Accidental motherhood

Women's Studies Int. Forum, Vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 357-372, 1994 Copyright © 1994 ElsevierScienceLtd Printed in the USA. All rights reserved 0277-5395/94 $6.00 + .00

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ACCIDENTAL MOTHERHOOD Reproductive Control and Access to Opportunity Among Women in Canada JANET MANCINI BILLSON The American Sociological Association, 1722 N. Street NW, Washington, DC 20036, USA, and The George Washington University, Washington, DC, USA M A R T H A STAPLETON 275 N. Main Street, Apt. 3, Wellington, OH 44090, USA

Synopsis--Scholars and practitioners have struggled with the question of why and under what circumstances women are most likely to utilize contraception. It seems logical to predict that as access to reliable birth control increases, women will be more likely to take advantage of it and, therefore, of educational and work opportunities. However, the relationships among access, utilization, and participation in the public sphere are interactive and complex. Our findings suggest that normative cultural patterns operate as intervening variables in these relationships.

For this study, we hypothesized that as access to reliable birth control methods increases, women will be more likely to take advantage of educational and career opportunities. Theoretically, contraception should play an important role in women's lives because it carries the potential to allow us greater control over our bodies, reduces the chances of accidental motherhood, and affords greater choice in participating in the public sphere of educational and occupational opportunity (McLaren & McLaren, 1986; O'Brien, 1981; Rossi, 1985). But this relationship is a complex one. There are many political, economic, and sociological reasons for women entering the workforce. Many married women need to work even if their husbands do; women feel the need to broaden their experiences; and single women with or without children need to support themselves. Similarly, there are varied and complicated dimensions to reproduction. As Beth Hess (1990, p. 82) contends, "Because reproduction is so central to all theories of sexual differences, we must be especially conscious of the social and cultural realities that come between the capacity to bear children and the fact of birth." Cultural traditions and values are impor-

tant mediating factors in determining the linkage between reproductive control and access to opportunity. We offer a model that explains why the availability of contraception is not by itself a sufficient explanatory device in predicting whether a woman is more likely to take advantage of these opportunities. To test this hypothesis, we examined qualitative data from a comparative study of women in three distinct cultural groups in Canada, gathered between 1986 and 1990: Chinese, Inuit, and Mennonite. They were interviewed as part of a larger project that also included Canadian women of Jamaican, Iroquois, Blood Indian, Ukrainian, Francophone, and Scottish heritage. (A full report on all groups is forthcoming in Billson's The Tapestry of Women's Lives: Women and Power in A Changing World, New York: Lexington Books, in press.) Preliminary analysis of all groups on questions germane to the relationship between birth control availability and career/family choices is included here for comparative purposes. We include case studies of the Chinese, Inuit, and Mennonite women because they illustrate key conceptual points. We found that each group's cultural 357

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JANET ~VIANCINIBILLSON and MARTHA STAPLETON

norms influence whether or not women decide to pursue an education and career. Their decision is affected by the decision to use contraception, which is also influenced by culture. THE DOMESTIC IMPERATIVE

The breakdown of conventional dualism is not just a result of increased female education or women' striving for self-fulfillment, however, as is often suggested by the media. The breakdown of dualism occurred for the Inuit, for instance, because of the shattering effects of contact with white AngloEuropean civilization. As Inuit men lost their traditional roles, Inuit women maintained their own domestic roles, as well as being forced to shoulder men's responsibilities for providing for the family. Many contemporary Chinese men from Hong Kong commute a few times a year to Vancouver, where their wives and children have landed immigrant status. This leaves the majority of decisionmaking and community participation to the women in these "satellite" families; they are forced into the public sphere and thrive on their central leadership roles.

In most cultures, women have traditionally circulated in the domestic sphere. Rosaldo and Lamphere (1974) are generally credited with delineating the distinction between domestic and public spheres, although in subsequent articles they softened their argument (see Rosaldo, 1980). Despite the fact that women have always performed many different roles, men have usually had a wider range of choices with more access to the public sphere. This conventional dualism is descriptive of most, but not all, traditional cultures. It is increasingly less true now, as women ASYMMETRICAL CROSSOVER have found their way into the public sphere, but still a powerful force in determining position, career path, and salary. At the same time, men have failed to enter the Although primitive methods of birth con- domestic sphere as extensively as women trol and abortion have always existed, have crossed over into the public sphere. Stawomen have usually been defined in terms of tistically, men have barely increased their childbearing abilities and the responsibilities homemaking responsibilities (Stromberg & that automatically follow. Women's physical Harkess, 1988, p. 153). Asymmetrical crossattachment to children (through pregnancy over means that childbearing has drastic imand birth) has been the source of widely plications for women who wish to participate shared convictions that serve to reinforce in the public as well as domestic spheres. women's primary role of mother (and wife). Children are the main factor deterring Because women bear children, it is assumed women from seeking employment. that they are best able to care for them. For women who would like to be mothers, The domestic imperative that emanates the question becomes a complicated one infrom biology has become crystallized in the volving childcare, homecare, and the use of social institution of motherhood, which ide- leisure time. The availability of contracepalizes the woman who caters to her children tion should be directly related to its use as a to the exclusion of everyone (even herself). lever into the public sphere, but it would be At the same time, she is condemned if the too simplistic to assume that the relationship child behaves objectionably, and blamed if between contraceptive use and pursuits beshe smothers the child (Hunter College yond the domestic sphere ends there. The reWomen's Collective, 1983, p. 285). In 20th lationship works in both directions: Some atcentury Anglo-European societies there has tribute the fact that women are having fewer been a singular focus on the woman's role as children to their increased participation in mother. Running the house is her "legitimate the workforce (Stockard & Johnson, 1980, sphere," sometimes to the exclusion of any p. 66; Stromberg & Harkess, 1988, pp. 156other occupation. In some cases, the role of 157). Others see the falling birthrate as an wife is the extension of that of mother, and incentive for more women to enter the workvice versa. These factors have served to limit force (Stromberg & Harkess, 1988, p. 44). women's life choices, particularly those con- Technologically speaking, contraception cerning education and career. allows women to have more control over

