A Web for all reasons: uses and gratifications of Internet components for political information

Telematics and Informatics 21 (2004) 197–223 www.elsevier.com/locate/tele

A Web for all reasons: uses and gratifications of Internet components for political information Barbara K. Kaye a

a,*

, Thomas J. Johnson

b

School of Journalism and Electronic Media, University of Tennessee, 333 Communications Building, Knoxville, TN 37996, USA b School of Journalism, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL 62901, USA Received 15 January 2003; received in revised form 24 April 2003; accepted 2 May 2003

Abstract This study surveyed politically interested Internet users online during the 2000 presidential election to examine their motives for using Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat forums for political information and to determine whether political attitudes, Internet experience and personal characteristics predict Internet use motivations. The findings indicate that each Internet component satisfies slightly different needs, which can be predicted by some political attitudes and demographics, and Internet experience. Additionally, results from this study are compared to findings from an earlier study of politically interested Web users during the 1996 presidential election. Ó 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Internet; Politics; Web; Chat rooms; Bulletin Boards; Electronic Mailing lists; Uses and Gratifications; Motivations

1. Introduction The meteoric growth of the Internet has produced a renaissance in the uses and gratifications tradition as scholars are increasingly interested in going beyond discovering who uses the Internet to examine why they use this new medium. Several studies have centered on using the Internet in general (Charney and Greenberg, 2001; Ferguson and Perse, 2000; Kang and Atkin, 1999; Kaye, 1998; Lin, 2002;

*

Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-865-974-1118. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (B.K. Kaye), [email protected] (T.J. Johnson). URL: http://web.utk.edu/~bkk.

0736-5853/$ - see front matter Ó 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/S0736-5853(03)00037-6

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Papacharissi and Rubin, 2000), for commercial purposes (Eighmey, 1997; Korgaonkar and Wolin, 1999), and one study conducted in 1996 examined how politically interested Internet users use the World Wide Web for political information (Kaye and Johnson, 2002). Most Internet uses and gratifications research have looked at only the World Wide Web or treated the Internet as a single entity rather than differentiating between the Web, bulletin boards and chat rooms, thus ignoring the possibility that people may be motivated to use different components of the Internet such as bulletin boards and chat rooms for different reasons. While Web pages often contain interactive components such as e-mail, bulletin boards and online polls, the World Wide Web is primarily a one-way source of news and entertainment. On the other hand, certain Internet components such as electronic mailing lists/bulletin boards and chat rooms serve as two-way forms of communicating. Also, while electronic mailing lists/bulletin boards represent asynchronous modes of communicating, people can engage in instant messaging and ÔtalkÕ in chat rooms in real time (Kaye and Medoff, 2001). This study surveyed politically interested Internet users online during the four weeks surrounding 2000 presidential election to examine their motives for using the Web, electronic mailing lists/bulletin boards and chat rooms for political information. It also investigates the extent to which Internet gratifications are predicted by political and demographic factors as well as by Internet experience.

2. Uses and gratifications theory and the Internet Uses and gratifications researchers assume that audience members actively search out media messages to satisfy certain needs, thus the audience is active and goal directed. That is, people actively search out certain media and media content to satisfy particular needs. The uses and gratifications approach assumes, then, that people are self-aware to know, and to articulate, their reasons for using the media and that they view the media as at least one avenue to gratify their needs (McLeod and Becker, 1981; Palmgreen, 1984). The uses and gratifications approach appears ideally suited to studying the Internet. While individuals can passively allow television content to wash over them, online technologies such as e-mail, bulletin boards and chat rooms are interactive applications that require audience members to be active users. Similarly, Web users actively search out information when they click on links or employ search engines, suggesting Web use is goal directed and that users are aware of the needs they are attempting to satisfy (Lin and Jeffres, 1998). Finally, because of the smorgasbord of material available on the Internet, online users should be able to fill a variety of needs (Eighmey, 1997; Kaye, 1998). PeopleÕs perceptions about the ability of different media to gratify their needs are influenced by the characteristics of the media themselves, particularly content and their mode of transmission (Perse and Courtright, 1993; Perse and Dunn, 1998). While television generally serves entertainment and relaxation needs (Perse and

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Courtright, 1993), specific content may serve different needs––television news satisfies surveillance needs (Rubin and Rubin, 1982; Vincent and Basil, 1997) and soap operas can satisfy the need for social contact (Rubin, 1985). Researchers suggest that functionally similar media may serve similar needs (Kang and Atkin, 1999; Lin, 1994, 2002). For instance, VCRs, cut into time spent going out to see movies because they allow people to view movies at home (Lin, 1993). Television and the Internet, then, may gratify similar needs because they are structurally similar (Kaye and Medoff, 2001). Indeed, studies that have examined motives for using the Web find that like television, the Web tends to satisfy entertainment, escape and social interaction needs (Charney and Greenberg, 2001; Eighmey, 1997; Ferguson and Perse, 2000; Kang and Atkin, 1999; Kaye, 1998; Korgaonkar and Wolin, 1999; Papacharissi and Rubin, 2000; Lin, 2001). However, because different components of the Internet are functionally different than the Web and from each other, they may gratify different needs. Indeed, studies of bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat rooms suggest that they serve different needs than the Web (Fuentes, 2000; Garramone et al., 1986; Horrigan and Rainie, 2002; James et al., 1995; Johnson and Kaye, 2002; Papacharissi and Rubin, 2000; Stafford et al., 1999; Turkle, 1999). Garramone et al. (1986) discovered that political bulletin board users mentioned surveillance and curiosity as their main motives for using bulletin boards. James et al. (1995) discovered that electronic bulletin board use in general serves information/learning and socialization needs. Sending and receiving e-mail continues to be the major activity people engage in online (Horrigan and Rainie, 2002; Johnson and Kaye, 2001; UCLA Internet Report, 2003). The ease of using e-mail and other Internet applications has led researchers to identify convenience as an important gratification served by e-mail and other online components (Papacharissi and Rubin, 2000). As more individuals subscribe to information services and electronic mailing lists that electronically deliver individuals news, sports, stock information or whatever information they specify, information gathering has become one of the leading gratifications served by e-mail (Stafford et al., 1999). Chat rooms help create virtual communities where like-minded individuals can come to discuss mutual interests (Fuentes, 2000), indicating that chat rooms may satisfy social contact needs. Others argue that the anonymity of chat rooms allow individuals to express themselves more fully and honestly than in face-to-face discussions and also allows individuals to create different personas (Turkle, 1999), suggesting that chat rooms may gratify personal identity needs.

