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A1-Alkhalaf vernacular landscape: the planning and management of land in an insular context, Asir region, southwestern Saudi Arabia
LANDSCAPE AND URBAN PLANNING
ELSEVIER
Landscape
and Urban Planning 34 (1996) 79-95
Al-Alkhalaf vernacular landscape: the planning and management of land in an insular context, Asir region, southwestern Saudi Arabia Mohammed Adullah Eben Saleh Deparhnent of Architecture and Building Sciences, College of Architecture and Planning, King Saud Uniuersity, P.O. Box 57448, Riyadh 11574. Saudi Arabia
Accepted 25 October 1995
Abstract Development and preservation of the vernacular landscape has drawn the attention of scholars worldwide. This study examines the vernacular landscape of Al-Alkhalaf, an agricultural community located in the Asir region of southwestern Saudi Arabia. The vernacular landscape is viewed in the context of the interaction between the built environment, agricultural and natural landscapes and the inhabitants. This paper provides the reader with historical, cultural and ethnographic perspectives on the planning and management of land in Al-Alkhalaf. The study discusses the interaction of ecological, economic, and social-structural factors during a particular historical period and shows their role in shaping human life and the vernacular landscape. Al-Alkhalaf is an example of outstanding land management in a traditional society from which modem planners can learn. Keywords: Vernacular landscape; Land management; Saudi Arabia
1. Introduction The
vernacular
landscape
is an attempt
to find
more sensitive ways to relate people to nature, understanding that nature is fundamentally conservative and people are fundamentally dynamic and caught between economic, aesthetic and ethical goals. The vernacular landscape must respond both functionally and symbolically to those whom it would serve. Usually, the vernacular landscape manifests people’s ideas of nature and culture. Crowe (1963) proposed that the finest landscapes result from land use which recognises the value of land for shelter as well as for 0169-2046/96/$15.00
0 1996 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved
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food, for wildlife as well as for man and for visual pleasure as well as for economic needs. The development and preservation of the vemacular landscape has drawn the attention of scholars worldwide. Morin-Labatut and Akhtar (1992) argued that traditional environmental knowledge, as an intimate resource to manage the vernacular landscape, parallels the scientific disciplines of ecology and environmental studies. An overall understanding of the history and influential factors of every landscape is essential before an attempt is made to alter it by adding new uses and greater densities. The wise management of natural and agricultural landscapes is
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explored. Cultural and socio-organisational strengths are identified and examined in the light of future pressures. There is currently a lack of documented information about the vernacular landscape and associated spaces of Al-Alkhalaf as well as the socioeconomic and political history of development. Research was conducted during 3 years of continuous investigation between September 1990 and October 1993. Four major trips to the area were completed. The scarcity of previous documentation necessitated reliance on firsthand information from oral history and surface photography. ‘Ihe investigation depended primarily on the oral history narrated by settlement elders during extensive interviews. This, at best, covers the last 60 years. An ethnographic study was also completed, analysing the present spatial components of the vernacular landscape.
Fig. 1. Map of Saudi Arabia, showing the location of Al-Alkhalaf.
2. Establishment
of Al-Alkhalaf
also essential for economic planning and development. This study examines the vernacular landscape of Al-Alkhalaf, an agricultural community located in the Asir region of southwestern Saudi Arabia (Fig. I). The vernacular landscape is viewed in the context of the interaction between settlementscape (built environment), agricultural and natural landscapes and people. Supported by seasonal grain agriculture, AlAlkhalaf is characterised by tortuous thoroughfares and a dense built form, a strong social structure and an established culture. In Al-Alkhalaf, there are three distinguishable spatial components of the vernacular landscape: the settlementscape, including the built form with its mosques, defence towers, tower-like houses, open spaces, and routes of movement; the natural landscape with its local vegetation, mountains with distinctive geological formation, pastures, quarries and woodlands; the agricultural landscape, including the farms, irrigation system and routes of movement to the settlement. The investigator views Al-Alkhalaf as an example of outstanding land management in a traditional society from which modem planners can learn. Current and historical processes of control and change are
The vernacular landscape is shaped primarily by the developed culture in Al-Alkhalaf. Historically, the social structure that dominated the fragmented Arabian peninsula was that of the tribe. It is a kinship unit formally based on descent from a common ancestor through the male line. Al-Alkhalaf territory is inhabited and controlled socially, economically and politically by a single family of the Bani Bisher tribe, descendants of Khalaf Eben Ya’ala Al-Bishri (Eben Saleh, 1995a) The people of Al-Alkhalaf abandoned the mentality of the nomadic tribes who took all they could from the land and moved on. They learned instead to carefully recreate the landscape in which they lived in direct proportion to their immediate needs. In accordance with the expectations of its founder, the development of Al-Alkhalaf maintained a balance between built environment and agricultural fields. Residents also established strict rules to organise the interaction between them and the available natural resources. They chose, managed, and preserved the vernacular landscape for social and political reasons. According to elders in Al-Alkhalaf, the settlement site was granted to its founder, Khalaf Eben YaCala Al-Bishri, by his mother tribe sheikdom in the early part of the 16th century. He selected the site of Al-Alkhalaf for security and economic reasons. He
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Fig. 2. Surface levelling of
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mountainous areas producedreclaimed land plots with varying characteristics,
was accompanied by his wife and two sons, Mattar Mubarak. He first designated the locations of the landscape: his house fiRJ t structures in the vernacular in im elevated place (Al-Mashraf) where he could sun rey his property; a defence tower (qasabah) to
enhance his defence capabilities; a place of worsl hip (the mosque) and a farm. These were the pillars of subsistence, and the farm was the main source of income. The extended family of Khalaf Eben Yacala in-
Fig. 3. Plough and oxen are still used to reclaim land in Al-Alkhalaf.
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creased in number within two branches, Al-Mattar and Al-Mubarak. In view of the physical characteristics of the settlement, he instructed his two sons to expand north and south of his house, respectively. The expansion of the settlement was accomplished by building residential quarters for the expanding kin groups. The new residential quarters were accompanied by the parallel expansion of new agricultural fields and other spatial components of the settlement, such as defence towers (qasabah), underground crop silos (Al-Mudfan) and mosques. Al-Alkhalaf still preserves its original social structure which consists of two moieties, each constituted of kin groups made up of several extended families.
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using the available rain water and wells for inigation. The plough and oxen are still used, though new agricultural machinery has gradually been introduced (Fig. 3). The regulations and rules established to organise the vernacular landscape were rigid. For example, construction was not allowed on the arable land. An exception was the circular warning and defence tower which was strategically located in the fields to ensure the security of the settlement and agricultural areas (Fig. 4). Structures connected with the underground water wells and irrigation system were also built in the arable lands.