Accidental Motherhood

whether, how, and when to break the domestic imperative and enter the public sphere. These are related questions that raise issues of role sequencing for girls and women. ALTERNATIVE ROLE SEQUENCES We identify several role sequences that women can follow as they leave formal schooling (at whatever level). The first sequence, direct career oath, is similar to the pattern taken historically by most men, at least those of some privilege: begin work after leaving school and continue working (presumably with upward mobility and professional maturation) until retirement. This pattern is most frequent among women who have no children and women in professional and managerial careers. The second sequence, early career/delayed motherhood, is to work for a few years and then to give up employment outside the home and become a homemaker. This used to be the dominant pattern for women who worked outside of the home for "pin m o n e y " - their contribution early in the marriage allowed the couple to "get on their feet" financially prior to having children, after which it was assumed that the woman would engage in homemaking and motherhood as her full-time career. Often the woman's "outside" work is not taken seriously, although her income may be necessary and she may enjoy her work. The third sequence, the revolving door, is to work until having children, take time off to raise them, and then return to work. The time off for full-time mothering used to be 5 to 10 years, but the interval has been getting shorter (Hoffnung, 1989, p. 166). Both socioeconomic status and professional status have an effect on how long a woman chooses or is able to take time out from public sphere work. Those who leave careers midstream may find it difficult to reenter after taking time out to be a full-time mother; such breaks may contribute to the "glass ceiling" phenomenon many women experience as they try to climb the career ladder. The fourth sequence, early motherhood/ delayed career, is to leave school, enter into

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full-time homemaking and motherhood, then enter a public domain career after children are well into their school years. The fifth sequence, simultaneous job/delayed career, is to work at a job full or part time while raising children and running a home; return for formal schooling after the children are old enough to be left unsupervised, for the purpose of enhancing credentials and upgrading skills; then reenter the public sphere in a career path. The sixth sequence, premature motherhood, is to become pregnant during the teen years, which may interfere with the completion of high school and subsequent education, job training, or employment. The seventh sequence, motherhood as career is to complete desired educational level (as defined by the woman herself) and to consciously choose motherhood and homemaking as a career path (without engaging in appreciable work outside the home; Fig. 1). Sequences I through III imply abstinence or some form of family planning. Pattern IV may represent a period of heavy involvement in children's schooling or community activities prior to entering the paid labor force at a later date. Pattern V is a broken one which represents simultaneous public and domestic sphere activities-the kind of sequencing that provides ample fodder for magazine articles on "burn out." (Nontraditional age students in higher education exemplify this pattern.) Sequence VI involves early motherhood that compromises a young women's ability to compete effectively in the contemporary labor force, thus propelling her into an extended period of welfare dependency or low-income living. Sequence VII describes women who complete at least high school (or their desired education level) and then devote their lives to a career inside the home as homemakers/mothers. ACCIDENTAL MOTHERHOOD Our assumption is that as access to birth control increases, taking advantage of public sector opportunity should increase. Accidental motherhood should give way to planned pregnancies and consciously selected sequencing. In fact, our data show that the re-

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Figure 1" Role Sequences I. "direct career path" SCHOOL-~WORK

II. "early career/delayed motherhood" SCHOOL-~ WORK-~ HOMEM.MCING/CHILDREN

III. "the revolving door" SCHOOL - ) WORK @HOMEMAKING/CHILDREN-~ WORK

IV. "early motherhood/delayed career" S CHO OL-~HOMEMAKING/CHILDREN-~ WORK

V. "simultaneous job/delayed career" SCHOOL - ) WORK/HOMEMAKING/CHILDREN/SCHOOL -~ WORK

VI. "premature motherhood" INTERRUPTED SCHOOL~HOMEMAKING/CHILDREN

VII. "motherhood as career" SCHOOL'~ HOMEMAKING/CHILDREN

Fig. 1. Role sequences that women can follow.

lationship between availability and use of birth control is a relatively weak one:

ing marriage prematurely, or the tendency to slip into poverty just because of pregnancy.

The use of contraception does not necessarily follow from its availability; factors such as religion and age act as mediators Birth control may be against a woman's religious beliefs or personal values. Chinese or Inuit women who are Catholic may decline to use contraception, although data indicate that almost as many Catholic as Protestant women use birth control (Alberta Family Planning Project, 1970, p. 16). Ukrainian women still feel that raising a family is paramount in their identity; older women especially resist birth control.

Women do not necessarily use contraception to ensure their success in the public sphere or through a desire for self-fulfillment or achievement Mennonite women, for instance, use it for spacing and limiting numbers, not because they want freedom from children so they can work outside the home.

Community customs and norms affect definitions o f parenthood, illegitimacy, and shame Inuit women have relatively low rates of usage in spite of easy availability of contraception through community health clinics. Norms supporting "customary adoption" by family and friends reduce the shame of conceiving out of wedlock, the necessity of enter-

Women who use contraception still may not have access to opportunity structures because o f macrosocial discriminatory factors This is borne out by the Inuit, Blood, and Iroquois data; because of geographic isolation, paternalism, racism, and a history of oppression, job opportunities are scarce. Many Native communities in Canada and the United States run unemployment/welfare dependency rates in the 75-85°70 range. Being childless is not necessarily an advantage because of the general lack of opportunity, as well as prevailing family or community support mechanisms for child care in the event

Accidental Motherhood

a woman does find a position that takes her outside the home.