3. Internet gratifications and political effects Internet researchers have documented that Internet users, in many ways, appear to be ideal citizens. Internet users report high levels of self-efficacy, the belief that one has the power to influence government officials and the political process (Bonchek, 1997). Web users are also more politically interested (Bimber, 1997; Bucy et al., 1999;

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Johnson and Kaye, 1998a,b, 2000a) and are more likely to vote (Bimber, 1997; Hill and Hughes, 1998) than the general public. While earlier studies suggested that Internet users harbored high levels of political distrust (Bonchek, 1997; Johnson and Kaye, 1998a,b), recent research suggests trust in government has increased as the Internet has become more mainstream (Shah et al., 2001; Ferlander and Timms, 2001; Johnson and Kaye, in press). However, few researchers have examined what political attitudes predict Internet gratifications.

4. Media gratifications and demographics Researchers exploring the social origins of uses and gratifications have identified several demographic variables that predict gratification motives. Different age groups have different needs that they satisfy through the media, and men may use the media for different reasons than women (Kippax and Murray, 1980; Rubin, 1977, 1981). However, in comparison to political measures, demographics are not particularly strong predictors of media gratifications (McLeod and Becker, 1981).

5. Internet gratifications and demographics While earlier studies suggested that white males of high socioeconomic status dominated the Internet (Busselle et al., 1999; Stempel and Hargrove, 1996; WhoÕs Surfing, 1996) recent studies suggest the Information Superhighway is becoming more demographically mainstream. New online users are more likely to be female, middle aged and come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds than more established users (SIQSS, 2000; Pew Research, 1999). Consequently, demographics may have less influence on Internet gratifications than on general media ones. Indeed, Kaye and Johnson (2002) discovered that only one demographic variable, education, was linked to motives for using the Web. Those who were highly educated relied on it less to satisfy political guidance, information, entertainment or social utility needs than less educated individuals.

6. Prior experience and the Internet Several scholars have found that prior experience predicts Internet use. That is, the longer people have been on the Internet the more hours they will spend with it (Ferguson and Perse, 2000; SIQSS, 2000). But while studies indicate the amount of online use affects how well the Internet gratifies individualÕs needs (Kaye, 1998; Korgaonkar and Wolin, 1999), few researchers have examined whether length of time the individual has been online affects usersÕ motivations. Most studies measure prior experience by asking the number of years the individual has been online. However, this measure fails to examine the quality of that Internet experience. Another component of Internet experience is how many activ-

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ities individuals engage in online. Presumably someone who has been sending e-mail messages and visiting a small repertoire of favorite sites for 10 years is less experienced than an individual who has conducted a host of activities, such as booking airlines, making stock purchases, downloading music and software, chatting and instant messaging and creating Web pages, for a shorter period of time. Prior Internet experience measures, then, should include both years spent online and number of activities engaged in on the Internet. Researchers have determined that types of Internet sites used predict user gratifications (Ferguson and Perse, 2000; Ko, 2000). For instance, Ferguson and Perse (2000) discovered that using the Internet for entertainment, to pass time and for relaxation predicts surfing entertainment sites, and social information needs influences whether respondents will search informational sites. However, few researchers have examined whether the number of online activities an individual engages in influences Internet gratifications. Only two studies could be found that have combined years online and number of Internet activities engaged in as a measure of Internet experience. Rosales (2001) examined the degree to which Internet experience predicted expectancy value of the Internet for college students. He found the more experienced the individual, the higher his or her motivation for using the Internet. However, when he separated activities and years online, he found activities explained 19% of the variance in motivations for using the Internet, while years online was an insignificant predictor. On the other hand, Johnson and Kaye (2001) found that the number of activities was unrelated to Web reliance while number of years online was negatively related, indicating that Internet newcomers were more likely than veterans to rely on the Internet.

7. Research questions This online study of the Internet uses and gratifications of politically interested online uses extends the earlier work conducted by Kaye and Johnson (2002). In 1996 when Kaye and Johnson conducted their study electronic mailing lists, bulletin boards and chat rooms were not as well developed and widely used as they are today. Therefore, this study, using the same method as that employed in 1996, examines politically interested Internet usersÕ motivations for accessing the Web, bulletin boards/mailing lists, and chat rooms for political information. This study specifically addresses the following questions: RQ1––What are the primary motives for using the Web, boards, and chat? RQ2––How strongly do motivations for using the Web, boards, and chat correlate with interest in politics, strength of party support, likelihood of voting, self-efficacy, trust, and the InternetÕs influence on political involvement? RQ3––Do demographics, political attitudes, number of years online and number of online activities predict motivations for using the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat forums?

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8. Method An online survey aimed at politically interested Internet users was posted on the World Wide Web during the two weeks before and the two weeks after the 2000 presidential election (October 24–November 21, 2000). Internet users were informed of the survey through announcements to media and politically oriented newsgroups, electronic mailing lists, and chat rooms. Additionally, Web sites, such as The Green Papers (www.thegreenpapers.com) and Rock The Vote (www.rockthevote.org/index2.html), provided links to the survey on their pages. 1 Additionally, the survey site URL was submitted to ‘‘SearchEngineSubmitter,’’ which in turn posted the site with 40 search services, such as Alta Vista and Excite. This survey was aimed at politically interested Web users––those who would be more likely to use online media sources for political purposes. Generating an online random sample of such users is very difficult. By its nature the Internet poses a unique set of problems in guaranteeing a random sample of respondents. Unlike telephone and mail surveys where samples can be produced through census lists and random digit dialing, the Web has no central registry of users and e-mail addresses are so varied that they are virtually impossible to construct randomly. Therefore, this

