Colic-Peisker & Walker, 2003; Daiute, 2010; Daiute & Lucić, 2010; Gibson, 2002). Additionally, narratives of Israeli and Palestinian adolescents in a peace-promoting program demonstrated increased understanding for self and others (Hammack, 2006). These findings raise the possibility that trauma exposure and adversities may spur positive identity development in NK youth, despite inevitably presenting disruptions. The present study examined NK youth's dynamic and contextualized identity through their life-course narratives. Culturally sensitive research procedures were used to gather the narratives without a priori predictions. Ethnographic fieldwork was conducted to understand NK communities, and post-fieldwork interviews used a participatory research design that encouraged their agency through a life-line drawing task. A model of NK youth's identity development was built based on thematic content analysis of the narratives. 2. Method 2.1. Fieldwork and recruitment The field site was a boarding school for NK youth preparing for college admissions or national exams that signified middle or high school level academic skills. The school was affiliated with Christianity but did not require students to have the affiliation. At a school assembly, I introduced myself as a researcher who would be around for two months in hopes of interviewing students and teachers (teacher protocol and data not reported) and asked interested persons to approach me. 1 South Korean officials have changed the labels for NK individuals over the years, calling them “returnees,” “resettlers,” “North Korean defectors,” and “North Korean defector citizens” (Chung, 2008). Empirical articles have used “North Korean defectors” (Chung, 2008; Chung & Seo, 2007; Jeon, Eom, & Min, 2013; Kim, M., 2016) or “North Korean refugees” (Kim, Cho, et al., 2015; Kim, Hong, et al., 2015; Kim et al., 2013), but people's aversion for these labels has been reported (Kim, D. G., 2016). For sensitivity purpose, NK youth is used in this paper to refer to youth who left North Korea and resettled in South Korea.

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Given the trauma exposure and confidentiality concerns, NK communities tend to be close-knit, exclusive, and unwelcoming of outsiders, which create major challenges for in-depth interviews. Thus, I spent my first month engaging in ethnographic fieldwork to observe and understand the community from the view of participants and to maximize my cultural sensitivity, without approaching anyone for interviews. The fieldwork involved living in the school housing and partaking in daily activities such as cooking and eating together, shopping for necessities, and attending school assemblies. Over the month, I transitioned from an outsider into a community member; teachers and students gradually opened up, inviting me for meals, striking up conversations, and asking for personal advice. Some students and teachers even shared that they now trusted me but initially held reservations about me because of their perception that researchers were apathetic about the community and might take advantage of them. As students began to express their interest in the study, I spent the second month conducting interviews while continuing the fieldwork. Interviews took place at the school during breaks and in the housing in the evenings. Fifteen participants, including three alumnae, were recruited from the school. Additionally, seven participants were recruited through snowball sampling; I contacted two other potential participants through references and interviewed one of them at her university. The second potential participant was not interviewed, but he introduced me to his friends at two other NK communities unrelated to my school site. Some of these friends participated, and snowball sampling followed. The study was conducted in South Korea from June 2016 to August 2016. 2.2. Participants Of the 22 participants, six China-born youths of NK mothers were excluded in this study. The final sample included 16 participants (Mage = 26.63 years, SD = 3.28); 75% were female, resembling the 72% female represented in the NK population (Ministry of Unification, 2019). On average, participants left North Korea at the age of 16.29 years (SD = 3.10), entered South Korea at the age of 19.97 years (SD = 4.63), and had lived in South Korea for 6.66 years (SD = 4.17). Their journey from North to South Korea took an average of 5.72 years (SD = 5.89). They attended schools for NK youth (n = 5) or universities (n = 6), worked at a full-time job (n = 4), or were a housewife (n = 1). 