Demographic patterns and male~female ratios may affect contraception usage Jamaican women in this study have low rates of contraceptive use, even though having children limits their educational and career opportunities. An imbalanced sex ratio (more men than women) influences male/female interpersonal dynamics; children are highly valued, and single motherhood takes on a different meaning. C U L T U R E AS M E D I A T O R : A M O D E L For many women the luxury of choosing between a career and motherhood does not exist. Because o f the enormous slippage in the relationship between availability of contraception and women's life path choices, we argue that culture is a mediating factor between the decision to use birth control and the decision to enter the public sphere. Cultural values, norms, and traditions help construct the identity and role o f women, which in turn influence their choice whether to use birth control or to take advantage of educational and economic opportunities. Our model, using culture as a mediating factor, takes into account the following elements: 1. The traditional role o f w o m e n , including the extent to which women held a place in the public sphere; the range of women's roles; whether men were away from the community for extended periods o f time, during which major decision-making would fall to women; the likelihood o f women being single parents; acceptability of abortion and adoption; attitudes toward children; and availability o f nonnuclear family child care. 2. The contemporary role o f w o m e n , including the extent to which it is broadly or narrowly defined; the likelihood o f women being single parents; acceptability of adoption and abortion; whether children are defined as a liability or an economic resource; availability of daycare; extent o f discrimination; extent o f rural isolation a n d / o r lack of jobs. The traditional role o f women has a major influence on their decision-making, particularly if there is a strong sense of preservation

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o f tradition. If women historically held major public roles, they may be more likely to pursue an education and career in contemporary times. The acceptability and prevalence of abortion and adoption may have a negative influence on contraceptive use. Attitudes toward children may decrease or increase the rate o f birth control use, as does the availability (and feasibility) of nonnuclear family child care. The extent to which major decision-making fell to women because o f extended male absences may be a determining factor in their contemporary decision to pursue education and careers, which, in turn, influences the choice to use contraception. The contemporary role of women is also an important factor. If a women's role is broadly defined, she will be more likely to pursue education/career. Lack of cultural supports for single parenthood may influence her decision to use birth control. The extent of a woman's rural isolation or lack of access to jobs limits her career choice and hence may have a negative effect on her decision to use contraception. And, if a women is aware o f racial, ethnic, or gender discrimination against her in education or in the job market, she may be reluctant to pursue either. Limited availability of daycare can deter a woman from looking for a job. Whether children are defined as an economic liability or a resource and the acceptability of adoption and abortion are factors determining women's choices about motherhood and careers. C O M M U N A L NORMS AND INDIVIDUAL CHOICE When we examine the prevailing norms that influence individual choices in the eight groups in this study, we find a complicated relationship among normative contraceptive use, normative public sphere participation, extended absence o f males, lone parenting, normative adoption, normative abortion, and nonnuclear family child care. None o f the groups used contraception as the norm. The Inuit, however, historically utilized abortion a n d / o r female infanticide as a means o f limiting family size. Although most o f the groups experienced extended periods of male absence, only Inuit and Iro-

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quois women participated in the public sphere to any noticeable extent historically. (The Chinese immigrant women from Hong Kong provide a contemporary example of male-absent female-headed households). Native women were traditionally single parents more often than the norm. All of the groups had nonnuclear child care. Figure 2 bears out

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conclusions drawn from the literature; on the whole, women's roles were anchored in the domestic sphere and emphasized childbearing and childrearing. Figure 2 shows a clear shift in the contemporary roles of women as they increasingly participate in the public sphere, although Mennonite women in the stricter orders are

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Fig. 2. Birth control and opportunity structure. "Normative" in this context m e a n s that contraception and abortion are acceptable and fairly c o m m o n practices that bring neither s h a m e n o r stigma to the w o m a n who chooses them. The upper case "Xs" denote a high rate; lower case "xs" denote a moderate rate; "os" denote a low or minimal rate o f each p h e n o m e n o n . **And, traditionally, female infanticide.

Accidental Motherhood

still excluded from participation in education, politics, and jobs outside the home. More women in all groups experience the role of single motherhood. Other groups besides the Inuit are adopting out more often, though perhaps not with the same acceptance. Abortion is still not the norm in any of the groups (although it exists in all). Contraception is utilized by all groups, but rates and purposes vary. The figure shows that groups in which women participate in the public sphere also have normative contraceptive use, or vice versa. What it does not show is why each group uses birth control. Participation in the public sphere is not the only factor behind contraceptive use (or vice versa). Culture is a strong mediating influence. The differences between contemporary and traditional roles can be explained by circumstances specific to each group. Using interview data, we explore this model with three groups: Chinese, Mennonite, and Inuit women. CHINESE W O M E N OF V A N C O U V E R Chinese women were traditionally very submissive and hardworking; this translates contemporarily into the decision on the part of many women to delay marriage and a family to obtain an education and establish a c a r e e r - t h e "early career/delayed motherhood" sequence. Once married, Chinese women use birth control to space and limit family size so that homemaking and children will fit around their career. The cultural investment in motherhood is still strong. Chinese men immigrated to Canada in the mid-1800s to work on labor gangs building the Canadian Pacific Railway or in gold mines in British Columbia. Very few Chinese women lived in the mining or rail camps; most were prostitutes, cooks, or laundrywomen (Elliot, 1983). Later, as men realized they might not return to China, they sent for their families. Later immigrants tended to come from Hong Kong and represent a more professional and business occupational group. Now, some o f the Vancouver Chinese are "satellite families" o f landed immigrant wives and children; the husband and father works in Hong Kong, "commuting" once or twice a year for holidays.