1 Web Site Links The Green Papers (www.thegreenpapers.com) Nerd World (www.nerdworld.com) White House 2000 (www.whitehouse2000.com) Rock The Vote (www.rockthevote.org/index2.html) Political Wag (www.politicalwag.com/servlet/home) Daily Egyptian (www.dailyegyptian.com) Free Republic (www.freerepublic.com) Access Atlanta (www.accessatlanta.com) Austin 360 (www.austin360.com) My Florida.com (www.myflorida.com) Message Boards: Boston Globe, Chicago Tribune, Dallas News, Denver Post, Los Angeles Times, SF Gate, ABC News, All Politics (CNN Interactive), New York Times, CBS News, Nando Times, MSNBC, Yahoo––Daily News. Detroit News, George Magazine, USA Today, Fox News, Pathfinder, NBC, NPR, Cox News, Press Democrat, Tampa Tribune, Palm Beach Post, Tallahassee Democrat, Miami Herald. Newsgroups: alt.politics.youth, talk.politics.misc, alt.politics.bush, alt.politics, alt.politics.clinton, alt.politics.usa.misc, alt.politics.usa.congress, alt.politics.usa.republican alt.politics.elections, talk.politics.misc, alt.politics.homosexuality, bit.listserv, gaynet soc.culture. african.american soc.culture.asian.american soc.culture, mexican soc.culture, alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater, alt.politics.greens, alt.fan.g-gordon-liddy, alt.politics.libertarian, alt.conspiracy, misc.activism.progressive, alt.politics.perot, talk.politics.libertarian, alt.politics, alt.politics.socialism.trotsky, alt.fan.rush-limbaugh, alt.politics.reform, Alt.Soc.culture, Alt.activism, Alt.society, Alt.impeach Clinton, Altpolitics.media, Alt.bored. Listservs: Partypolitics, Politics Today, Queer Politics, CARR-L,Govt._L, Ampol-l, StatePOL, Candidate 2000, War and Politics, Green Politics, LetÕs Debate, Politics-talk, Lib.left-discourse, Politics-Amerastyle, Politics-talk, Politics, Democrat, Equity, AllThings, AmericanPolitics, GWBush2000, Democrats-Only, GreenParty 2000, Gore2k, Prezelect, Leftwing, Dittohead, Thoughtsandfacts.

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study used a convenience sample of Internet users who were directed to the survey through online announcements and hyperlinks. 2 While many studies examine the Internet as one entity, this study separately examines three of its components––World Wide Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists, and chat forums. Online users can find many politically oriented Web sites where information is frequently updated and archived, can be accessed at any time, and are asynchronous and largely non-interactive; users typically act as receivers of information but do not contribute to site content. Even though bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists are also asynchronous means of communication, they are, by nature, interactive; participants are expected to be both sources and receivers of political information. On the other hand, chat forums are synchronous means of communication where users ‘‘converse’’ with each other simultaneously. These three means of Internet communication are very different and therefore they are analyzed separately.

9. Internet use motivations Motivations for using the Internet (Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists, chat forums) for political information were comprised of 22 statements derived from past uses and gratifications studies (Kaye, 1998; Kaye and Johnson, 2002; McLeod and Becker, 1974; McLeod and Becker, 1981). 3 Respondents indicated their level of agreement with the reasons for accessing the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat forums. Possible responses ranged from (1) strongly disagree to (5) strongly agree. The items were then factored by principal components analysis with varimax rotation. Items were assigned to a particular factor if the primary loadings were greater than 0.45 (Stevens, 1986). Summated indexes of each factor for each component of the Internet were created by summing the individual variables and 2

Response rates could not be calculated because there is no way to know how many individuals may have seen the survey or its links, but refused to participate. Because participation is voluntary, those who choose to complete a cybersurvey may differ from those who choose not to participate. Voluntary participants may be more interested, informed and concerned about the survey topic and typically hold viewpoints that are stronger and more extreme than other individuals. Thus, results may not be able to be generalized to the general population (Kaye and Johnson, 1999). 3 I use the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists, and chat rooms for political information because. . . I rely on it for unbiased viewpoints, information is easy to obtain, to access political information quickly, because it is exciting, to see how the candidates stand on various issues, to judge the personal qualities of candidates, to help make up my mind how to vote in an election, to judge who is likely to win an election, because it is entertaining, to remind me of my candidates strong points, to access political information from home, to give me something to talk about with others, to find out about issues affecting people like myself, to find specific political information that I am looking for, to keep up with the main issues of the day, because it helps me relax, to access political information from work, to see what a candidate would do if elected, to use as ammunition in arguments with others, to enjoy the excitement of an election race, to help me make up my mind about the important issues, to access political information at any time.

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reliability analysis was conducted. Reliabilities of the factors for each Internet component ranged from 0.68 to 0.94. If variables loaded on two factors they were assigned to the factor where they had the highest loading.

10. Political attitudes The online use factors for each Internet component were correlated with political attitudes: strength of party affiliation, likelihood of voting, political interest, levels of political involvement since becoming an Internet user, trust in the government, and feelings of self-efficacy. Respondents were asked to report whether they view themselves as ‘‘strong Democrat,’’ ‘‘lean toward Democrat,’’ ‘‘strong Republican,’’ ‘‘lean toward Republican,’’ ‘‘independent,’’ or ‘‘other’’. The responses were later recoded into three categories: ‘‘strong party supporter,’’ ‘‘weak party supporter,’’ and ‘‘independent.’’ Respondents indicated their likelihood of voting and their degree of interest in politics in general on a 0–10 scale. Respondents were also asked whether their involvement in politics has ‘‘greatly increased,’’ ‘‘increased,’’ ‘‘stayed the same,’’ ‘‘decreased,’’ or ‘‘greatly decreased,’’ since becoming an Internet user. A summated index measuring trust in the government was made up of the following items from the National Election Studies conducted by the University of Michigan: ‘‘Most of our leaders are devoted to service,’’ ‘‘Politicians never tell us what they really think,’’ and ‘‘I donÕt think public officials care much about what people like me think.’’ Two measures of self-efficacy, the degree to which people believe they can influence the political process, were also employed: ‘‘People like me donÕt have any say about what the government does’’; ‘‘Every vote counts in an election, including yours and mine.’’ The response options for each attitude index ranged from ‘‘strongly disagree’’ (1) to ‘‘strongly agree’’ (5). The polarity was reversed on the second and third statements of the trust index and the first efficacy item. The reliability for the trust index is 0.76, and the efficacy index is 0.54. 4

11. Internet experience This study takes into account both the number of years online and the number of activities respondents conduct while online. 5 Respondents were asked to 4

The efficacy index is below the normal 0.70 standard for internal reliability. However, low reliability scores are not unusual for an index of only two items. One of the main ways to ensure reliability is to use measures that have proven reliable in previous research (Babbie, 1990). Therefore, the authors combined the two items into an index because these two items from the National Election Studies have proven reliable in past studies. 5 Initially, an Internet experience index, similar to the one used by Rosales, 2001, that combined both measures was created, however the index had little influence on the variables of interest so the measures were analyzed separately instead.