2.3. Measures and procedure After conversing with participants to foster a comfortable atmosphere, I described the study purpose and procedure, emphasizing data confidentiality, voluntary participation, and assurance that they could withdraw from the study anytime without consequences. When prompted to ask questions, several participants sought reassurance of data confidentiality and permission to discuss “religious stories.” Written consents were obtained to indicate their understanding of the study, voluntary participation, and permission to record and use the interviews for research. For the consent form and interview, 64% chose a pseudonym. The interview procedure followed a participatory design. First, participants were asked to produce a life-line drawing depicting high and low points in their life course, followed by predicted future trajectories, insofar as they felt comfortable discussing. The drawing encouraged their agency as they created a visual plot of their own life-story narrative without any cues from the researcher (Fig. 1). This task was used in narrative studies of life course and identity (Giele & Elder, 1998; Hammack, 2006; Lieblich, TuvalMashiach, & Zilber, 1998), but past studies did not ask participants to add imagined future trajectories. Using the drawings as a guide, participants described their past, present, and future life stories. In order to avoid guiding their narratives, questions were asked only to seek clarification or elaboration for stories that participants initiated. A few additional structured interview questions followed (data not presented). Interviews lasted between 30 and 78 min and were transcribed verbatim by three transcribers fluent in Korean. Each transcript was reviewed by a second transcriber to ensure accuracy. Participants were compensated with 20,000 South Korean Won (approximately 17.50 US Dollar). All procedures were approved by the Institutional Review Board. 2.4. Data analysis Transcripts were entered into Dedoose v.8.1.21 (SocioCultural Research Consultants, LLC, 2019), a web-based software for organizing qualitative data. The narrative data were examined both holistically and categorically, using a thematic content analysis approach (Lieblich et al., 1998; Vaismoradi, Turunen, & Bondas, 2013). Specifically, the transcripts were reviewed for a broad understanding of the narratives without a priori predictions. As the data were constantly reviewed, themes of identity, trauma exposure, adversities, and turning points were identified and coded. The resulting thematic codes were organized into family codes, then analyzed further following a situational analysis approach (Clarke, Friese, & Washburn, 2018) where thematic codes were manually mapped according to time and locations in which their life stories took place. The situational map was reviewed to classify distinct stages of identity development, ultimately building a model of identity development. 3. Results Six identity stages were derived from participants’ narratives. Results are presented by each stage, along with trauma and turning points that served as threats and buffers in their identity development. The findings are graphically represented in Fig. 2. 3.1. Stage 1: vulnerable (North Korea) The Vulnerable stage referred to participants’ fragile identity as a helpless self during their early life of deprivation in North Korea. 164

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Fig. 1. Two participants' life-line drawings.

Ten participants (63%) narrated stories about life in North Korea. Deprivation of care and attachment (67% of those who discussed stories in North Korea). Deprivation of care and attachment produced a sense of self as unloved and helpless. Parental death and separation were common and elicited distress and sadness. They also felt deserted and vulnerable when their caregivers provided suboptimal care. A participant whose father remarried after her mother left North Korea said: I wanted my stepmother to like me. So I cleaned the house and did all these things … I felt hurt at such a young age … Everyone thought she treated me well, but when no one was around, she pinched me, banged my head against the wall, and made fun of the way my mouth looked … I just stayed in the dark room and cried. I cried all the time. Deprivation of food (67%). Hunger and starvation led them to focus on survival and understanding of the self as vulnerable. A participant said, “To be hungry was to be in pain.” Another recalled, “My life went downhill … my mom and sibling2 died from starvation. I wandered around, living off of stuff from the street … I was pathetic.” Deprivation of agency (33%). Life in North Korea also deprived them of a sense of agency. Significant restrictions were placed on their lives, especially when family members defected from North Korea. A participant narrated: I did well in school, usually ranking second or third. But since that incident (a family member's defection) … I could no longer attend school. Do you know the word “Tuh-dae?” In North Korea, it means that people look at your household's flow, like whether

2

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Fig. 2. A model of identity development in North Korean youth who defected to South Korea.