4. Land ownership 3. Land reclamation
and management
Reclamation efforts in Al-Alkhalaf have been carefully executed to conserve and utilise precious resources. Residents have reclaimed the land in three significant ways: in the construction of the settlement built form for living and defence purposes; in development of arable land using the technique of terracing and surface levelling in the mountainous area (Fig. 2); in providing the barren land with water
Fig. 4. Flat arable land in Al-Alkhalaf water well structures.
was preserved traditionally
According to Lewis (19881, owning land really meant controlling it, i.e. people only made a claim of ownership to land they could defend. This concept was clearly manifest in Al-Alkhalaf, as arable land was cultivated directly in proportion to settlement growth and supplemented with 26 warning and defence towers strategically located in the settlement and the surrounding open fields. Three different kinds of land ownership are found
for crop fields by limiting construction
other than the circular qasabah and
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in the settlement. The first type is public land which belongs to every member of the community. They may gather dry wood, pasture, or exploit other natural resources in these areas. Traditionally, such public lands were supervised and managed by an advisory board who reported to the settlement planning commission and the sheik of Al-Alkhalaf. Other public areas include public open spaces, paths and public buildings within the built environment. They were mainly supervised and managed by the settlement council (Thamaniat Al-JamaCah). In the traditional tribal society, there were common tribal territories which had the same characteristics as public land. The boundaries between neighbouring tribes were defined by treaties. Within these boundaries, tribe members had a legal right to utilise the land for seasonal agriculture, lumbering, and pasture according to established conventions. These boundaries were not always constant due to tribal disputes. Al-Sheik, the tribal ruler, had the right to grant a piece of this land to any member of the community or new ally. The system of tribal territories was abandoned after the unification of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932. The second type of ownership is private land. Private land ownership can be established under the reclamation concept. In Islam, any Muslim who can revive a plot of barren, non-owned land for agricultural purposes has the right to own it after he sweeps water over it. Before the establishment of Saudi Arabia, land reclamation legality in Al-Alkhalaf was subject to the approval of the settlement’s sheik. Today the system is administered according to wellestablished governmental regulations. Thirdly, the individual may own land as a result of a personal grant, inheritance or business transaction between kin group members. Al-Lazmah, the customs and rules that prevent selling land to any non-kin member, are still practised in Al-Alkhalaf. The inheritance system is a key factor in shaping agricultural land subdivision. According to Salamon (1993), cultural factors shape intergenerational land transmission practices, leading to ethnically distinctive patterns of land tenure, visible in the size of farms, persistence in farming, fragmentation of holdings, and the amount of acreage owned. In case of inheritance, the land holding might have to be divided into small tracts with no economic viability,
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forcing some families to shift production strategies in order to adapt to the new situation and others to resort to migration. Al-Otaiby (1989) explains that land fragmentation due to land subdivision is often controlled by selling, bartering or granting the land to one person who cultivates it himself or lends it to someone who cultivates it and gives an established share to the owner, varying from 25 to 75% of the total product. The percentage depends upon the fertility of the land, availability of water and the support of the land owner, in providing seeds, plough and extra labour.
5. Al-Alkhalaf
landscape:
an analytical overview
The Asir region is divided into four geographical zones: the coastal Tihamah, the mountain Tihamah, the Sarat Mountains running north-south, and the mountainous transitional zone leading into the Central Arabian Plateau. The western limit of the Sarat, the third zone, is formed by a rift running north-south and dividing the Sarat sharply from the mountain Tihamah zone. Al-Alkhalaf is located about 3 km to the east of this rift at 2400 m above sea level (Fig. 5). Topography and climate have, among other factors, played an important role in the development of the vernacular landscape. Because of its high altitude, the settlement enjoys a moderate climate with seasonal rain. The lowest temperature is 4°C in January and the highest is 32°C in June (Al-Bishri, 1993). Its location at the near edge of the Sarat escarpment provides ample cultivable land either in the valleys or in the surrounding mountains which can be terraced. Crops include grain, sorghum, vegetables and fruit. In addition, alfalfa is grown for animal fodder. 5.1. The settlementscape:
in harmony with nature
The inhabitants of Al-Alkhalaf displayed a strong understanding of the natural landscape by selecting an easily defended settlement site and utilising geological formations in the development of a homogeneous type of habitation. The harmonious integration of the settlement architecture with the agricultural and natural landscape
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purposes. The picturesque quality that results is derived from a sensitive adaptation to the site, a forthright use of materials and distinctive building techniques. Visual integration of the settlement with its setting is achieved through use of simple construction methods, openly revealed, and the use of local materials such as wood, stone and mud (khulb). The repetitive basic forms of the highly textured materials of the traditional architecture provide the visual unity and vivid connection with the agricultural landscape (Eben Saleh, 1995b). 5.2. Landform
Fig. 5. Map of the Asir region, showing the different geographical zones and the location of Al-Akhalaf.
attributes
Al-Alkhalaf terrain is distinguished by various forms and combinations of rock, soil, temporal water, vegetation, and the results of agronomic activity, ranging from the green mountains (Al-Shacaf AlAkhdhar) surrounding the region to lowland farms (Al-Hawruh), highland farms (Al-Gash), and such specifics as a site for manure collection (Alyeatho). A brief description is given below of these locally distinct land forms, listed in general order of increasing agricultural and cultural involvement. 5.3. Public land
elements makes Al-Alkhalaf, in large measure, a part of nature and possessing something of its beauty. The quality of the settlement’s built form is an expression of group consciousness in the blending of building, land, and surface geology (Fig. 6). The richness of the whole derives from the rhythmic pattern of Al-Alkhalaf on the terrain, numerous small site-specific adaptations to the land form and occasional punctuation by exceptional buildings such as the defence towers and tower-like houses. The flowing lines of the building masses visually combine and relate groups of structures with such natural features as rock outcrops (Fig. 7). The checkerboard appearance of man-made farming terraces is strengthened by the irrigation trenches, the water well structures, the mud and stone barriers which define the terraces and by the circular qasabah, monumental landmarks which were used to define territorial boundaries and for warning and defence
5.3.1. Quarries Quarries on flat- or ridge-topped mountains are the main source of stone used as a basic building material and for the stone slates (ragaf) which traditionally adorned adobe structures to protect them from wind and rain erosion (Fig. 8). Stones are also used for defining territorial boundaries and agricultural terraces. Some are ground to produce colouring material to be used in building decoration. Rain and wind erosion crumble the stone in ‘soft’ mountains to the east of Al-Alkhalaf, producing a fine sand called ‘nace’ which is mixed with grain or sorghum to protect it from decay in storage. The quarries in Al-Alkhalaf are public, unmanaged, open land. 5.3.2. Pasture land Pasture land is either flat or sloping land that is untilled and covered with herbaceous grasses after rain. It is public, unmanaged, open land. It serves as
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Fig. 8. Some of the quarries in southeast Al-Alkhalaf
and Urban Planning 34 (1996) 79-95
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have coloured rocks which can be ground and used for interior decoration.
a place for grazing or drying grass for later use (Fig. 9). It has no source of water other than rain. Flat
land is rarely brought under cultivation. Arable land is used as pasture land after the harvest.
5.3.3. Forests Forests are located in both flat and sloping land with undisturbed soil supporting various types of woody trees and vegetation such as juniper, acacia,
Fig. 9. Pasture lands in north and south Al-Alkhalaf
are still in use for grazing sheep.