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Table 1 Online activities Download music/videos

8.8%

Buy/sell stocks

12.9%

Play games

14.0%

Auctions

19.0%

Chat forums

20.1%

Instant messaging

24.4%

Job search

24.7%

Create Web pages

26.9%

Send electronic post cards

31.4%

Banking/bill paying

33.3%

Check stocks/finance news

33.7%

Download/listen to music

34.4%

Book travel arrangements

35.7%

Download free software

45.2%

Research consumer products

47.5%

Shopping

48.0%

Research for school or work

57.2%

Search services

59.3%

Access bulletin boards/lists

61.1%

Surf for interesting sites

63.3%

Access news

83.7%

E-mail friends

0.0%

86.7%

10.0%

20.0%

30.0%

40.0%

50.0%

60.0%

Percent of Users (N=442)

70.0%

80.0%

90.0%

100.0 %

approximate the number of years they have been accessing the Internet and they were asked to select from among 22 online activities (i.e. playing games, buying/

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selling stocks, downloading music) the ones they engage in on a regular basis (Table 1).

12. Data analyses This study employed correlation and regression analyses to test the research questions. The use factors for each component of the Internet were correlated with six attitude measures––strength of party affiliation, interest in politics, likelihood of voting, feelings of trust in government, change in levels of political involvement and levels of self-efficacy. Hierarchical regression was conducted to examine whether demographics, political attitudes and Internet experience predict motivations to use the Web, bulletin boards/ electronic mailing lists or chat forums for political information. The predictors were entered as blocks. Demographic variables (age, income, gender, education) were entered first, followed by political attitudes (political interest, strength of party affiliation, likelihood of voting, self-efficacy, trust, political involvement), with the Internet experience variables (years online, number of online activities) entered last. 13. Results 13.1. Respondent profile This study examines 442 responses 6 from an online survey assessing the motivations for using the Internet as a source of political information. Just over seven in ten respondents (71.1%) were very interested in politics in general. Just over twothirds (66.9%) of this studyÕs respondents report low to moderate levels of trust in the government, while slightly more than nine out of 10 (90.8%) respondents claim moderate to high levels of self-efficacy. Additionally, almost two-thirds (64.2%) of the respondents claim their involvement in politics has increased or greatly increased since becoming Internet users. Although the Internet caught the publicÕs attention in 1993 with the advent of Mosaic, the first Web browser, 17% of the respondents have been using the Internet for more than eight years, with an average of six and a half years of use overall. Respondents also engage in an average of nine of the 22 possible online activities, with the most popular being e-mail (86.7%) closely followed by accessing news (83.7%) (Table 1). 6 The surveyÕs first question asked respondents to enter their e-mail addresses; 363 complied. The respondentsÕ e-mail addresses together with their Internet protocol (IP) addresses (programmed to appear on every completed survey) were used to delete duplicated surveys. Additionally, after sending the completed survey a Web page would immediately appear thanking the respondents for their participation and verifying that the survey had been sent so respondents would not retransmit the survey.

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Additionally, the gender ratio is 66.6% male and 33.3% female. The respondents range from 14 to 83 years of age ðM ¼ 42:0Þ, and slightly more than nine out of ten (93.4%) have some college, a college degree or higher. Just over 9 out of ten (90.9%) are white, just less than 1% (0.8%) Black and the remaining classified themselves as other non-whites. Slightly less than one-quarter (23.8%) report an annual income of less than $25,000, almost half (48.1%) fall into a middle income range between $25,000 and $65,000, and the remaining one quarter (28.1%) earn more than $65,000 per year. While this is a convenience sample, demographic comparisons with other Internet surveys, as well as with ones conducted by the traditional method of random telephone calls, suggest the sample may be representative of the Internet population at the time of data collection in 2000. 7

14. Motivations The first research question addresses the reasons why individuals access the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat forums for political information. Before discussing the factors associated with each Internet resource separately, general definitions of the five factors in common are given. (1) Guidance––Individuals who are looking for political advice, and are generally interested in accessing information to guide their voting decisions. (2) Information seeking––Information seeking is a more purposeful activity than guidance and is defined as actively searching out specific political information and for keeping an eye on the political landscape. (3) Entertainment––Individuals seeking entertaining political information for relaxation and amusement purposes. (4) Social utility––Using the Internet to reinforce decisions and to arm individuals with information to use in discussions with others. (5) Convenience––Seeking political information from online sources because it is convenient and easier to do so than turning to traditional sources. 14.1. Motivations for using the Web Factor analysis revealed the following four motivations for obtaining political information from the Web: Guidance, entertainment/social utility, convenience and information seeking (Table 2). Each factor had an eigenvalue of at least one 7

A study conducted by the Pew Research Center shows that the respondents to this study are similar in age, income and education to Internet users in general. However, this studyÕs respondents may not be representative in terms of race––more racial minorities go online than would be indicated by this study–– or in terms of gender––almost as many woman as men now use the Internet (Pew Research, 2001). However, Pew Research does indicate that men still use the Internet for news and political information more than women (Pew Research, 2000a,b).

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Table 2 Motivations for using the web for political information Factor matrix Guidance

Entertainment social/utility

Convenience

Information seeking

World Wide Web use motivations ‘‘I use the Web for political information. . .’’ Factor 1 Guidance To help me decide how to vote To judge personal qualities of candidates To help me decided about important issues To see what a candidate will do if elected For unbiased viewpoints To find out about issues affect people like myself Factor 2 Entertainment/social utility Because it is entertaining To enjoy the excitement of the election race To give me something to talk about with others Because it is exciting To use as ammunition in arguments with others Because it helps me relax To remind me of my candidates strongest points Factor 3 Convenience To access information quickly Because information is easy to obtain To see how candidates stand on issues To access political information from home Factor 4 Information seeking To find specific political information that I am looking for To keep up with main issues of the day To access political information at any time Eigenvalue Variance explained Reliability

0.68 0.68

0.01 0.15

0.06 0.26

0.26 )0.16

0.66

0.19

)0.09

0.34

0.65

0.16

0.17

0.24

0.61 0.58

)0.05 0.15

0.20 0.04

)0.16 0.44

0.01 )0.05

0.70 0.70

0.02 0.03

)0.02 0.08

0.24

0.69

)0.02

0.10

0.16 0.13

0.66 0.61

0.33 0.07

)0.20 0.32

0.08 0.49

0.61 0.54

)0.06 0.21

0.12 0.04

0.01 0.11

)0.03 0.00

0.81 0.75

0.22 0.11

0.45

0.18

0.60

)0.05

0.30

0.011

0.53

0.44

0.08

0.02

0.16

0.73

0.30

0.14

0.03

0.62

0.13

0.13

0.43

0.59

6.0 27.2 0.789

2.3 10.7 0.805

1.7 7.6 0.716

1.5 6.7 0.680

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Table 3 Motivations for using the electronic mailing lists/bulletin boards for political information Factor matrix Entertainment/ social utility