your father, mother, or grandparents committed a crime … I kept feeling down, because I couldn't be validated as a person, no matter how well I did in school. Protection from family cohesion (44%). Family cohesion served as a buffer for identity formation during the overall deprivation period. As one participant said, “We didn't have financial stability, but I was happy because my family was together.” Another participant whose parents died described her sibling as a major source of strength, saying, “It helped that I had a sibling2 looking after me … Although my life condition was tough, I was okay.” When parents fled North Korea, children were often told that their parents died. Those who discovered truth and reunited with their parents described the moment as a turning point. It brought “healing” for a participant who reunited with her mom as an early adolescent: I knew my mom had died, but I still wished her to be alive somewhere … I wanted to have a mom. It turned out that she defected to China to earn money … Though she returned to North Korea unwell and looking old … I felt grateful for having a mom. The simple fact that we reunited, that she was alive, healed me. 3.2. Stage 2: invisible (China) Upon fleeing North Korea and entering China, their identity drastically shifted to the Invisible stage. They lived without identity documents or with forged documents, hiding indefinitely until they found means to migrate to South Korea. Twelve participants (75%) narrated life stories in China. Overall, they plotted time in China as nadirs in their life stories and called it “the worst time of my entire life” and “even worse than life in North Korea.” Undocumented: Identity loss (83%). “I had no nationality, no freedom; my identity was tied down. In North Korea, at least I had a secure identity. In China, I didn't have an identity.” Another participant narrated feeling anxious about losing her identity, saying, “It felt as though I was doomed to forget myself …. I did not have an identity document, so my life didn't feel like mine. I felt uncertain and anxious … I couldn't even dream of a future.” Undocumented: Fear and insecurity (67%). “Your safety … if you got caught by Chinese security services … that kind of distress made me tense all the time. The longer I stayed (in China) the more I felt tense and anxious.” Fear and insecurity dominated their sense of self since repatriation to North Korea meant severe punishments. At least three participants experienced repatriation and served sentences in North Korea. Spirituality (58%). While in China, spirituality and supporters emerged as two interconnected protective factors. Participants discussed their encounter with Christianity through South Korean missionaries and subsequent spiritual development as a source of strength. For one participant, her newfound religion changed her view on life and suffering. She said, “I encountered God … I didn't even try to believe, I just, naturally, came to believe … I became grateful for what I had, like at least having food in China, rather than 166

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grumbling.” Furthermore, she drew strength from her spirituality to persevere through difficult times: The course to reach South Korea is so tough … Since the journey is so tough, everyone just wishes that they wouldn't be handed over to the Chinese security services. But for me, I had this hope and longing for South Korea … I heard that there, you have freedom to praise God. Supporters (33%). Participants also mentioned encounters with advocates as their turning points. A participant described, “I met a missionary who offered to help me and my sibling.2 I told him, ‘Please take me!’ From there on I began my way to South Korea.” Another recalled, “The missionary who taught me in China was later murdered. He was a very brave man … I owe it to him to live my best life.” 3.3. Stage 3: renewal (South Korea) New identity. Upon reaching South Korea, participants were excited about gaining a new identity as South Korean citizens and starting afresh. A participant who arrived in South Korea only one month prior to the interview described a renewed sense of security and hope, saying, “Although I don't have much and sometimes feel a bit lonely, now is the most peaceful time in my entire life … I feel relaxed, and I can make plans for my future.” Another participant recalled his arrival from a decade ago, saying, “As soon as I entered South Korea, I felt so happy. I had wanted to come so badly.” 3.4. Stage 4: turmoil (South Korea) I foolishly thought my life would be fine only if I made it to South Korea. Most people come with unrealistically high hopes … The journey towards South Korea is very dangerous, but people take the risk because they have this hope … the reality in South Korea is totally different. As they faced acculturative stress, societal rejection, and family rift, the hopeful stage of Renewal soon turned into Turmoil, a stage of confusion, frustration, and identity crisis. Acculturative stress (100%). A major source of acculturative stress was adaptation to the education system. Academically, participants lagged far behind their South Korean peers, given the limited education in North Korea and the lost years in the defection process. A participant spoke of the time he struggled in school, saying, “Because I lacked the basics, I hit the lowest point in my life. I couldn't take it.” Another similarly described that academic difficulties damaged her self-view, saying, “My self-confidence would drop … I would stay up all night to study, but classmates who said they didn't even study outperformed me. I felt incompetent, like my effort was meaningless.” Another source of acculturative stress stemmed from cultural differences such as learning new vocabulary, changing accent, and adapting to capitalism. A participant said: In North Korea, I knew of South Korea simply as a great country to live in. Well, that is true, but I realized that you have to go through fierce competition here … And people used English vocabulary all the time. Everything was foreign and challenging. Rejection and isolation (63%). Many also narrated stories of rejection, discrimination, and isolation. A participant recalled a moment of despair shortly after arriving in South Korea, saying, “I was told, ‘We don't welcome you people.’ He told me South Korea was accepting us only out of obligation and did not truly want us.” Another participant said: We get discriminated against because we are different … Maybe some people don't feel it, but if you experience discrimination, you feel like you can't truly become a member of South Korea. It put me down. I had to adapt, but I went through an identity crisis. Isolation and loneliness were pervasive and accentuated in those without family in South Korea. They commonly shared a sense of nostalgia and sadness thinking about their family. Some described engaging in risk-taking activities as a resort for loneliness. Family rift and maternal PTSD (25%). Some participants experienced distress from a poor relationship with their parents, which partly stemmed from maternal PTSD. In addition to dealing with their own trauma exposure, participants received the negative repercussions of maternal mental illness and worried about their mothers’ conditions. “I don't know what to do with my mom … She is not normal. It must be because she was imprisoned (in North Korea). I know something happened then.” Her mother was repatriated from China to North Korea, before defecting again and reaching South Korea. Another participant spoke of the time when her mother was hospitalized in the psychiatric unit after manifesting severe mental illness symptoms: “Nurses opened rooms to check on people, and people walked around aimlessly. Life was so harsh on us. How much further could my life drop?” 3.5. Stage 4: achieved (South Korea) Despite significant challenges, most youth (94%) developed some sense of positive self-view. Stability (75%). For many participants, identity achievement was related to reaching one of the three milestones of stability: attaining a college education, pursuing an occupation, and starting a family. Opportunities (69%). Opportunities were discussed as critical springboards for identity achievement. They described positive experiences attending alternative schools for NK youth where they “were understood,” “felt a sense of belonging,” and “became part 167

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of a community.” Although participants who attended public schools also narrated positive experiences, theirs included significant challenges that stemmed from limited cultural sensitivity and targeted support for NK youth. Additionally, they felt grateful for universities’ affirmative action that admitted NK youth based on special criteria, given the unequal starting points and corresponding achievement gap with South Korean peers. Participants considered a college education to be an invaluable springboard for achievement in South Korea. Another major opportunity was study/travel abroad programs in North America, which were hosted by individual supporters, churches, and South Korean and U.S. governments. They felt “cared for,” “loved,” and “healed” as their host families welcomed them, and their “worldview widened.” For a participant undergoing difficulties in South Korea, the international opportunity reshaped his identity: I saw that Korean immigrants in the United States had their own pain. They moved all the way and struggled … like secondary citizens. They had this sadness from unfair treatment, which felt similar to ours as North Korean defectors in South Korea. So we felt sympathy for each other … Many invited us to their home and made me realize that I was valuable. I regained my selfconfidence. This was undoubtedly my life's best turning point. Supporters (69%). Their narratives also highlighted the value of supporters. Many gained strength from non-parental adults to carry themselves through challenging situations: My pastor and adults from church would visit me so I wouldn't be alone … I came to South Korea alone, so I lived alone since my teenage years.2 They would egg me on, saying, “We are here for you, don't give up!” When I wanted to give up in college … my old teacher encouraged me, “I'm always for you, don't give up!” I was touched and gathered the strength to carry on. Another participant, who had already achieved his career aspiration at the time of the interview, described his mother's support at a crucial moment: Everyone was trying to get into the best university … but I chose a university that offered this non-academic major3. People kept telling me to reconsider, but I was afraid of just following everyone and doing something I wasn't interested in … my mother was a huge help. She told me not to follow friends but my dream, which gave me confidence in my decision. While support from family and non-parental adults boosted their academic motivation and career aspiration, peer support helped with their social adjustment. A participant narrated the story of revealing her NK identity to peers. Positive responses from peers were critical in affirming her identity: I couldn't share deep emotions with my friends without connecting to my North Korean and family background. As I became closer to my friends and felt this dilemma, I decided to reveal my background … and they did not reject me! They were rather amazed and encouraged me for enduring tough times. Our friendship deepened. I used to feel guilty, like I was deceiving my friends. But the first friend I disclosed my identity to said I wasn't deceiving anyone … She asked me not to feel guilty, and I didn't feel guilty any longer. 