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Chinese women have always occupied very traditional roles within the family. Lee (not her real name), a homemaker in her late 40s, states, "In most cases, men are always out, leaving the woman behind to take care of the kids." Vestiges remain of the traditional conception of "a good Chinese women," Lee explains. When she goes out she has to be assertive enough, and when she's home she has to be caring and very nice. Sort of a split pers o n a l i t y - o n the one side competent, efficient, successful, achievement-oriented; on the other side soft, loving, caring, nurturing. The Chinese still cannot accept the fact that if a woman is very assertive, she can also be a good Chinese woman. The traditional importance of males to the Chinese families is evident from this statement by a 48-year-old-woman: "A good wife should be able to bear sons for her husband. Sons carry on the family name, and it's prestigious to have more sons than daughters." A 21-year-old student notes that "In general, females take a back seat to males, and that's even more true for the Chinese females." But the younger women see a change; Ruby, 23, notes, A Chinese-Canadian woman who was born here or who has been here for a long time would be more assertive. She would also try to cooperate with or accommodate other people. But a women who was born in China or Hong Kong and has been influenced by the Chinese culture ever since she was born would be more submissive and would go along even if she doesn't agree. In spite o f a strong Western influence on younger Chinese-Canadian women, the dominant pattern is to delay having intercourse until marriage. This stems from the prevailing morality o f the Chinese families, as Joann explains, That is definitely a strong value. That's true for all Chinese no matter what relig i o n - C a t h o l i c , Buddhist, or whatever. Chinese girls don't want to get that serious

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JANET MANCINI BILLSON and MARTHASTAPLETON

so soon. We've been brought up with very strong moral values, and I think that reflects in our relationship with the opposite sex. My mother didn't ever blatantly tell me not to make love to a guy until I'm married, but it was understood from the first day of teenagehood. Contraceptive use after marriage is accepted. Most Chinese women had either delayed having children after marriage, or, if single, were planning on delaying childbirth. Kim, 21, is adamant on the subject. She says, "I really want to get my career established before I make a commitment to marriage and children." Those women who are planning to have children face a difficult choice when deciding whether or not to work after the children are born. Some would like to work part-time-the "simultaneous job/delayed career" sequence; others would prefer to stay home for a few years. Jasmine, 23, explains her mixed feelings when she says, "You see so many kids now with working mothers, most o f them from broken homes, and most are not very well adjusted. I think I'd try to do half and half: work part-time and stay home with the kids half the time." Other women have made the choice to stay home despite wanting to work. Lee says she has to take care o f her children, "so I haven't had a chance to find a job yet." Even those mothers who decide to say home do not always have an easy time. May tells of a friend who was thinking of taking a year off, but "after four months she couldn't handle it so she's back to work now."

This dilemma is complicated by the fact that daycare is expensive and not readily available, especially to women with lower incomes. Child or other dependent responsibilities limit women's opportunities for advancement. Home obligations create situations in which they are unable (without considerable difficulty) to put in extra time at work or to relocate or transfer when required (MacBride-King & Paris, 1989). Sue asks, "At $400 a month, if you've got two children in daycare, it wouldn't be worth working, would it?" Only those who are middle income can afford daycare. Chinese women believe that daycare is essential. A travel agent with two children argues, "That's why we have always fought for subsidized daycare for low

income people. If a private daycare costs $400, I think it should be $200 per child." Women who are fortunate enough to have extended families living in the area take advantage of them. Lucy is confident that if she had children, her mother would mind them while she worked. She claims that "The traditional family structure is useful." At the same time that Chinese-Canadian women are delaying childbirth, they are also waiting longer to marry. Annie typifies this choice when she states, "I'm not planning to get married for a while because I want to go to university and work for a few years." The trend o f Chinese-Canadian women pursuing higher education is recent. "The more Western education I get, the more influence I have from Western culture," Lucy points out. "Chinese-Canadian girls seem more focused on getting an education and are more serious about it." This desire to obtain a higher education is of great concern among Chinese women. Most had obtained or were in the process o f obtaining a post-secondary education. Kim wanted to complete an education for her own "self-development." Women are more likely to work if they have higher education, "which allows them access to more interesting jobs" (Stromberg & Harkess, 1988, p. 45), but none of the Chinese women, all of whom were planning on establishing careers, focused on that aspect o f their decision. In fact, they were more inclined to cite their culture's high intellectual standards as the reason for pursuing higher education. May says that Chinese students always have a full load of academic courses because "their parents want them to do something that will earn them a living with good money. From the very beginning our great-great-grandparents, being a minority people, had to try hard, otherwise the newer generation would have a harder time making a living than they do now." May and other Chinese students have experienced discrimination that puts them in the "smart people with glasses" category but does not acknowledge their place in Western culture. For example, May says that "Teachers automatically think that because you're Chinese, you must be smart. But then, especially in courses like English, the teachers assume because o f the way you look that you can't communicate very well." The desire for education is fostered in Chi-