Information seeking

Convenience

Guidance

World Wide Web use motivations ‘‘I use electronic mailing lists/bulletin boards for political information. . .’’ Factor 1 Entertainment/social utility To enjoy the excitement of the election race Because it is exciting To give me something to talk about with others Because it is entertaining Because it helps me relax To use as ammunition in arguments with others To judge who is likely to win Factor 2 Information seeking To find specific political information that I am looking for To find out about issues that affect people like myself To help me decide about important issues To keep up with main issues of the day To access political information from home Factor 3 Convenience To access information quickly Because information is easy to obtain To access political information at any time To access political information from work Factor 4 Guidance To judge personal qualities of candidates To see how candidates stand on issues To see what a candidate will do if elected For unbiased viewpoints To remind me of my candidates strongest points To help me decide how to vote Eigenvalue Variance explained Reliability

0.83

0.09

0.15

0.08

0.76 0.76

)0.09 0.29

0.27 0.00

0.18 0.06

0.76 0.63 0.63

0.13 0.20 0.32

0.24 )0.14 0.18

)0.03 0.15 0.11

0.41

0.10

0.45

0.14

0.07

0.71

0.42

0.16

0.26

0.67

0.13

0.33

0.21 0.23 0.17

0.66 0.66 0.54

0.03 0.41 0.43

0.37 0.11 0.22

0.04 0.07 0.22

0.27 0.13 0.50

0.82 0.79 0.57

0.17 0.26 0.18

0.28

0.17

0.46

0.11

0.12 0.10 0.20 0.00 0.53

0.25 0.17 0.47 0.10 0.10

0.15 0.40 0.01 0.42 0.06

0.78 0.70 0.63 0.61 0.59

0.08

0.40

0.22

0.52

8.5 38.7 0.854

2.5 11.5 0.849

1.5 6.6 0.775

1.1 5.1 0.837

(Guidance 6.0, Entertainment/Social Utility 2.3, Convenience 1.7, Information seeking 1.5). Guidance accounted for 27.2% of the variability, entertainment/social

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utility for 10.7%, convenience 7.6% and information seeking, 6.7%, totaling 52.2% of the variance. Politically oriented Web users are drawn primarily to the online sites to seek political guidance. The Web overflows with an abundance of information users can tap into for voting advice. Entertainment/social utility was the second strongest reason for accessing online political information. Convenience is the third reason for accessing the Web. As users become more experienced and familiar with the Web it becomes easier and more convenient to use. Lastly, locating specific political information is the weakest motivator for using the Web (Table 2). Table 4 Motivations for using chat rooms/instant messaging for political information Factor matrix Guidance information seeking

Entertainment social/ utility

Convenience

World Wide Web use motivations ‘‘I use chat rooms/instant messaging for political information. . .’’ Factor 1 Guidance/information seeking To help me decide about important issues To see what a candidate will do if elected To find specific political information that I am looking for To help me decide how to vote To judge personal qualities of candidates To remind me of my candidates strongest points To find out about issues that affect people like myself For unbiased viewpoints To keep up with main issues of the day To access political information from work To access political information at any time To judge whoÕs likely to win

0.81 0.80 0.70 0.69 0.63 0.61 0.57 0.57 0.56 0.55 0.52 0.49

0.30 0.23 0.24 0.16 0.20 0.44 0.44 )0.00 0.41 0.25 0.39 0.34

0.05 0.24 0.44 0.25 0.48 0.18 0.33 0.53 0.48 0.27 0.45 0.38

Factor 2 Entertainment/social/utility Because it is entertaining To enjoy the excitement of the election race To give me something to talk about with others Because it is exciting Because it helps me to relax To use as ammunition in arguments with others

0.11 0.24 0.35 0.05 0.36 0.52

0.84 0.79 0.73 0.72 0.68 0.60

0.32 0.23 0.13 0.45 )0.03 0.14

Factor 3 Convenience Because information is easy to obtain To access information quickly To see how candidates stand on issues To access political information from home

0.18 0.25 0.47 0.48

0.23 0.24 0.17 0.37

0.86 0.82 0.63 0.54

11.7 53.1 0.936

1.7 7.9 0.894

1.3 6.0 0.865

Eigenvalue Variance explained Reliability

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14.2. Motivations for using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists Entertainment/social utility, information seeking, convenience and guidance are the primary reasons people connect to bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for political information (Table 3). The eigenvalues and variance explained for each factor are as follows: Entertainment/Social utility, 8.5, 38.7%, Information seeking, 2.5, 11.5%, Convenience, 1.5, 6.6% and Guidance, 1.1, 5.1%. The four factors account for 61.9% of the variance explained (Table 3). 14.3. Motivations for using chat forums Individuals turn to chat forums for political information for reasons of guidance/ information seeking, entertainment/social utility and convenience, with eigenvalues of 11.7, 1.7 and 1.3, respectively. The three factors combined explain 67.0% of the variance––guidance/information seeking, 53.1%, entertainment/social utility 7.9%, convenience 6.0% (Table 4).

15. Motivations and attitudes The relationships between reasons for using the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat rooms for political information and attitudes towards politics in general are the focus of the second research question. RespondentsÕ levels of political involvement, interest in politics, feelings of trust in government, likelihood of voting, strength of party affiliation, and self-efficacy, were correlated with each of the use motivations for each Internet component, Web use motivations have 17 out of 48 correlations significant, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists 22 out of 48 correlations, and chat rooms six significant associations out of 36 possible. Political involvement is the strongest correlate of Internet use motivations. If individuals are strongly motivated to use the Internet for political information then it would be expected that their levels of political involvement would increase. Levels of political involvement were strongly and significantly associated with all of the Internet use motivations for the three Internet resources (Table 5). High levels of interest in politics strongly and significantly correlate with using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for each of the use motivations. Those individuals who are very interested in politics use bulletin board/electronic mailing lists to fulfill entertainment/social, information, convenience, and to a lesser extent, guidance needs. Higher interest in politics in general propels individuals to access the Web for entertainment/social utility (r ¼ 0:22, p < 0:001) and information seeking (r ¼ 0:14, p < 0:05) reasons, but it is not associated with any of the reasons for using chat rooms (Table 5). Correlation analysis revealed significant associations between trust in politics and using the Web for information (r ¼ 0:14, p < 0:05). The more people trust the government the more likely they are to seek political information online. When examining motivations for using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists, trust in