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and wild olive. They are public, managed land. Green trees may not be cut. Deadfall is a source of firewood and raw material for roofing. Roofing material is allowed to be taken free of charge for the ground floor. Other wood is paid for, and the sales revenue is deposited in the public treasury (AlMi’shar). Wood is mainly used for the construction of doors and windows and other miscellaneous carpentry. It was also traditionally used for household items such as spoons, forks, bowls, etc. 5.4. Private agricultural land 5.4.1. Xerophilous agricultural terraces
Xerophilous agricultural terraces (Al-Shacab) include all types of farmland that are rainfed only. These are usually sloping terraces managed by the private owner and his family. They are irrigated independently of other terraces at different levels.
Fig. 11. Al-Blad, the largest family (mid- and foreground).
cultivable
property
owned
by a
Differences in location, size, contiguity and ownership of Al-Sha’ab create a wide range of attributes. For example, in terms of economic and legal units, one or more contiguous terraces may comprise a lot, privately owned and managed as an independent unit. A man-made ditch that collects rain runoff (Al-Khaleaj) is the major source of water for the farm (Fig. IO). Al-Khalej is owned and managed by several farmers.
Fig. 10. Al-Khaleaj, a man-made ditch, is used to collect rainwater runoff and feed Al-Shacab, xerophilous terraces.
5.4.2. Agricultural fields Agricultural fields in Al-Alkhalaf are distinguished by their size. Al-ModhiC is the smallest unit of cultivable property. Al-Blad, a widely used term in Al-_Alkhalaf agriculture, is the largest unit (Fig. 11). It consists of a group of small fields (Al-ModhiC) that are privately owned and managed. Both AlModhi’ and Al-Blad are irrigated mainly from well
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water and utilise rain only as a secondary source. Again, differences in location, size, contiguity and ownership of these fields create a wide range of attributes. The distinction between Al-ModhiC and Al-Blad is relative, depending on the size and shape of fields in a particular location.
6. Water management One of the most unique features of agriculture in Al-Alkhalaf is the traditional irrigation system. It is a remarkable example of efficient land use and water management that reflects the cooperative spirit of the people. Three water sources are available to the settlement: direct rainfall, slope runoff, and well irrigation. The topography of the land has provided the opportunity to benefit from runoff water, since cultivated fields are situated at sites surrounded by mountains on the west and east. Efforts were made to take maximum advantage of rainfall by diverting mountain runoff into an intricate network of man-made ditches (Al-Khaleaj) constructed almost parallel to the mountain’s contour lines which distribute the water among the fields according to a defined formula. This agronomic technique also minimised runoff erosion and conserved soil to hold rainwater. Water wells are the main sources of water for farm irrigation. The well itself is an open pit more than 3 m in diameter that is hand dug to a depth of about 12-16 m. It is shared by more than one farmer. More than 25 of these wells are located in the agricultural fields surrounding the settlement, five of which are used for potable water. The water wells are connected to each other by means of covered channels (Al-Dipple), so when one is filled the excess water is channelled to a neighbouring well without harming the fields. If this system fails as a result of abundant rain, an open ditch adjacent to the well (Al-Ghayl) drains the water out of the well and to the lower agricultural fields in order to prevent soil and well erosion. The farmers in Al-Alkhalaf share the water from the underground wells. Al-Nawab is the term used to denote the traditional system of sharing underground water wells. Usually five to twelve farmers share the digging and
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maintenance of a well and benefit from it. Water depth is measured and divided equally among the participants as follows. A heavy stone with subdivision markings is attached to a rope (Al-Sirwah) and lowered into the well. According to tradition, the farmer who cultivates first in the season has the right to draw water first. After the last man has taken his share, he pulls the rope to the next round. Traditionally, domestic animals were used to pull water from the wells (Al-Saniah). A wooden roller mechanism was built about 3 m above the well opening, over which ran a draw rope. Donkeys or camels were used to operate within Al-Minhah, a walled rectangular circus. Animals were driven by an operator in the circus while raising and unloading the water in leather sacks. Adjacent to the well, two open cisterns (Al-Mishanah and Al-Woobud) were constructed to collect the water. Al-Mishanah was used to channel the collected water to the designated agricultural fields, while Al-Woobud was used to store water for domestic animals, birds and wild animals. Today, Al-Alkhalaf farmers have abandoned the water sack in favour of mechanically driven pumps which are easy to buy, install, operate and maintain. A hierarchy of ditches comprises an irrigation system that distributes well water among the farms based on order of priority. Construction of ditches is the responsibility of the beneficiary. Each one is committed to contribute in this effort according to the amount of land he owns. The main irrigation ditch (Al-Maskarah) brings water from the well and distributes it to the various levels by way of smaller ditches (Al-ACanid), which serve a number of streams (shati or fali). Al-Shati or Al-Fali serve beds (gusbah) at the same level. Water is diverted manually to different terraces. The irrigation system is shown in Fig. 12. According to Islamic teaching, no one is allowed to deny another the right to benefit from the natural resource of water. The owner of a field located at a high altitude has the right to use rainwater accumulated on his land to the level of a man’s ankle (about 8-10 cm>. Water accumulated above this level must be released to other fields. Agricultural sites located at the same level have equal rights to share the natural resource. Older fields have priority over newly established ones for rainwater flow. No land
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Fig. 12. Schematic
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drawing showing the traditional
owner is permitted to create a dam or a depression to accumulate and store water. Similar principles of rainwater distribution are implemented in Islamic communities throughout the Middle East (Hakim, 1986; Joffe, 1992). Agricultural lands that are located north and northeast of the settlement are far from the mountain runoff. They are solely dependent on water wells for irrigating crops.
irrigation system in Al-Alkhalaf.
Water rights management was often decided by the farmers themselves; however, the sheik of Al-Alkhalaf often assigned two men to administer the irrigation system when a dispute occurred. Although they attempted to settle the disagreement, the matter was referred to the sheik if they failed. In addition to the irrigation system, Al-Alkhalaf adopted other water conservation measures. Rainwater was collected for domestic and public use. Tradi-
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tionally, rainwater which accumulated on the roofs of buildings was collected for domestic use. The traditional mosques were equipped with underground cisterns to collect the rainwater from the roof to be used for the ablution and bathing facilities in the building (Eben Saleh, 1995c). The previous discussion of the water supply and distribution system illuminates the traditional cooperative organisation among farmers along with the value of water in this farming society. Al-Alkhalaf inhabitants have demonstrated how people united by tradition, culture and agronomic activities, faced with the challenge of nature, have devoted human and natural resources to enhance production and protect the prosperity and well being of their community (Eben Saleh, 1995d).