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nese children mainly by their mothers. Mothers take responsibility for their children's education very seriously. They put continuous pressure on their children not only to stay in school, but to do extremely well. According to Annie, women who "tutor their children and push them to succeed" are following the wisdom of the great Chinese scholars: If a person is well educated, he will do good for his family. If the family is strong, it will do good to the society. If the society is strong, it will do good to the whole country. It will be a strong country. Another woman, June, agrees that " . . . there's a strong value placed on education of the family." Beyond that, the Chinese parents "all want their children to be doctors, lawyers, and professionals." Lucy herself buys into the emphasis on education, because s h e " . . , would feel so guilty if I didn't advise them on things, so if they can't do any particular project, or math or whatever, I would help them." Lee agrees. Chinese parents live for their kids. The mother especially sacrifices a lot. She stays at home, she cooks the meals for the kids, she makes sure that everything's done for them, and she practically lives her whole life for the kids. Her hopes and expectations are on the children. There's tremendous pressure on the kids to live up to these expectations. Twenty-five years ago, this pressure would have been exerted only on the boys o f the family. This has changed, however; Lee explains that A long time ago, as long as the girls could write their own names and read some simple things, that was fine. Even up until a very few years ago they thought that boys should go to university and not girls. If girls studied too much,, no men would want to marry them. Now they don't care about girls going to school. Today education is accepted and, as already discussed, encouraged in some families. This applies more to middle-income Chinese families who have become integrated into the Western culture than to Chinese fam-

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ilies who have immigrated recently or those who come from a lower economic class. As Lee says. "I know of some very old-fashioned people who still keep the girls away from university because they just want them to finish high school and that's it." An older Chinese woman expresses the hope that "the younger generation of women will find it easier to make something of themselves because they have more role models to follow, like the Chinese females in Vancouver who are successful in business." Chinese women's desire for a higher education and a career leads them to use contraception, not the other way around. This is evidenced by the fact that, after marriage, many Chinese women delay the birth of the first child. The mediating factor here is cultural, because most Chinese women are socialized to put a strong emphasis on education and achievement. Furthermore, the fact that the main form o f birth control before marriage is abstinence stems from cultural restrictions on premarital intercourse. M E N N O N I T E W O M E N OF ELMIRA, ONTARIO Mennonite women were traditionally and still are oriented around the domestic sphere; although use of birth control is frowned upon, many Mennonite women use it to limit and space family size, not to pursue educational or economic opportunities. Some Mennonite women do work outside the home, often going to market to sell their jams, vegetables, quilts, or other homemade wares. But this is typically a "simultaneous" public sphere activity that is engaged in on a very part-time basis while children are at home and does not lead to a "career" or even a full-time job. Women are encouraged to have many children and to stay home to raise them. Both men and women believe that women working outside the home will affect children negatively. Women are still considered to be the "primary child caretaker" (Stromberg & Harkess, 1988, p. 46). Nancy, 38, asserts "Most o f the women take mothering roles quite seriously. They're not planning on ten-year careers before they have children. When the couples we know in our Bible study have their first children, the wife goes more into the role

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of staying home." As one 48-year-old mother puts it, I think our faith is holding us more firmly to the traditional women's role than some o f those around us are. We wouldn't encourage mothers to go out and hold a career or job. The most important thing that we can do is be at home and raise our children. Then, as the family grows up, possibly some o f them could work outside the home. Here and there you will find the odd circumstances, but mostly on a parttime basis. Old Order or Conservative Mennonite women who work outside the home are rare. Most Mennonite families in the Elmira area are farmers; the wife has a garden and some domestic animals that she tends in addition to her other household responsibilities. N o r a describes the sheep farm she and her husband own: "We raise lambs and sell the lambs and the wool. We have 200 hens, and one cow. He sold all the pigs just on Thursday. Now we have one big sow, and she's getting piggies again in two months." The Mennonites are the most traditional among the three groups analyzed. They follow a strict interpretation of the Bible regarding male/female roles. This should be expected to affect fertility rates b e c a u s e , " . . . actual fertility and future expectations stem from the differing attitudes and values associated with religious affiliation" (Alberta Family Planning Project, 1970, p. 16). However, even among the Mennonites, various subgroups have different views on the roles o f women. Generally, men are viewed as the heads of households and their wives are thought of as submissive and supportive helpers. An Old Order Mennonite man describes the concept o f a good women, saying that According to the Bible, a definite sign o f a good quality in a woman is that o f a meek and quiet spirit. Another sign is that she respects the man as leader. Also a good wife is willing to stand by your decision even if you don't quite agree on it after a discussion. She won't come back and nag that you made a mistake. Finally, she should be an understanding and caring mother who has an interest in her children.

According to Susanna, 25, "the older people, like the preachers and the bishop, don't really like it if you don't stay at home. Almost everybody does it that way; it's our way." Furthermore, there is a standard that Mennonite women must live up to when it comes to their homemaking responsibilities. Marie, 27, explains, "As long as the Mennonite woman fits in the mold, she's okay. But if she can't sew, or isn't creative in her kitchen, she's odd, she's different. There's only one acceptable channel." That acceptable channel does not typically include working outside the home. W o m e n who work are heavily censured unless there is a need for it that is obvious to the congregation. Some young, unmarried Mennonite women follow the early career/delayed marriage sequence, but "once you have children, then you should stay home unless there's very serious financial problems." Nancy relates, "The way we were brought up, people would look at you and decide whether you need the money or whether you want it. It would have to be that you really needed the money." The main concern regarding women working is childcare. For the Mennonite woman, it is not so much that it is wrong to work as it is to leave children in someone else's care. According to Sarah, "it wouldn't be accepted if you had to leave your home to work." This concern is tied in with adherence to religious principles. John, 34, explains, Parents today have a habit o f thinking they need to make extra money so both people need to work. The children are ending up with babysitters most o f the day, or growing up in daycare centers. Other people are left responsible to try and raise those children. Mennonites, following the Bible's teaching, believe they are responsible to raise their own children, he adds. For those women who must work, or who have farm responsibilities that sometimes take them away from home, "relatives or grandmothers take care of the children." This indicates a very strong familial community that exists among Mennonites in general, not just among blood relatives. The statement that "as educational attainment increases, fertility levels and expectations decrease," carries with it the assump-