3.6. Stage 5: self-transcendence (South Korea) In the final Self-Transcendence stage, their identity extended beyond their immediate and constrained views of self and the world (Alligood, 2018). All but one participant (94%) narrated some sense of meaning and purpose in their lives, integrating their reinterpreted past and imagined future. Social change and reconciliation (63%). Many viewed their unique NK identity to be an asset for bringing peace and reconciliation to the prolonged political tensions between the two Koreas. Some envisioned a unified Korea, calling themselves “a future that has already come” and “pioneers who already tasted the unification.” A participant described her journey from an assimilationist identity to a self-transcendent identity through the concept of reconciliation: I used to think that I shouldn't stick out as a North Korean in the crowd of South Korean people. But in college, I heard about the unification of the two Koreas and that I was valuable … At first, I was suspicious … We don't realize our own value and potential. We even try to eradicate our identity … Now, I constantly connect my career aspirations to something about North Korea … It no longer seems meaningful to pursue a life of stability. Whatever I do after college, I want to live a meaningful life. Participants frequently articulated concrete ways in which their current education, occupation, and civic engagement were steppingstones for their contributions to future reconciliation. For instance, multiple participants narrated their aspiration to end food deprivation in North Korea. One participant described: After the unification, I can return to my hometown … I am absolutely confident that I can help them in some way … Food shortage in North Korea is one of the reasons why I am in this business3 … I want to train my friends, family, or townsmen, so they can have a sustainable business model. This is my way of preparing for the unification, like working as a bridge. For another participant, his career in the field of education had a long-term purpose to build a school in North Korea: 3

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The biggest asset of a nation is its youth. Since youth in North Korea don't have aspirations, the country doesn't have a future … As someone who truly desires to change the society, I firmly believe in the importance of giving these youth an aspiration for their future and changing their mindsets … I came to realize that this abstract goal could be achieved through education!… After the unification, let's change North Korea! Let's bring peace to Korea! Their civic engagement included educating South Koreans about North Korea. Three participants worked with organizations that provided “unification education,” which involved delivering seminars on North Korea at public schools for increased awareness. Many also desired to help people in South Korea. A participant said, “I would like to attend university so that I can help people. I am thinking of two different majors,3 but they have the same purpose: to protect marginalized people.” Similarly, another narrated his desire for enhanced social equality: I wrote here (pointing to his future trajectory) that I would like to donate, so everyone can live adequately … I'd like to provide free meals to townsmen and elderly living alone … I've been looking into practical opportunities and programs to pursue this vision … and I'd love to create scholarships for kids who don't have much money. Not just for kids from North Korea, but many South Korean kids struggle, too. Spirituality (44%). Many found meaning and purpose in life as they engaged in spiritual development and drew meaning from their religious faith. They commonly mentioned the concept of God as a “provider,” “comforter,” and “healer” who sustained them in times of adversity. A participant said, “During that dark period of my life … I held onto hope because of my faith in God.” Another shared experiencing “healing” and a sense of renewed future through a spiritual development program, saying, “I came to truly believe that God was real … He healed me … I felt God's hand over my life, and I rediscovered my dreams and future goals.” For this participant, spiritual development expanded his perception of self and the world beyond his immediate roles and achievements: After realizing that God chose me for the works of reconciliation … I began to see my roles when the unification takes place … I need to help bring life to people in North Korea … I will work for people. Not to climb up the social ladder, but to serve God … Many people in North Korea are heartbroken … I want their hearts to be healed. For another participant, her primarily identity transformed from “North Korean defector” to “child of God.” Her religious faith also transformed the way she viewed adversities. “If something bad happens to me, I now think, ‘How will God use this incident to bring something good?’ or ‘What lesson can I learn through this experience?’ The biggest change is that I now have peace.” Another participant even mentioned that his low life points of adversities were “more meaningful” and “ironically better” compared to his high life points of security because he “experienced how God worked for real.” 4. Discussion The six-stage model of identity development demonstrates that NK youth undergo a complex identity development process shaped by trauma exposure and adversities. However, the findings suggest that their identity also influences ways in which trauma and adversities are viewed and interpreted. Despite the earlier stages of vulnerability, invisibility, and turmoil, participants generally achieved a secure sense of self in South Korea and even proceeded to a stage of self-transcendence. This study provides a culturespecific understanding of multifaceted identity development in understudied trauma-exposed youth and offers four key contributions. First, the findings shed light on NK youth's intense and prolonged adversities and the implications for identity development. During the Vulnerable stage of deprivation in North Korea, identity exploration seemed unthinkable as one's primary concern was food and survival. Additionally, parental loss and separation interrupted formation of a secure attachment, which has long-term consequences for emotion regulation and adulthood relationships (Cassidy & Mohr, 2006). Moreover, North Korea's highly controlled authoritarianism fostered feelings of helplessness, rather than a sense of agency and desires for achievement. As such, early years in North Korea laid a suboptimal outset for developing a positive sense of self and the world. Unfortunately, participants encountered an even more dismal stage of identity development upon entering China. In the Invisible stage, they hid, counterfeited, and lost their identity to avoid repatriation to North Korea, and they lived in constant fear and insecurity. This stage also represented a significant defragmentation in the identity development process, given the abrupt status conversion from citizens in North Korea to undocumented in China. Past studies with NK youth have not focused on identity development in China, but my findings align with studies of undocumented Latino youth in the U.S. for whom undocumented status was associated with disruptions of identity (Ellis, 2013; Gonzales, 2011) and psychological health (Delva et al., 2013; Gonzales, SuárezOrozco, & Dedios-Sanguineti, 2013). For instance, undocumented Latino youth's identity formation was rattled as they transitioned from the legally protected status of K-12 to adulthood and “learned to be illegal” by reshaping their daily routines, relationships, and aspirations (Gonzales, 2011). My participants narrated similar experiences during their hiding period in China, although theirs were aggravated by the consequences of potential repatriation to North Korea. Surviving hardships in North Korea and China and reaching South Korea did not warrant a stable identity. Although participants gained a legal status and anticipated a new beginning, the Renewal stage quickly transitioned to the Turmoil stage of identity confusion and crisis as they experienced culture shock, disappointments, and societal rejection. Identity development during their early years in South Korea resembles the acculturation process documented in North America; immigrants initially experience a brief “honeymoon stage” of great affinity towards the host culture, prior to entering the stage of acculturative stress as they encounter the rejection of their native cultural identity, values, and behavior (Jun, Gentry, Ball, & Gonzalez-Molina, 1994). Indeed, one participant noticed similarities between the hardship of NK defectors in South Korea and that of Korean immigrants during his stay in the U.S. 169

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Second, the findings underscore tremendous resilience and posttraumatic growth in NK youth's view of self and the world. Despite their traumatic experiences, educational lags, and cultural differences, many participants achieved a relatively secure and stable sense of self through reaching milestones of young adulthood, such as attaining a college education, pursuing career aspirations, and starting a family. These milestones defined successful settlement in South Korea as they experienced a heightened sense of security, contentment, and happiness. Given prolonged and intense adversities, NK youth's adjustment in South Korea exemplifies incredible resilience, or the process of overcoming the negative effects of risk exposure and traumatic experiences (Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005). Moreover, there was a normative trend towards the subsequent Self-Transcendence stage that marked life's pinnacle. In the preceding Achieved stage, NK youth needed to establish a secure self-view based on their roles and achievement. By contrast, the SelfTranscendence stage required them to detach their identity from these roles and achievements in order to perceive fluctuations in boundaries and extend their identity beyond their immediate and restricted views of self and the world (Alligood, 2018). In this stage, participants focused on meaning and purpose in life rather than their achievements. As they reinterpreted trauma and adversities, they weaved their past, present, and future in complex yet coherent narratives. In particular, potential unification of North and South Korea was central to their self-transcendent identity. These young people perceived themselves as global citizens whose mission centered on bridging the two Koreas for positive social change and reconciliation. It is noteworthy that they showed little interest in politics but focused on people and community while narrating their paths toward their mission, which suggests that their selftranscendent identity was driven by a sense of meaning and purpose rather than political stance. NK youth's identity achievement and self-transcendence urge the field to shift from deficit models that have dominated research on NK youth development. Given their suboptimal early environments, life-threatening defection process, and acculturative stress, reports on poor adjustment outcomes (Emery et al., 2015; Kim, Cho, et al., 2015; Um, Chi, Kim, Palinkas, & Kim, 2015) are expected. What truly presents implications for developmental science is their capacity to overcome adversities and not only adjust, but also thrive. The results provide empirical evidence that NK youth may reach competence, develop concern for others and communities, and envision an unimaginable future of political reconciliation even in the midst of ongoing personal challenges and political