7. Al-Alkhalaf hoard
planning commission
and advisory
The control of land use and urban form in Al-Alkhalaf was traditionally exercised through consensus rather than prescribed legislative or institutional control. Such consensus provided the political control and influence necessary to bring ecological sensibility to the management of natural resources in and around the settlement. The traditional political system in Al-Alkhalaf was administered by Al-Sheik, the ruler of the settlement. He was appointed during the settlement assembly (Malaf Al-Alkhalaf). He had full power to implement the agreed-upon environmental rules, and to
-or-
imprison, punish, banish or fine anyone found guilty of an infraction or misconduct. He was assisted by 16 people equally representing the two moieties living in Al-Alkhalaf: an eight-person settlement council (Thamaniat Al-Jama’ah) and eight others appointed by the council who administered matters related to the management of water, the weekly market, and the agricultural and natural landscapes. The latter were divided into four pairs known traditionally as guarantors (qabeal). Two were in charge of the agricultural environment. They were often involved in the management of rainwater, guaranteeing its fair distribution to the farmlands without destruction to public lands. Two were in charge of the natural landscape, especially wood and grazing lands, and reported to the settlement council about any misconduct towards the environment from any member in the community. They were also responsible for proposing improvements to the vernacular landscape and preventing any expected hazards. Two were in charge of the tithe (Al-OCshr), one-tenth of the total agricultural harvest to be allocated to the settlement treasury. The last two were in charge of the Friday weekly market and settlement affairs. The organisational chart of this traditional planning and management authority is shown in Fig. 13. According to oral history, issues related to changes in the vernacular landscape would be thoroughly discussed and decided in the presence of Al-Sheik, the settlement planning commission and the advisory board. Through the settlement council, the budget of any project would be decided and approved by AlSheik while studies, consultation and execution
AL-wouLpc
Al-PMN
s-m K-W TlWl4NlAT
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PUNNING Al-AdAH =
Fig. 13. Schematic drawing showing the hierarchy
CCMYISSKIN (II PERsoNS)
of land management
in Al-Alkhalaf.
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would be under the guidance of two guarantors in charge. In the absence of a central government to finance and manage the maintenance and preservation of the vernacular landscape, the people developed an indigenous financing system. A tithe from the harvest was collected and stored in the settlement treasury (Al-MiC shar). The tithe was also applied on livestock such as camels, cows, goats and sheep fed from the common pasture and tribal territory. One-tenth of the livestock was collected and sold, the money deposited in the settlement treasury. Fines collected for any misconduct within the natural landscape and other community money was also stored in the treasury. The treasury’s money and agricultural crops were considered community wealth. Al-Alkhalaf treasury was located in a single floor building in the southern part of the weekly market open space. The main door and the lock of the safe inside had four different keys, with two members of each moiety possessing keys. There was also a treasury secretary (Al-Amin) appointed by Al-Sheik. The opening of the safe required the presence of these five people. Any expenditure needed to maintain the vemacular landscape was approved by the planning commission and Al-Sheik, who verbally approved the re-
lease of money from the treasury safe to designated guarantors, who supervised the spending of the money.
8. The contemporary
landscape
Al-Alkhalaf development took place in three stages: traditional, transitional and contemporary (Eben Saleh, 1995b). The previous description primarily relates to the traditional era. The formation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932 marked the beginning of the transitional stage. The political stability resulting from unification provided a secure and controlled life which allowed individualism and independence in contrast to the traditional stage when cooperation and grouping together were necessary. With the formation of a central government, Al-Alkhalaf began to abandon its indigenous system of management, and the settlementscape began to change as paved roads were constructed to facilitate the transport of construction materials for residential and public buildings (Fig. 14). The contemporary stage, following the economic boom of the Kingdom in 1975, brought improved communications, population growth, technological provision and rising aspirations, shifting the eco-
Fig. 15. View of the public park south of Al-Alkhalaf.
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nomic base of the settlement from agriculture and pasture to a variety of other occupations such as business and governmental jobs. New buildings appeared and sporadic expansion of the residential quarters occurred west, south, north and east of the old settlement; however, the ongoing development for the most part continues to reflect the traditional kin group social structure. Al-Mubarak moiety occupies the western and southern areas while the eastern and northern development belongs to Al-Mattar moiety (Eben Saleh, 1995a). Although population density and new urban undertakings have introduced urban sprawl, it has not yet significantly affected the agricultural landscape. Although some structures have been erected in areas previously reserved exclusively for agriculture, new building sites are mostly established in the mountains, away from the arable land. This is an indication of the inherent power of the traditional landscape. The agricultural landscape itself is subject to continuous change, which reflects the positive attitude of residents toward change. New water retrieval methods and advanced digging techniques have changed the physical appearance of the traditional irrigation system and encouraged individual water wells for private use. The traditional rainwater management system was discontinued four decades ago. The once essential territorial markers and defence structures although they still (Al-Qasabah) ar e d isintegrating, dominate the skyline of the old Al-Alkhalaf visually and symbolically and continue to serve as places for grain storage. The Municipality and the Asir Emirate continue to enforce strict regulations designed to preserve the woodlands of the natural landscape. Public land to the south of the settlement, overlooking the tihamah, was declared a public park in 1987 (Fig. 15).
enjoyment, and each called for a different degree of planning. We have seen that one of the pillars of this vernacular landscape was the traditional sense of community among its inhabitants who worked together to preserve and share the precious natural resources in a highly effective manner. This was demonstrated by an efficient irrigation system and effective water management, the enforcement of regulations to preserve resources such as woodlands and arable land, the establishment of a community treasury, funds of which were used for development and maintenance of community property, a political system which fairly represented all members of the community and which made decisions by consensus of the group as a whole. Contemporary municipal regulations and ongoing development of the built environment due to cultural changes and population growth have changed the landscape; however, the indigenous model of land management in Al-Alkhalaf is still valuable. For modem planners, an important lesson may be learnt from this study: implementation of indigenous solutions can withstand contemporary pressures, at least in management. In Saudi Arabia and worldwide, more and more decisions are taken by distant government authorities, with the result that local residents lose control and eventually interest in the quality of their living environment. Such a situation calls for a revival of vernacularism-not a simplistic return to the past but a blend of modem planning functions with the concerns and lifestyles of local inhabitants. The outcome is a landscape that reflects values, supports social structure, and is adaptive to change.
References 9. Concluding remarks In Al-Alkhalaf we have witnessed the evolution of a beautiful urban form which evolved harmoniously with both the agricultural and natural landscapes. Each part of the vernacular landscape not only had its own place in Al-Alkhalaf economic and physical life, but fulfilled a separate ideal of visual
Al-Bishri, N.S., 1993. The Changes in Al-Alkhalaf. Monograph, Department of Geography, King Saud University, Abha Branch. (In Arabic.) AI-Otaiby, A.A., 1989. Migration and socio-economic develop ment: A rural community in the southwest region of Saudi Arabia. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University. (Unpublished.) Crowe, S., 1963. Tomorrow’s Landscape. The Architectural Press, London.
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Eben Saleh, M.A., 1995a. Tribalism, genealogy and the development of Al-AlkhalaE A traditional settlement in southwestern Saudi Arabia. Habitat, 19 (4). Eben Saleh, M.A., 1995b. Al-Alkhalaf: the urban history of a traditional settlement in southwestern Saudi Arabia. Habitat, 19(l). Eben Saleh. M.A., 1995~. Mosque architecture in an insular context: Al-Alkhalaf, Saudi Arabia. J. King Saud Univ., 8. Eben Saleh, M.A., 199Sd. Islam and the built environment: the emergence of vernacularism as an environmental ethic controlling the man-environment relationship. Archit. Comport./Archit. Behav., 1l(4).
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Hakim, B., 1986. Arabic Islamic Cites: Building and Planning Principles. Routledge and Kegan, London. Joffe. G., 1992. Irrigation and water supply systems in North Africa. Moroccan Stud., 2: 47-55. Lewis, B., 1988. The Political Language of Islam. The University of Chicago Press, IL. Morin-Labatut, G. and Akhtar, S., 1992. Traditional environmental knowledge: A resource to manage and share. Development, 4: 24-30. Salamon, S., 1993. Culture and agricultural tenure. Rural Social., 58: 580-598.