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tion that high rates of fertility follow from a low level of education (Alberta Family Planning Project, 1970, p. 18). However, in the case of the Mennonites, we found that education and fertility rates are related to the same intervening variable of cultural values. Mennonites have comparatively low levels of education (most Old Order and Conservative females leave school after grade 10; some complete high school and go on to college, but at lower rates than the general Canadian population) because they are committed to keeping their faith. They discourage education beyond grade 10 (which is required by law) because they see exposure to "outside influences" as a stumbling block to maintaining good faith. Even though in the past they were encouraged to have large families, their fertility rates now are relatively low given their education levels. For example, Susan's teachers encourage her to attend university, "But if I attend university, there might be a danger in my losing my faith," she points out. The Mennonites have established their own schools to counteract this apprehension, but these schools go only to grade 10. Mennonite women who wish to continue their education may choose to do so by correspondence. One mother explains why her daughter made this decision: "She has no desire to go to the public high school in town because she wants to avoid the social involvement there." Leaders of the Mennonite community are against the use of contraception. Mary recalls that "one minister made the comment that contraceptives belong in the barn." She also says that a bishop told her "he hoped I wasn't thinking of birth control when he was counseling me about my impending m a r r i a g e - a big family is a good thing. They're so pleased with big families. They feel that women with nine and ten children are doing the right thing." This fits the pattern of farming families in general, who "appear to desire the relatively highest number of children" (Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, 1970, p. 57). Despite the teachings of Mennonite ministers, many women use birth control, not because they want to work, but because they wish to space children. As Jenny remarks, "They're really not supposed to, but how can you prove whether they do or not?" Many women disapprove of bearing large numbers

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of children, as was past practice. They cite difficult births and inability to pay equal attention to all the children as reasons for preferring fewer children. As Susan notes, "If the babies keep coming-- maybe the pregnancies are difficult. For some they are. I know some frustrated women because the babies keep coming, and they end up almost having nervous breakdowns." Marie, 35, agrees that "it has to be impossible for one mother to give to eleven kids what they need." However, even limiting family size may be frowned upon: "If a couple is married a while and they haven't had children, eyebrows raise." Although the Old Order and Conservative churches are against the use of birth control, the less restrictive General Conference condones it. Abortion is totally taboo in the Old order and Conservative congregations and very much avoided in the newer factions. Among General Conference members, contraception is acceptable, but abortion is "generally not" acceptable. The more liberal Mennonite groups view marriage as an equal partnership between the husband and wife. Jean, 24, says that "being a good Christian woman means that I have a role as a strong, equal partner in marriage." Her husband, Paul, concedes that he "would never be able to live with a woman who expected me to head up the household and make all the decisions." Both feel that "fortunately, it's worked out that it's quite an equal partnership." This equality includes the prospect of Paul's looking after the children. "We both very much enjoy children and the challenge of bringing them up. When we have children it will be a tough decision as to who should stay home," he predicts. Steve, 29, challenges the traditional asymmetrical crossover observed among all groups in this study when he says, "One of us would stay home, but I don't necessarily know which one of us it would be." How traditional or contemporary the Mennonite woman's role is depends on the restrictions of her religion. Old Order Mennonite women are still performing the same tasks and fulfilling the same roles they were a hundred years ago. The Conservatives are a little less traditional, but still maintain many of the older customs including prayer veils and ritual gender segregation in church. Women

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who work outside the home do so on a parttime basis, often for the church in a voluntary capacity. For example, Mary, 34, is heavily involved in the church and always seems "to manage to be on various committees." The General Conference Mennonites are much more progressive. Women pursue educations and careers, although they are centered around their faith. Janet, 24, states that she would "like to go into voluntary service, working with the missions." Jean has a bachelor's degree in Mathematics. She and her husband, Steve, will move to Zaire for 3 years to be missionaries. Some younger women in the Conservative group are choosing different paths than their mothers. They talk about establishing a career, via the religion, before marriage. The majority work as domestics (hired by other Mennonite families) until marriage. This is a longstanding tradition that helps a young girl learn childcare, household management, canning, and sewing. Nineteen-year-old Catherine is more career-oriented. She acknowledges, "I would like to teach before I get married, so I don't intend to get married as young as some people might. I want the freedom of finding out who I am first, and helping others in a way other than bringing up my children." An older woman comments on the fact that "a lot of unmarried girls are working away. People in various cities hire Mennonite girls, and it's an attraction to these girls." Obviously, culture is a major factor in the Mennonite woman's decisions concerning birth control and education. For more traditional groups, religion dictates that no birth control means is used. Higher education is avoided by these women as well. The more progressive factions either use contraception despite the fact that ministers urge them not to, or condone use of birth control for spacing and limiting family size. The careers these women pursue are centered around their religious faith. Cultural values are reinforced by the watchful eyes of the close community within which they live. INUIT WOMEN OF PANGNIRTUNG Inuit women have very limited career choices because of geographic isolation and earlier