tensions. Their life stories exemplify not only healthy identity development but also post-traumatic growth (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004) and positive youth development (King et al., 2005; Lerner, Almerigi, Theokas, & Lerner, 2005). Third, by identifying protective factors and turning points in their life course, this study offers practical implications for those working with NK youth and, more broadly, trauma-exposed and refugee youth around the world. Supporters and opportunities were key for participants' transition from Turmoil to Achieved identity, suggesting that culture- and context-specific support systems should be in place to help trauma-exposed refugee youth undergoing identity crisis and acculturation challenges. Such programs may train youth to reinterpret trauma and adversities with a sense of agency or instill identity pride through emphasizing resilience. Policymakers should continuously evaluate and develop actions purported to provide springboards for young people's adjustment and achievement. As an example, the special college admission criteria for NK youth were beneficial for entering college, but academic struggles intensified once in college. Schools should also pay particular attention to peer relationships for refugee youth to ease their cultural adaptation and social adjustment. Additionally, it would be important to sustain effective programs such as study/travel abroad and human rights activism. Although targeted interventions may seem cumbersome, they present opportunities to produce invaluable long-term outcomes by encouraging the development of youth with affirmative identities who meaningfully contribute to the local and global communities. Moreover, interventions may incorporate spiritual development, given that spirituality boosted positive identity and provided strength to persevere through adversities in many youth. Spirituality may have been a central buffer due to its self-transcendent nature; Christianity and spirituality may encourage discovery of meaning and purpose for suffering, since biblical narratives present cases of individuals whose character and spiritual devotion are tested through afflictions (Achenbaum & Orwoll, 1991; Levenson, Jennings, Aldwin, & Shiraishi, 2005). Additionally, self-transcendence may be motivated by experiences of vulnerability that increase awareness of personal mortality (Alligood, 2018), offering a reason for the protective role of spirituality while participants were under excruciating, life-threatening circumstances in China. Fourth, the study offers future directions for conducting studies with trauma-exposed refugee youth. The six-stage model may be used to examine identity development in young people displaced from their native country who traverse other countries before settling in a host country. Traditional approaches to identity development do not adequately address the issue of life interruptions and identity fragmentations that they experience due to forced migration or defection. As seen in the case of NK youth, identity development may be more fragmented when transitioning between societies, while more continuous within the final host society of resettlement. Additionally, fieldwork data and participant-centered narratives suggest the importance of cultural sensitivity and participants’ agency. Engaging in extensive fieldwork and rapport building would be a critical step to building bridges with traumaaffected communities, given the distrust of researchers and concerns of confidentiality. Additionally, exclusive reliance on psychological assessments and deficit models should be avoided. The limitations of this study include a small sample size and snowball sampling. Participants who were recruited through snowball sampling might have fared better compared to those who were not referred. Additionally, spirituality may have stood out in their narratives because the field site was affiliated with Christianity and provided students some spiritual guidance. Nonetheless, since the majority of NK defectors in South Korea identify as Christians (Jung, Ahn, & Yoon, 2016), the findings may still apply to a significant proportion of the population. Moreover, there was considerable diversity in participants’ life stories as well as their age, age of defection, years in hiding, and length of residence in South Korea. Identity development is a multifaceted process for youth experiencing a series of traumatic interruptions in their lives. This study built a model of identity development in NK youth and demonstrated an overall process of identity development towards achievement and self-transcendence that incorporated meaning from their excruciating adversities. Results suggest that trauma can spur 170

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positive identity development and provide implications for professionals working with youth affected by intense and prolonged social conflict. Acknowledgements This research was supported by funding from Bryn Mawr College. I am deeply grateful to my participants for making the brave decision to voice their life stories of suffering, perseverance, and triumph. I am also indebted to students and teachers at field site, for they have embraced me into their community. I thank Esther Hyun Seon Kim, Yelin Jung, and Jiwoo Kim for interview transcription, Jennifer Orr for assistance with literature review, and Minhwan An for valuable discussions and feedback. References Achenbaum, W. A., & Orwoll, L. (1991). Becoming wise: A psycho-gerontological interpretation of the book of job. The International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 32(1), 21–39. https://doi.org/10.2190/419R-X8FC-Q6NE-0M85. Alligood, M. R. (Ed.). (2018). Nursing theorists and their work(9th ed.). St. Louis, MO: Elsevier. 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