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Al-Alkhalaf vernacular landscape: the planning and management of land in an insular context, Asir region, southwestern Saudi Arabia Mohammed Adullah Eben Saleh Deparhnent of Architecture and Building Sciences, College of Architecture and Planning, King Saud Uniuersity, P.O. Box 57448, Riyadh 11574. Saudi Arabia
Accepted 25 October 1995
Abstract Development and preservation of the vernacular landscape has drawn the attention of scholars worldwide. This study examines the vernacular landscape of Al-Alkhalaf, an agricultural community located in the Asir region of southwestern Saudi Arabia. The vernacular landscape is viewed in the context of the interaction between the built environment, agricultural and natural landscapes and the inhabitants. This paper provides the reader with historical, cultural and ethnographic perspectives on the planning and management of land in Al-Alkhalaf. The study discusses the interaction of ecological, economic, and social-structural factors during a particular historical period and shows their role in shaping human life and the vernacular landscape. Al-Alkhalaf is an example of outstanding land management in a traditional society from which modem planners can learn. Keywords: Vernacular landscape; Land management; Saudi Arabia
1. Introduction The
vernacular
landscape
is an attempt
to find
more sensitive ways to relate people to nature, understanding that nature is fundamentally conservative and people are fundamentally dynamic and caught between economic, aesthetic and ethical goals. The vernacular landscape must respond both functionally and symbolically to those whom it would serve. Usually, the vernacular landscape manifests people’s ideas of nature and culture. Crowe (1963) proposed that the finest landscapes result from land use which recognises the value of land for shelter as well as for 0169-2046/96/$15.00
0 1996 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved
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food, for wildlife as well as for man and for visual pleasure as well as for economic needs. The development and preservation of the vemacular landscape has drawn the attention of scholars worldwide. Morin-Labatut and Akhtar (1992) argued that traditional environmental knowledge, as an intimate resource to manage the vernacular landscape, parallels the scientific disciplines of ecology and environmental studies. An overall understanding of the history and influential factors of every landscape is essential before an attempt is made to alter it by adding new uses and greater densities. The wise management of natural and agricultural landscapes is
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explored. Cultural and socio-organisational strengths are identified and examined in the light of future pressures. There is currently a lack of documented information about the vernacular landscape and associated spaces of Al-Alkhalaf as well as the socioeconomic and political history of development. Research was conducted during 3 years of continuous investigation between September 1990 and October 1993. Four major trips to the area were completed. The scarcity of previous documentation necessitated reliance on firsthand information from oral history and surface photography. ‘Ihe investigation depended primarily on the oral history narrated by settlement elders during extensive interviews. This, at best, covers the last 60 years. An ethnographic study was also completed, analysing the present spatial components of the vernacular landscape.
Fig. 1. Map of Saudi Arabia, showing the location of Al-Alkhalaf.
2. Establishment
of Al-Alkhalaf
also essential for economic planning and development. This study examines the vernacular landscape of Al-Alkhalaf, an agricultural community located in the Asir region of southwestern Saudi Arabia (Fig. I). The vernacular landscape is viewed in the context of the interaction between settlementscape (built environment), agricultural and natural landscapes and people. Supported by seasonal grain agriculture, AlAlkhalaf is characterised by tortuous thoroughfares and a dense built form, a strong social structure and an established culture. In Al-Alkhalaf, there are three distinguishable spatial components of the vernacular landscape: the settlementscape, including the built form with its mosques, defence towers, tower-like houses, open spaces, and routes of movement; the natural landscape with its local vegetation, mountains with distinctive geological formation, pastures, quarries and woodlands; the agricultural landscape, including the farms, irrigation system and routes of movement to the settlement. The investigator views Al-Alkhalaf as an example of outstanding land management in a traditional society from which modem planners can learn. Current and historical processes of control and change are
The vernacular landscape is shaped primarily by the developed culture in Al-Alkhalaf. Historically, the social structure that dominated the fragmented Arabian peninsula was that of the tribe. It is a kinship unit formally based on descent from a common ancestor through the male line. Al-Alkhalaf territory is inhabited and controlled socially, economically and politically by a single family of the Bani Bisher tribe, descendants of Khalaf Eben Ya’ala Al-Bishri (Eben Saleh, 1995a) The people of Al-Alkhalaf abandoned the mentality of the nomadic tribes who took all they could from the land and moved on. They learned instead to carefully recreate the landscape in which they lived in direct proportion to their immediate needs. In accordance with the expectations of its founder, the development of Al-Alkhalaf maintained a balance between built environment and agricultural fields. Residents also established strict rules to organise the interaction between them and the available natural resources. They chose, managed, and preserved the vernacular landscape for social and political reasons. According to elders in Al-Alkhalaf, the settlement site was granted to its founder, Khalaf Eben YaCala Al-Bishri, by his mother tribe sheikdom in the early part of the 16th century. He selected the site of Al-Alkhalaf for security and economic reasons. He
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Fig. 2. Surface levelling of
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mountainous areas producedreclaimed land plots with varying characteristics,
was accompanied by his wife and two sons, Mattar Mubarak. He first designated the locations of the landscape: his house fiRJ t structures in the vernacular in im elevated place (Al-Mashraf) where he could sun rey his property; a defence tower (qasabah) to
enhance his defence capabilities; a place of worsl hip (the mosque) and a farm. These were the pillars of subsistence, and the farm was the main source of income. The extended family of Khalaf Eben Yacala in-
Fig. 3. Plough and oxen are still used to reclaim land in Al-Alkhalaf.
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creased in number within two branches, Al-Mattar and Al-Mubarak. In view of the physical characteristics of the settlement, he instructed his two sons to expand north and south of his house, respectively. The expansion of the settlement was accomplished by building residential quarters for the expanding kin groups. The new residential quarters were accompanied by the parallel expansion of new agricultural fields and other spatial components of the settlement, such as defence towers (qasabah), underground crop silos (Al-Mudfan) and mosques. Al-Alkhalaf still preserves its original social structure which consists of two moieties, each constituted of kin groups made up of several extended families.
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using the available rain water and wells for inigation. The plough and oxen are still used, though new agricultural machinery has gradually been introduced (Fig. 3). The regulations and rules established to organise the vernacular landscape were rigid. For example, construction was not allowed on the arable land. An exception was the circular warning and defence tower which was strategically located in the fields to ensure the security of the settlement and agricultural areas (Fig. 4). Structures connected with the underground water wells and irrigation system were also built in the arable lands.