exploitation by Whites; birth control is not widespread because of the prevalence of adoption. The Inuit of Pangnirtung, Baffin Island, Northwest Territories, exemplify the special problems facing indigenous people of Canada today. Nineteenth and early twentieth century interaction with White whalers, traders, mounted police, missionaries, and Hudson's Bay personnel disrupted their culture in ways that still seriously affect their lifestyles today (Billson, 1988). For instance, after White whalers pulled out of the area, it was left economically depressed. The decline in demand for furs after World War II hurt many hunters. When the Inuit were brought in off the land in the 1960s because of tuberculosis epidemics, train dog sickness, and shifting game herds, they were settled into hamlets with larger populations than they had ever known (Billson, 1990). As with the relocation of Canadian Plains Indians from the land to reserves in the late 1800s, the resettlement of Inuit led to welfare dependency and economic fragility. The Inuit, like the Indians, became an administered people who are now trying to restore economic and political autonomy. Meanwhile, in the absence of dog sleds and traditional tools (and because of the high cost of motorized canoes, rifles, and ammunition in the Arctic and sub-Arctic areas of Canada), traditional hunting and fishing are too expensive for men to be able to support their families (Billson, 1990). Government policy during resettlement emphasized education and literacy as keys to future economic development. But with geographic isolation and the persistence of traditional values, jobs are scarce (Billson, 1990). As an economic development officer laments, "A job is the hardest thing to find. That's the biggest problem in t o w n no jobs." Jobs that are available pay very low wages. In addition, he continues, "all the heads of companies in town are White," which serves to further decrease opportunities. The Inuit community is in a transitional period. The Canadian Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND) has a policy of "devolution," which is supposed to give more power over to communities. Jerry, a 35-year-old construction worker from Toronto, describes the results:

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"There's still a lot of functions which are controlled by White people, if not by the federal government, but that's also in transition, too." The biggest problems working women face are related directly to the unavailability of jobs. "There's a lot o f women and men in town who live temporarily in other settlements because they can't find a job here," Jerry adds. This affects family ties. Community outreach worker Rosie asserts that "the biggest problem for women here is an economic o n e - j o b s , opportunity, education." On the whole, however, the women of the Inuit community seem to be adapting to drastic cultural changes better than the men. Not only are the girls more likely to go to high school and persist longer than the boys, but, as a White teacher points out, "it's remarkably noticeable that the girls do well in the senior classes compared to the boys." According to one study, "Indian/Eskimo women were considerably more fertile than the women of any other ethnic group, at all ages" (Alberta Family Planning Project, 1970, p. 13). Statistics provided by the Pangnirtung health center confirm that one in five Inuit women had a child during 1988. As Jukeepa, 19, says, "Inuit like to have large familes." Teenage births are frequent and usually accompanied by dropping out o f school. One woman recalls that she went to grade 7 and dropped out when she had her first child at the age of 16. Teenage pregnancies are common among the Inuit. The correlation between low levels o f education and high rates of fertility seems borne out in this case. Contraceptive use is very low among Inuit teenagers. In 1988, the figures showed that about one in five women used birth control in Pangnirtung. Saila, a health care worker, laments the fact that "there are so many girls who don't use contraception," despite the fact that "the biggest worry teenage girls have when it comes to relationships with guys is getting pregnant." Minors still must have parental consent in order to obtain birth control. Another factor related to teenage births is the inaccessibility o f abortion services, as well as the stand taken against it by some elders in the community. Meeka, a 26-year-old health care worker, states that "abortion isn't very popular here." Instead, "we would

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rather adopt out, usually to our relatives." Peona, a nurse, explains the procedure for abortion services and the dilemma that often accompanies the decision to have an abortion. She says, We can't perform abortions here, but we can refer the women to Montreal. Here in Pangnirtung, we do a referral maybe three times a year. The young women often find it difficult. They're pregnant and they're in a turmoil about that. Having an abortion was frowned upon by the older society. Plus having to go to Montreal when they've probably never been is hard; then it could be $50 to $100, which doesn't sound like a lot, but to people here it is. Sometimes the woman gets down there and changes her mind. Probably about half do that." Another deterrent to abortion is that teenagers must have parental consent, as in the case of contraceptive use. Rosie, a young mother recounts, "I wanted an abortion because I felt I was too young to have a baby. My parents said I got into it and I would have to stick with it." Finally, high rates of teenage pregnancy and childbirth are facilitated by the fact that the practice o f "customary adoption" is prevalent in the Inuit community. Elders frown on abortion because a young woman who isn't ready to be a mother can "adopt out" the baby to her own mother, another relative, or an approved family who would like a child. As 28-year-old Susah explains, "being a pregnant teenager here is much more easily accepted than it is in the s o u t h - t h e r e ' s not the social stigma attached to it as in most of Canadian society." Her friend elaborates, "In the North, I don't think many people have abortions, because there are more opportunities to adopt. Adoption is not that big a deal up here. It's not a shame or a disgrace for a woman to have a baby without being married." The Inuit "love their children so much that if they do get pregnant, they're more likely to have the child and adopt it out," a nurse argues. Traditionally, if the man wanted to adopt a newborn out, even if the woman didn't want to, she would have to go along with it. Now, both parents are likely to decide together, with the woman's decision taking precedence if they differ. Along with teenage births, however, comes single parenting for many young Inuit

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women. Women's wage earnings often support their families, particularly in the case of single mothers. Although their jobs tend to be lower in status and income than men's jobs, women seem to work more steadily (Billson, forthcoming). One young woman angrily blames m e n - " w h o are making the women have b a b i e s " - f o r not finding a way to help women. She also feels adamant that "more women are having babies and they should support them." In spite of their frequent major provider role, most Inuit women voice a preference for staying home with their newborn children rather than relinquishing them to daycare. Apea, 26, is concerned that a babysitter would "do bad things in the house or neglect the children." She wants to stay home with her children until they are old enough to go to school, then return to work. There is also concern about the cost o f daycare. Apea asks, "If you are single and hardly have enough money to pay for food or electricity, how can you pay for daycare?" Inuit women who are distrustful o f daycare rely on their mothers or other immediate family for childcare while they work. Apea's mother looks after the children while she's working part-time. However, her mother can do this because she has the summer off from her own job. Some older women approve o f daycare. Saila, 68, would like to have a daycare center in the hamlet because "I think that it would be better for women who have jobs to leave their children there. Then maybe more women would have j o b s - s o m e have quit because of a lack o f babysitting." Inuit women would agree that the provision of childcare services is desirable for its value in increasing the choices available to women. The most serious problem for working mothers is lack of daycare. This is especially true for those women who do not have relatives who can help. Failure to provide adequate daycare discriminates against women and keeps us weak and dependent. Inuit women, knowing the economic fragility of the male role, and knowing that they may very well end up as main providers for their children, still do not use contraception often or consistently. This is true even when there are better educational and job opportunities available to them.