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Table 5 Correlations of Internet use motivations and the web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists, chat forums Use motivations correlates ðrÞ

Guidance

Entertainment social utility

Convenience

Information seeking

Web use Motivations Gender Age Income Education Years online Number of online activities Interest in politics Strength of party affiliation Likelihood of voting Efficacy Trust in government Political involvement

0.01 )0.07 )0.04 0.25*** )0.05 0.17** 0.03 )0.01 0.17* 0.05 0.00 0.38***

)0.09 )0.21*** )0.07 0.24*** )0.09 0.12* 0.22*** )0.07 0.10 0.09 0.00 0.31***

0.06 )0.12** )0.09 0.27*** )0.04 0.10 0.03 )0.09 0.28*** 0.02 )0.03 0.26***

0.01 )0.03 )0.05 0.18** )0.03 0.06 0.14* )0.02 0.13 0.05 0.14* 0.26***

Information seeking 0.03 )0.00 )0.08 0.28*** )0.16** 0.06 0.25**** )0.06 0.08 )0.04 )0.11 0.36***

Convenience

Guidance

0.11 )0.08 0.05 0.15** )0.00 0.08 0.23*** )0.14* 0.13 )0.06 )0.13* 0.22***

0.08 )0.14* )0.07 0.29*** )0.13* 0.05 0.15* )0.04 0.20* )0.02 )0.13* 0.38***

Entertainment/social utility )0.05 )0.05 0.01 0.16* )0.03 0.09 0.11 )0.04 0.08 0.04 )0.00 0.21**

Convenience

Bulletin board/electronic mailing list use motivations Use motivations correlates ðrÞ Entertainment social utility Gender )0.06 Age )0.18** Income )0.03 Education 0.23*** Years online )0.07 Number of online activities 0.17** Interest in politics 0.27*** Strength of party affiliation )0.11 Likelihood of voting 0.05 Efficacy 0.03 Trust in government )0.14* Political involvement 0.27*** Chat room use motivations Use motivations correlates ðrÞ

Guidance/information

Gender Age Income Education Years online Number of online activities Interest in politics Strength of party affiliation Likelihood of voting Efficacy Trust in government Political involvement

0.03 )0.07 0.00 0.14* )0.07 0.09 0.07 0.03 0.06 0.02 )0.07 0.27***

*p < 0:05, **p < 0:01, ***p < 0:001.

0.03 0.05 0.02 0.17* )0.12 0.10 0.00 0.01 0.05 0.00 )0.11 0.26***

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government was significantly and negatively associated with entertainment/social utility, convenience and guidance motivations. Likelihood of voting was positively and significantly associated with using the Web and electronic mailing lists/bulletin boards for guidance (r ¼ 0:17, p < 0:05, r ¼ 0:20, p < 0:05, respectively), and for using the Web for convenience (r ¼ 0:28, p < 0:001). Those who are more likely to vote are more likely to seek guidance from the Web and from bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists. Strength of party affiliation was significantly, but negatively, associated with using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for the sake of convenience (r ¼
0:14, p < 0:05). The more closely connected one feels to the party of his/her choice, the less convenient it is to seek guidance from bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists. Self-efficacy was the weakest correlate and was not significantly associated with any of the motivations for using any of the Internet components (Table 5).

16. Internet experience Internet experience is measured by both the number of years individuals have been going online and by the number of online activities they perform on a regular basis. The number of years online is negatively associated with all the Internet use motivations and significantly associated with using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for information and guidance. More recent online users are more likely to use the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat rooms to fulfill guidance, entertainment/social utility, information seeking, and convenience needs (Table 5). The number of online activities are positively associated with all the Internet use motivations and significantly associated with using the Web for entertainment/social reasons and using the Web and bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for guidance purposes. Individuals who engage in a large number of online activities are more likely to use the Web for entertainment and guidance purposes and bulletin boards/ electronic mailing lists for guidance (Table 5).

17. Demographics Education is the strongest demographic correlate. It is significantly and positively associated with all Web, bulletin board/electronic mailing list and chat motivations, suggesting that higher educated individuals are more likely to use all of these Internet resources for political information. Age is significantly and negatively related to using the Web for convenience (r ¼
0:12, p < 0:01) and the Web and bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for satisfying entertainment/social utility needs (r ¼
0:21, p < 0:001; r ¼
0:18, p < 0:01, respectively). Age is also significantly and negatively associated with using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for guidance purposes (r ¼
0:14, p < 0:05).

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Younger respondents are more likely to turn to the Web for reasons of entertainment/social utility and convenience, and to use bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists to be entertained and for social reasons and for guidance than are older respondents (Table 5).

18. Predictors of motivations for using the Internet The third research question asks if demographics, political attitudes, number of years online and number of online activities predict motivations for using the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat forums. Political attitudes and Internet experience, but not demographics, were the most common predictors of motivations for using the Web for political reasons. Motivations for using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists were predicted by demographics, political attitudes and Internet experience, but to a lesser degree than Web motivations. Demographics were the only predictors of motivations for using chat forums.

19. Predictors of motivations for using the Web 19.1. Guidance Political involvement and years online are significant predictors of using the Web for political guidance. Political involvement (b ¼ 0:30, p < 0:01), is positively associated with guidance. The greater the InternetÕs influence on political involvement the more likely users are to turn to it for guidance purposes. The number of years online, however, is negatively (b ¼
0:20, p < 0:05) associated with guidance. Novice users are more likely to view the Web as a place to go for political guidance than their more seasoned counterparts (Table 6). 19.2. Entertainment/social utility Political involvement and number of online activities are the only two significant predictors of using the Web for political entertainment/social utility (b ¼ 0:22, p < 0:05; b ¼ 0:21, p < 0:05, respectively). Those who feel that their involvement in politics has increased since they became Internet users are more likely to seek tidbits of entertaining political information that they presumably share with their friends and family. Additionally, the more online activities users are engaging in on a regular basis the more likely they are using the Web for political entertainment and social reasons (Table 6). 19.3. Convenience Likelihood of voting, number of years online and number of online activities are significant predictors of seeking political information from the Web because it is

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Table 6 Hierarchical regression analysis of predictors of web use for political information Predictor variables