4. Land ownership 3. Land reclamation
and management
Reclamation efforts in Al-Alkhalaf have been carefully executed to conserve and utilise precious resources. Residents have reclaimed the land in three significant ways: in the construction of the settlement built form for living and defence purposes; in development of arable land using the technique of terracing and surface levelling in the mountainous area (Fig. 2); in providing the barren land with water
Fig. 4. Flat arable land in Al-Alkhalaf water well structures.
was preserved traditionally
According to Lewis (19881, owning land really meant controlling it, i.e. people only made a claim of ownership to land they could defend. This concept was clearly manifest in Al-Alkhalaf, as arable land was cultivated directly in proportion to settlement growth and supplemented with 26 warning and defence towers strategically located in the settlement and the surrounding open fields. Three different kinds of land ownership are found
for crop fields by limiting construction
other than the circular qasabah and
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in the settlement. The first type is public land which belongs to every member of the community. They may gather dry wood, pasture, or exploit other natural resources in these areas. Traditionally, such public lands were supervised and managed by an advisory board who reported to the settlement planning commission and the sheik of Al-Alkhalaf. Other public areas include public open spaces, paths and public buildings within the built environment. They were mainly supervised and managed by the settlement council (Thamaniat Al-JamaCah). In the traditional tribal society, there were common tribal territories which had the same characteristics as public land. The boundaries between neighbouring tribes were defined by treaties. Within these boundaries, tribe members had a legal right to utilise the land for seasonal agriculture, lumbering, and pasture according to established conventions. These boundaries were not always constant due to tribal disputes. Al-Sheik, the tribal ruler, had the right to grant a piece of this land to any member of the community or new ally. The system of tribal territories was abandoned after the unification of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932. The second type of ownership is private land. Private land ownership can be established under the reclamation concept. In Islam, any Muslim who can revive a plot of barren, non-owned land for agricultural purposes has the right to own it after he sweeps water over it. Before the establishment of Saudi Arabia, land reclamation legality in Al-Alkhalaf was subject to the approval of the settlement’s sheik. Today the system is administered according to wellestablished governmental regulations. Thirdly, the individual may own land as a result of a personal grant, inheritance or business transaction between kin group members. Al-Lazmah, the customs and rules that prevent selling land to any non-kin member, are still practised in Al-Alkhalaf. The inheritance system is a key factor in shaping agricultural land subdivision. According to Salamon (1993), cultural factors shape intergenerational land transmission practices, leading to ethnically distinctive patterns of land tenure, visible in the size of farms, persistence in farming, fragmentation of holdings, and the amount of acreage owned. In case of inheritance, the land holding might have to be divided into small tracts with no economic viability,
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forcing some families to shift production strategies in order to adapt to the new situation and others to resort to migration. Al-Otaiby (1989) explains that land fragmentation due to land subdivision is often controlled by selling, bartering or granting the land to one person who cultivates it himself or lends it to someone who cultivates it and gives an established share to the owner, varying from 25 to 75% of the total product. The percentage depends upon the fertility of the land, availability of water and the support of the land owner, in providing seeds, plough and extra labour.
5. Al-Alkhalaf
landscape:
an analytical overview
The Asir region is divided into four geographical zones: the coastal Tihamah, the mountain Tihamah, the Sarat Mountains running north-south, and the mountainous transitional zone leading into the Central Arabian Plateau. The western limit of the Sarat, the third zone, is formed by a rift running north-south and dividing the Sarat sharply from the mountain Tihamah zone. Al-Alkhalaf is located about 3 km to the east of this rift at 2400 m above sea level (Fig. 5). Topography and climate have, among other factors, played an important role in the development of the vernacular landscape. Because of its high altitude, the settlement enjoys a moderate climate with seasonal rain. The lowest temperature is 4°C in January and the highest is 32°C in June (Al-Bishri, 1993). Its location at the near edge of the Sarat escarpment provides ample cultivable land either in the valleys or in the surrounding mountains which can be terraced. Crops include grain, sorghum, vegetables and fruit. In addition, alfalfa is grown for animal fodder. 5.1. The settlementscape:
in harmony with nature
The inhabitants of Al-Alkhalaf displayed a strong understanding of the natural landscape by selecting an easily defended settlement site and utilising geological formations in the development of a homogeneous type of habitation. The harmonious integration of the settlement architecture with the agricultural and natural landscape
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purposes. The picturesque quality that results is derived from a sensitive adaptation to the site, a forthright use of materials and distinctive building techniques. Visual integration of the settlement with its setting is achieved through use of simple construction methods, openly revealed, and the use of local materials such as wood, stone and mud (khulb). The repetitive basic forms of the highly textured materials of the traditional architecture provide the visual unity and vivid connection with the agricultural landscape (Eben Saleh, 1995b). 5.2. Landform
Fig. 5. Map of the Asir region, showing the different geographical zones and the location of Al-Akhalaf.
attributes
Al-Alkhalaf terrain is distinguished by various forms and combinations of rock, soil, temporal water, vegetation, and the results of agronomic activity, ranging from the green mountains (Al-Shacaf AlAkhdhar) surrounding the region to lowland farms (Al-Hawruh), highland farms (Al-Gash), and such specifics as a site for manure collection (Alyeatho). A brief description is given below of these locally distinct land forms, listed in general order of increasing agricultural and cultural involvement. 5.3. Public land
elements makes Al-Alkhalaf, in large measure, a part of nature and possessing something of its beauty. The quality of the settlement’s built form is an expression of group consciousness in the blending of building, land, and surface geology (Fig. 6). The richness of the whole derives from the rhythmic pattern of Al-Alkhalaf on the terrain, numerous small site-specific adaptations to the land form and occasional punctuation by exceptional buildings such as the defence towers and tower-like houses. The flowing lines of the building masses visually combine and relate groups of structures with such natural features as rock outcrops (Fig. 7). The checkerboard appearance of man-made farming terraces is strengthened by the irrigation trenches, the water well structures, the mud and stone barriers which define the terraces and by the circular qasabah, monumental landmarks which were used to define territorial boundaries and for warning and defence
5.3.1. Quarries Quarries on flat- or ridge-topped mountains are the main source of stone used as a basic building material and for the stone slates (ragaf) which traditionally adorned adobe structures to protect them from wind and rain erosion (Fig. 8). Stones are also used for defining territorial boundaries and agricultural terraces. Some are ground to produce colouring material to be used in building decoration. Rain and wind erosion crumble the stone in ‘soft’ mountains to the east of Al-Alkhalaf, producing a fine sand called ‘nace’ which is mixed with grain or sorghum to protect it from decay in storage. The quarries in Al-Alkhalaf are public, unmanaged, open land. 5.3.2. Pasture land Pasture land is either flat or sloping land that is untilled and covered with herbaceous grasses after rain. It is public, unmanaged, open land. It serves as
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Fig. 8. Some of the quarries in southeast Al-Alkhalaf
and Urban Planning 34 (1996) 79-95
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have coloured rocks which can be ground and used for interior decoration.
a place for grazing or drying grass for later use (Fig. 9). It has no source of water other than rain. Flat
land is rarely brought under cultivation. Arable land is used as pasture land after the harvest.
5.3.3. Forests Forests are located in both flat and sloping land with undisturbed soil supporting various types of woody trees and vegetation such as juniper, acacia,
Fig. 9. Pasture lands in north and south Al-Alkhalaf
are still in use for grazing sheep.
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and wild olive. They are public, managed land. Green trees may not be cut. Deadfall is a source of firewood and raw material for roofing. Roofing material is allowed to be taken free of charge for the ground floor. Other wood is paid for, and the sales revenue is deposited in the public treasury (AlMi’shar). Wood is mainly used for the construction of doors and windows and other miscellaneous carpentry. It was also traditionally used for household items such as spoons, forks, bowls, etc. 5.4. Private agricultural land 5.4.1. Xerophilous agricultural terraces
Xerophilous agricultural terraces (Al-Shacab) include all types of farmland that are rainfed only. These are usually sloping terraces managed by the private owner and his family. They are irrigated independently of other terraces at different levels.
Fig. 11. Al-Blad, the largest family (mid- and foreground).
cultivable
property
owned
by a
Differences in location, size, contiguity and ownership of Al-Sha’ab create a wide range of attributes. For example, in terms of economic and legal units, one or more contiguous terraces may comprise a lot, privately owned and managed as an independent unit. A man-made ditch that collects rain runoff (Al-Khaleaj) is the major source of water for the farm (Fig. IO). Al-Khalej is owned and managed by several farmers.
Fig. 10. Al-Khaleaj, a man-made ditch, is used to collect rainwater runoff and feed Al-Shacab, xerophilous terraces.
5.4.2. Agricultural fields Agricultural fields in Al-Alkhalaf are distinguished by their size. Al-ModhiC is the smallest unit of cultivable property. Al-Blad, a widely used term in Al-_Alkhalaf agriculture, is the largest unit (Fig. 11). It consists of a group of small fields (Al-ModhiC) that are privately owned and managed. Both AlModhi’ and Al-Blad are irrigated mainly from well
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water and utilise rain only as a secondary source. Again, differences in location, size, contiguity and ownership of these fields create a wide range of attributes. The distinction between Al-ModhiC and Al-Blad is relative, depending on the size and shape of fields in a particular location.
6. Water management One of the most unique features of agriculture in Al-Alkhalaf is the traditional irrigation system. It is a remarkable example of efficient land use and water management that reflects the cooperative spirit of the people. Three water sources are available to the settlement: direct rainfall, slope runoff, and well irrigation. The topography of the land has provided the opportunity to benefit from runoff water, since cultivated fields are situated at sites surrounded by mountains on the west and east. Efforts were made to take maximum advantage of rainfall by diverting mountain runoff into an intricate network of man-made ditches (Al-Khaleaj) constructed almost parallel to the mountain’s contour lines which distribute the water among the fields according to a defined formula. This agronomic technique also minimised runoff erosion and conserved soil to hold rainwater. Water wells are the main sources of water for farm irrigation. The well itself is an open pit more than 3 m in diameter that is hand dug to a depth of about 12-16 m. It is shared by more than one farmer. More than 25 of these wells are located in the agricultural fields surrounding the settlement, five of which are used for potable water. The water wells are connected to each other by means of covered channels (Al-Dipple), so when one is filled the excess water is channelled to a neighbouring well without harming the fields. If this system fails as a result of abundant rain, an open ditch adjacent to the well (Al-Ghayl) drains the water out of the well and to the lower agricultural fields in order to prevent soil and well erosion. The farmers in Al-Alkhalaf share the water from the underground wells. Al-Nawab is the term used to denote the traditional system of sharing underground water wells. Usually five to twelve farmers share the digging and
89
maintenance of a well and benefit from it. Water depth is measured and divided equally among the participants as follows. A heavy stone with subdivision markings is attached to a rope (Al-Sirwah) and lowered into the well. According to tradition, the farmer who cultivates first in the season has the right to draw water first. After the last man has taken his share, he pulls the rope to the next round. Traditionally, domestic animals were used to pull water from the wells (Al-Saniah). A wooden roller mechanism was built about 3 m above the well opening, over which ran a draw rope. Donkeys or camels were used to operate within Al-Minhah, a walled rectangular circus. Animals were driven by an operator in the circus while raising and unloading the water in leather sacks. Adjacent to the well, two open cisterns (Al-Mishanah and Al-Woobud) were constructed to collect the water. Al-Mishanah was used to channel the collected water to the designated agricultural fields, while Al-Woobud was used to store water for domestic animals, birds and wild animals. Today, Al-Alkhalaf farmers have abandoned the water sack in favour of mechanically driven pumps which are easy to buy, install, operate and maintain. A hierarchy of ditches comprises an irrigation system that distributes well water among the farms based on order of priority. Construction of ditches is the responsibility of the beneficiary. Each one is committed to contribute in this effort according to the amount of land he owns. The main irrigation ditch (Al-Maskarah) brings water from the well and distributes it to the various levels by way of smaller ditches (Al-ACanid), which serve a number of streams (shati or fali). Al-Shati or Al-Fali serve beds (gusbah) at the same level. Water is diverted manually to different terraces. The irrigation system is shown in Fig. 12. According to Islamic teaching, no one is allowed to deny another the right to benefit from the natural resource of water. The owner of a field located at a high altitude has the right to use rainwater accumulated on his land to the level of a man’s ankle (about 8-10 cm>. Water accumulated above this level must be released to other fields. Agricultural sites located at the same level have equal rights to share the natural resource. Older fields have priority over newly established ones for rainwater flow. No land
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Fig. 12. Schematic
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drawing showing the traditional
owner is permitted to create a dam or a depression to accumulate and store water. Similar principles of rainwater distribution are implemented in Islamic communities throughout the Middle East (Hakim, 1986; Joffe, 1992). Agricultural lands that are located north and northeast of the settlement are far from the mountain runoff. They are solely dependent on water wells for irrigating crops.
irrigation system in Al-Alkhalaf.
Water rights management was often decided by the farmers themselves; however, the sheik of Al-Alkhalaf often assigned two men to administer the irrigation system when a dispute occurred. Although they attempted to settle the disagreement, the matter was referred to the sheik if they failed. In addition to the irrigation system, Al-Alkhalaf adopted other water conservation measures. Rainwater was collected for domestic and public use. Tradi-
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tionally, rainwater which accumulated on the roofs of buildings was collected for domestic use. The traditional mosques were equipped with underground cisterns to collect the rainwater from the roof to be used for the ablution and bathing facilities in the building (Eben Saleh, 1995c). The previous discussion of the water supply and distribution system illuminates the traditional cooperative organisation among farmers along with the value of water in this farming society. Al-Alkhalaf inhabitants have demonstrated how people united by tradition, culture and agronomic activities, faced with the challenge of nature, have devoted human and natural resources to enhance production and protect the prosperity and well being of their community (Eben Saleh, 1995d).
7. Al-Alkhalaf hoard
planning commission
and advisory
The control of land use and urban form in Al-Alkhalaf was traditionally exercised through consensus rather than prescribed legislative or institutional control. Such consensus provided the political control and influence necessary to bring ecological sensibility to the management of natural resources in and around the settlement. The traditional political system in Al-Alkhalaf was administered by Al-Sheik, the ruler of the settlement. He was appointed during the settlement assembly (Malaf Al-Alkhalaf). He had full power to implement the agreed-upon environmental rules, and to
-or-
imprison, punish, banish or fine anyone found guilty of an infraction or misconduct. He was assisted by 16 people equally representing the two moieties living in Al-Alkhalaf: an eight-person settlement council (Thamaniat Al-Jama’ah) and eight others appointed by the council who administered matters related to the management of water, the weekly market, and the agricultural and natural landscapes. The latter were divided into four pairs known traditionally as guarantors (qabeal). Two were in charge of the agricultural environment. They were often involved in the management of rainwater, guaranteeing its fair distribution to the farmlands without destruction to public lands. Two were in charge of the natural landscape, especially wood and grazing lands, and reported to the settlement council about any misconduct towards the environment from any member in the community. They were also responsible for proposing improvements to the vernacular landscape and preventing any expected hazards. Two were in charge of the tithe (Al-OCshr), one-tenth of the total agricultural harvest to be allocated to the settlement treasury. The last two were in charge of the Friday weekly market and settlement affairs. The organisational chart of this traditional planning and management authority is shown in Fig. 13. According to oral history, issues related to changes in the vernacular landscape would be thoroughly discussed and decided in the presence of Al-Sheik, the settlement planning commission and the advisory board. Through the settlement council, the budget of any project would be decided and approved by AlSheik while studies, consultation and execution
AL-wouLpc
Al-PMN
s-m K-W TlWl4NlAT
91
PUNNING Al-AdAH =
Fig. 13. Schematic drawing showing the hierarchy
CCMYISSKIN (II PERsoNS)
of land management
in Al-Alkhalaf.