Guidance

Entertainment/social utility

Convenience

Information seeking

Gender Age Education Income Interest in politics Strength/Party Affiliation Likelihood of voting Efficacy Trust Political involvement Years Online Number online activities

0.03 )0.17 0.09 0.06 )0.05 0.10 0.10 0.06 0.02 0.30** )0.20* 0.03

)0.10 )0.10 0.07 0.07 0.13 )0.15 )0.03 0.17 )0.03 0.22* )0.13 0.21*

0.08 )0.03 )0.00 )0.12 0.07 )0.03 0.28*** )0.09 )0.06 0.16 )0.32*** 0.21**

)0.06 )0.16 0.09 0.06 0.08 )0.03 0.06 )0.08 0.20* 0.22* )0.31*** 0.08

0.304 0.231 0.000

0.286 0.208 0.000

R2 Adjusted R Significance

0.244 0.157 0.002

0.266 0.184 0.000

*p < 0:05, **p < 0:01, ***p < 0:001.

convenient to do so. The stronger the intent to vote the more likely users are to view the Web as a convenient place to access political information (b ¼ 0:28, p < 0:001). Internet experience is also a predictor of convenience. Years online is negatively associated with convenience (b ¼
0:32, p < 0:001) but number of online activities is positively associated (b ¼ 0:21, p < 0:01). Users who are regularly involved in a large number of online activities are more likely to view convenience as a motivator for using the Web. Individuals who engage in a large number of online activities are savvy and know how to quickly access the information they are seeking, thus appreciating the convenience the Web has to offer (Table 6). 19.4. Information seeking Years online, trust in the government, and political involvement are significant predictors of seeking political information from Web sites. Years online is negatively (b ¼
0:31, p < 0:001) associated with information seeking, indicating that users who are less experienced, in terms of years online, are more likely to look for political information on the Web than Internet veterans. Political involvement and trust in government are the only attitudinal predictors of information seeking. Those users who have become more politically involved since they first started accessing online material use the Web to look for political information (b ¼ 0:22, p < 0:05). In turn, the information they find online increases their desire to become more politically active. Also, the more people trust the government the more likely they are to seek political information from the Web (b ¼ 0:20, p < 0:05) (Table 6).

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20. Predictors of motivations for using bulletin board/electronic mailing lists 20.1. Entertainment/social utility The number of online activities individuals regularly use is the only predictor of using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for entertainment and social reasons (b ¼ 0:27, p < 0:01). These active users are skilled at accessing message boards and electronic mailing list postings and know where to look to optimize the political entertainment value and to have something fun to talk about with others (Table 7). 20.2. Information seeking and guidance Political involvement is the only predictor of using bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists for political information seeking (b ¼ 0:36, p < 0:001) and guidance (b ¼ 0:25, p < 0:05). It is the politically involved Internet users who are most likely to access and respond to bulletin board messages and to subscribe to electronic mailing lists to gain political knowledge and guidance on how to vote. Levels of political involvement predict the likelihood of interacting and sharing political information with others and giving and taking advice via message boards and electronic mailing lists. Age and education are significantly associated with using bulletin boards for political guidance (b ¼
0:24, p < 0:05; b ¼ 0:28, p < 0:05, respectively). Table 7 Hierarchical regression analysis of predictors of bulletin board/electronic mailing list use for political information Predictor variables

Entertainment/social utility

Information seeking

Convenience

Guidance

Gender Age Education Income Interest in politics Strength/party affiliation Likelihood of voting Efficacy Trust Political involvement Years online Number of online activities

)0.06 )0.11 0.20 0.11 0.19 )0.18

)0.07 0.06 0.21 )0.05 0.15 0.03

0.09 )0.15 0.13 0.09 0.20 )0.09

0.13 )0.24* 0.28* 0.06 0.13 0.11

)0.12 0.15 )0.12 0.10 0.04 0.27**

)0.06 0.12 )0.08 0.36*** )0.15 0.11

)0.01 0.05 )0.07 0.17 )0.00 0.20

0.11 0.02 0.08 0.25* 0.06 )0.03

0.301 0.191 0.004

0.342 0.245 0.000

R2 Adjusted R Significance of change

*p < 0:05, **p < 0:01, ***p < 0:001.

0.254 0.138 0.020

0.310 0.203 0.002

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Age is negatively associated with guidance––it is the younger Internet users who turn to bulletin boards and electronic mailing lists for political advice. Higher educated individuals are more likely to use bulletin boards and electronic mailing lists for political guidance (Table 7).

21. Predictors of motivations for using chat forums 21.1. Guidance/information seeking and convenience Only two demographic variables predict chat room use––education and age. Education is a positive and significant predictor of using chat rooms for convenience (b ¼ 0:32, p < 0:05). The higher the level of education the more likely a person is to view chat rooms as a convenient venue for political information. Age is significantly and negatively associated with using chat rooms for political guidance and information (b ¼
0:28, p < 0:05). Younger Internet users are more likely to enter chat rooms for information and advice on how to vote (Table 8).

22. Discussion While past studies have examined the uses and gratifications of the Web in general, this study assesses why politically interested Internet users connect to the Web for political information. This study extends a similar one that was conducted in

Table 8 Hierarchical regression analysis of predictors of chat use for political information Predictor variables

Guidance/information

Entertainment/social utility

Convenience

Gender Age Education Income Interest in politics Strength/party affiliation Likelihood of voting Efficacy Trust Political involvement Years online Number online activities

)0.15 )0.28* 0.13 0.26 0.17 0.11 )0.15 0.14 )0.05 0.19 0.07 0.14

)0.19 )0.00 0.26 0.25 0.07 0.02 )0.13 0.23 0.05 0.07 0.07 0.24

)0.17 0.11 0.32* 0.02 0.07 0.09 )0.08 0.03 )0.08 0.16 )0.03 0.21

R2 Adjusted R Significance

0.270 0.103 0.117

*p < 0:05, **p < 0:01, ***p < 0:001.