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would be under the guidance of two guarantors in charge. In the absence of a central government to finance and manage the maintenance and preservation of the vernacular landscape, the people developed an indigenous financing system. A tithe from the harvest was collected and stored in the settlement treasury (Al-MiC shar). The tithe was also applied on livestock such as camels, cows, goats and sheep fed from the common pasture and tribal territory. One-tenth of the livestock was collected and sold, the money deposited in the settlement treasury. Fines collected for any misconduct within the natural landscape and other community money was also stored in the treasury. The treasury’s money and agricultural crops were considered community wealth. Al-Alkhalaf treasury was located in a single floor building in the southern part of the weekly market open space. The main door and the lock of the safe inside had four different keys, with two members of each moiety possessing keys. There was also a treasury secretary (Al-Amin) appointed by Al-Sheik. The opening of the safe required the presence of these five people. Any expenditure needed to maintain the vemacular landscape was approved by the planning commission and Al-Sheik, who verbally approved the re-
lease of money from the treasury safe to designated guarantors, who supervised the spending of the money.
8. The contemporary
landscape
Al-Alkhalaf development took place in three stages: traditional, transitional and contemporary (Eben Saleh, 1995b). The previous description primarily relates to the traditional era. The formation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932 marked the beginning of the transitional stage. The political stability resulting from unification provided a secure and controlled life which allowed individualism and independence in contrast to the traditional stage when cooperation and grouping together were necessary. With the formation of a central government, Al-Alkhalaf began to abandon its indigenous system of management, and the settlementscape began to change as paved roads were constructed to facilitate the transport of construction materials for residential and public buildings (Fig. 14). The contemporary stage, following the economic boom of the Kingdom in 1975, brought improved communications, population growth, technological provision and rising aspirations, shifting the eco-
Fig. 15. View of the public park south of Al-Alkhalaf.
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nomic base of the settlement from agriculture and pasture to a variety of other occupations such as business and governmental jobs. New buildings appeared and sporadic expansion of the residential quarters occurred west, south, north and east of the old settlement; however, the ongoing development for the most part continues to reflect the traditional kin group social structure. Al-Mubarak moiety occupies the western and southern areas while the eastern and northern development belongs to Al-Mattar moiety (Eben Saleh, 1995a). Although population density and new urban undertakings have introduced urban sprawl, it has not yet significantly affected the agricultural landscape. Although some structures have been erected in areas previously reserved exclusively for agriculture, new building sites are mostly established in the mountains, away from the arable land. This is an indication of the inherent power of the traditional landscape. The agricultural landscape itself is subject to continuous change, which reflects the positive attitude of residents toward change. New water retrieval methods and advanced digging techniques have changed the physical appearance of the traditional irrigation system and encouraged individual water wells for private use. The traditional rainwater management system was discontinued four decades ago. The once essential territorial markers and defence structures although they still (Al-Qasabah) ar e d isintegrating, dominate the skyline of the old Al-Alkhalaf visually and symbolically and continue to serve as places for grain storage. The Municipality and the Asir Emirate continue to enforce strict regulations designed to preserve the woodlands of the natural landscape. Public land to the south of the settlement, overlooking the tihamah, was declared a public park in 1987 (Fig. 15).
enjoyment, and each called for a different degree of planning. We have seen that one of the pillars of this vernacular landscape was the traditional sense of community among its inhabitants who worked together to preserve and share the precious natural resources in a highly effective manner. This was demonstrated by an efficient irrigation system and effective water management, the enforcement of regulations to preserve resources such as woodlands and arable land, the establishment of a community treasury, funds of which were used for development and maintenance of community property, a political system which fairly represented all members of the community and which made decisions by consensus of the group as a whole. Contemporary municipal regulations and ongoing development of the built environment due to cultural changes and population growth have changed the landscape; however, the indigenous model of land management in Al-Alkhalaf is still valuable. For modem planners, an important lesson may be learnt from this study: implementation of indigenous solutions can withstand contemporary pressures, at least in management. In Saudi Arabia and worldwide, more and more decisions are taken by distant government authorities, with the result that local residents lose control and eventually interest in the quality of their living environment. Such a situation calls for a revival of vernacularism-not a simplistic return to the past but a blend of modem planning functions with the concerns and lifestyles of local inhabitants. The outcome is a landscape that reflects values, supports social structure, and is adaptive to change.
References 9. Concluding remarks In Al-Alkhalaf we have witnessed the evolution of a beautiful urban form which evolved harmoniously with both the agricultural and natural landscapes. Each part of the vernacular landscape not only had its own place in Al-Alkhalaf economic and physical life, but fulfilled a separate ideal of visual
Al-Bishri, N.S., 1993. The Changes in Al-Alkhalaf. Monograph, Department of Geography, King Saud University, Abha Branch. (In Arabic.) AI-Otaiby, A.A., 1989. Migration and socio-economic develop ment: A rural community in the southwest region of Saudi Arabia. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University. (Unpublished.) Crowe, S., 1963. Tomorrow’s Landscape. The Architectural Press, London.
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Eben Saleh, M.A., 1995a. Tribalism, genealogy and the development of Al-AlkhalaE A traditional settlement in southwestern Saudi Arabia. Habitat, 19 (4). Eben Saleh, M.A., 1995b. Al-Alkhalaf: the urban history of a traditional settlement in southwestern Saudi Arabia. Habitat, 19(l). Eben Saleh. M.A., 1995~. Mosque architecture in an insular context: Al-Alkhalaf, Saudi Arabia. J. King Saud Univ., 8. Eben Saleh, M.A., 199Sd. Islam and the built environment: the emergence of vernacularism as an environmental ethic controlling the man-environment relationship. Archit. Comport./Archit. Behav., 1l(4).
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Hakim, B., 1986. Arabic Islamic Cites: Building and Planning Principles. Routledge and Kegan, London. Joffe. G., 1992. Irrigation and water supply systems in North Africa. Moroccan Stud., 2: 47-55. Lewis, B., 1988. The Political Language of Islam. The University of Chicago Press, IL. Morin-Labatut, G. and Akhtar, S., 1992. Traditional environmental knowledge: A resource to manage and share. Development, 4: 24-30. Salamon, S., 1993. Culture and agricultural tenure. Rural Social., 58: 580-598.