0.281 0.130 0.059

0.283 0.147 0.031

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1996 and uses the same method and survey instrument but adds questions concerning online activities and uses of bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat rooms. Many studies tend to examine the Internet as one entity, but this study specifically looks at the Web, bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists and chat rooms. The 442 respondents who completed the 2000 survey are motivated to use the Web for political information for reasons of guidance on how to vote, entertainment/ social utility, convenience and information seeking. The 1996 study found guidance, information seeking/surveillance, entertainment and social utility as the four primary motivators for using the Web for political information. Guidance was the primary motive for using the Web in both 1996 and 2000, suggesting that those who are interested in politics still trust Web based political information enough to rely on it for political advice. Many traditional news sources, such as the Washington Post, and respected political organizations, such as The League of WomenÕs Voters, have established online sites that politically interested users rely on for guidance and advice on how to vote. Entertainment/social utility, information seeking, convenience, and guidance are the four motivators for using message board/electronic mailing lists. Message boards and specialty lists are rife with political commentary from people from all walks of life––from the most conservative to the most liberal and from the most serious to the most humorous. After the chuckles, more serious information seeking takes place. Guidance is the weakest motivator, which indicates that though respondents enjoy bulletin board and electronic mailing lists messages they probably do not take them very seriously or rely on them for advice on how to vote. Respondents are drawn to chat rooms for guidance/information seeking, entertainment/social utility and convenience. Chat room participants are actively involved in political discussion and may form bonds with other chatters and thus they may trust and rely on the information they get from their online friends. In 2000, convenience emerged as a weak motivator for accessing any Internet component for political purposes, which could indicate that in the four years between this study and the one conducted in 1996 online users may have become more skilled in seeking specific political information online. On the other hand, because convenience is a weak motivator, users may still find it inconvenient to access the Internet and may have some trouble locating specific information, subscribing to lists and entering a chat room conversation. When comparing the uses and gratifications of the different Internet components, political guidance is the primary reason for using the Web and guidance/information seeking the main motivator for using chat rooms, suggesting that these Internet resources are more trustworthy and reliable than bulletin boards/electronic mailing lists. Perhaps because bulletin boards/mailing lists are both anonymous and lack interpersonal connections among users they are deemed less trustworthy (Johnson and Kaye, 2000a), and thus used less for guidance, than the Web or chat rooms. While Web sites have become more credible in the eyes of the general public (Johnson and Kaye, 2002), message boards and electronic mailing lists have not yet reached that same status, especially since anyone can post a message about anything

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and not be held accountable for accuracy. Chat rooms have the benefit of real time, interpersonal exchange that may boost their credibility over message boards and lists. This study also examines how political attitudes influence motivations for using the Web, electronic bulletin boards/mailing lists and chat rooms. Political involvement is the strongest correlate of all the motivations for all three Internet resources. The greater the influence the Web and message boards/lists have on an individualÕs level of political involvement the greater satisfaction they get from using the Internet for political information. Likelihood of voting is positively associated with using the Web for guidance and convenience but in 1996 voting intention was not associated with using the Web for any reason. Perhaps the Web is increasing political involvement and thus, motivating users to cast their ballots. The Internet may indeed be a catalyst for greater involvement in politics and may lead to a more active constituency. Individuals who are more trusting of the government are more likely to turn to the Web when seeking political information. This finding represents a major change from 1996, when the less trusting people were of the government the more likely they were to seek guidance from Web sources. This shift may be an indication of the InternetÕs mainstreaming and wide acceptance by the general public (Shah et al., 2001; Johnson and Kaye, in press), rather than the politically discontented, as a legitimate source of political information. In 1996 self-efficacy was a positive correlate of using the Web for political information/surveillance and entertainment, but in 2000 it was not associated with any Web use motivation, also indicating that Web users may be becoming more mainstream and less activist in nature. Perhaps as the Web attracts more politically interested users who trust the political system it is not used as much as forum for political change as it was in 1996. Political attitudes are also predictors of Internet use for political purposes. In 2000 likelihood of voting and trust in the government predicted several reasons for connecting to the Web, and political involvement predicted several motivations for using the Web and bulletin boards/lists for political information. Yet no political attitude predicts using chat rooms for any reason. It is quite possible that political attitudes are stronger predictors of Web use motivations because using the Web for political information is a more established activity and users may be more skilled at finding the type of information they are seeking there than through bulletin boards and chat rooms. In 1996, self-efficacy emerged as the major predictor of how individuals use the Internet, influencing whether individuals used the Internet for guidance and for information seeking/surveillance needs but in 2000 self-efficacy was not a predictor. This finding may again indicate that the Web is not viewed as much as a place for those with a strong sense of self-efficacy as it was in 1996, but has become a venue for mainstream users. Novice politically interested users look to the Web for guidance, convenience, and information seeking purposes. Those who conduct more online activities use the Web because it is convenient, and use bulletin boards/mailing lists for entertainment

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social utility reasons. Presumably, those with more experience would find the Web convenient and would know which bulletin boards and lists gratify their needs for entertainment and social utility. These results confirm the findings of Johnson and Kaye (2001) who found that years online and the number of online activities are distinct measures of Internet experience. While it is the newcomers rather than online veterans who are more motivated to go online, having more experience with online activities also predicted online gratifications. No demographic variables were predictors of Web use for political purposes. In 1996, the less educated users were more inclined to access the Internet for advice about politics and for social reasons, but education is not an influence four years later. The purpose of this uses and gratifications study was to take a look at how politically interested Internet users are using this online forum for political information and their reasons for doing so. Reaching this small population of politically interested Internet users is a challenging task because traditional methods of data collection do not readily apply to the Internet. Even though posting a survey online is recognized as an effective method of collecting data it still presents a unique set of challenges and limitations that arise from the lack of random selection. In situations where random probability sampling is not possible, such as with the Internet, nonprobability sampling is acceptable (Babbie, 1990) and commonly used when posting an online survey. The Internet is very conducive to purposive sampling as subsets within the larger population of users can be identified and solicited through announcements posted on message boards, sent out to specialty mailing lists, and through hyperlinks posted on key online sites, as employed by this study (Bimber, 1998; Johnson and Kaye, 1998; Kaye and Johnson, 1999). Careful uses of this type of purposive sampling, generates results that may be representative of a specific subset of Internet users, but may not be representative of the larger population (Babbie, 1990). Although this studyÕs findings cannot be generalized to the Internet public at large, it does give insight into the online behaviors of politically interested Internet users––the group that was sought out for study. Future researchers could perhaps design a method where politically interested users could be identified, randomly selected and through e-mail solicited to complete the survey. Also as the number of people who use the Internet on a regular basis continues to grow and people settle into patterns of use, motivations for using the Web for political purposes could be derived from open-ended responses rather than from those found in other studies. Motives for using the Internet could very well change as the Internet becomes an increasingly important vehicle for political information. References Babbie, E., 1990. Survey Research Methods. Wadsworth, Belmont. Bimber, B., 1997. The political Web: Survey overview and descriptive findings. Available from .

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