The reasons for this are cultural. Inuit women place a high value on their children. Normative adoption among the Inuit provides an alternative to contraception or abortion. Extended family childcare and the perception of children as a necessary support in one's old age (even couples in their 50s and 60s are allowed to adopt young children) are also influential factors in the decision not to use contraception. Other possible factors include a lingering sense that children are an economic asset; the traditional need to have many babies to ensure survivors; and the fact that children are signs of male virility and masculinity and female youth and femininity. C O M P A R A T I V E ANALYSIS OF T H E T H R E E GROUPS Chinese women traditionally were limited to the domestic sphere. At the same, there were (for Chinese in Canada) extended periods of male absence; Chinese women were making important decisions about the family. They were very influential in the education o f their children. As a result, it may have been easier for Chinese women to assume the more public sphere-oriented roles that they now do (extensive involvement in business, the arts and cultural events of the community, higher education, and even in politics). Furthermore, other cultural factors such as the strong emphasis on education have made it easier for Chinese women to use contraception after marriage. The cultural dictate against intercourse before marriage is a major element in explaining the low rate of premarital contraceptive use or pregnancy in Chinese women. Contributing cultural factors to the Chinese women's use o f birth control are: strong emphasis on education; strong emphasis on high achievement which has now shifted to girls as well as the boys; women's continuing role as good mother and wife. Mennonite women still occupy the traditional roles that they did 50 years ago. Then and now they have little place in public sphere participation. Mennonite men are not away from the community for extended periods o f time. For this reason, and because intercourse and pregnancy out of wedlock are strictly taboo, women do not experience much single parenting. The Mennonites have

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a very positive attitude toward children, and nonnuclear childcare is available, although the mother is thought of as the best caretaker. A few women in the less restrictive Conservative group work part-time and use contraception to space and limit family size. The more progressive factions accept birth control and careers for women, although their work is usually centered around the religion in some way. Contributing factors to Mennonite women's use of birth control are the tenets of their religious faith, including Biblical mandates regarding woman's role in the domestic sphere; a positive attitude toward children; and a desire to set themselves apart from the more worldly practices. The Inuit have experienced change in their way of life not only because of the natural shift from traditional to contemporary lifestyles, but also because of the interference of Whites. As in the past, Inuit women participate in the public sphere (now in jobs for the hamlet council, in social services, and as council members). Today the reason is the change in male roles rather than the more egalitarian relationships that existed before. Inuit women still have very positive attitudes toward children, and the practice of open and stigma-free adoption also contributes to low rates of birth control. In particular, lack of job opportunities may help to keep Inuit women's lives invested in their roles as mother. Inuit women have not just begun to obtain an education and pursue a career because contraception became available to them. Rather, cultural factors such as the influence of Whites, the practice of adoption, positive attitude toward children, lack of job opportunities, and lowered male self-esteem (because of losses in their traditional provider role) have all contributed to the decision not to use birth control or pursue a higher education. CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH There is no simple relationship between use of birth control and pursuit of educational and career opportunities. The Chinese, Mennonite, and Inuit are three good examples of how cultural factors play an important role in the choices that women make. The shift from a woman's traditional to contemporary

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role could be an indication of why she decides to use birth control. In other words, her traditional role will influence her contemporary role and decisions regarding reproduction. Despite the fact that women have experienced increased participation and involvement in the public sphere, public policy is shaped to reinforce women's traditional domestic roles. Propaganda in the media continues to espouse a domestic bias. As a result, women experience conflict in prioritizing and choosing among various roles-traditional and contemporary. Daycare becomes a vital issue for those with children, as is the type of career or job to pursue, and how ambitious they can afford to be. Economic class plays an important role among the women in the groups we examined. For instance, Chinese women have assimilated into the Canadian economic structure. Those interviewed are typically middleto upper-middle class in terms of career (teacher, doctor, lawyer, accountant). In a pattern similar to White Canadian women of the same economic class, Chinese-Canadian women delay marriage and childbirth to obtain a higher education and pursue a career. Once they have children-usually one or t w o - t h e y rely on kinship networks, daycare, part-time work, and taking a leave of absence to balance family and career roles. Contraception is then used to delay and space children. Mennonite women fit the profile of mainstream farming families. Families are larger, and women work outside the farm only if there is an economic need. For Mennonite women, this is reinforced by religious convictions that women should stay at home with their children unlessabsolutely necessary. Their educational level is low, which is also true of other Canadian farming women, and those jobs that are filled are typically those of low status and low pay (a job, not a career). Religious and moral beliefs distinguish Mennonites from other farming families, but the purpose here is merely to point out the similarity between the two in the economic status of women. The Inuit are the major exception to the hypothesis of economic similarity. They will remain on the fringes of Canadian s o c i e t y socially, economically, geographically, and politically. Inuit women interviewed live in

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isolated c o m m u n i t i e s , w h e r e t h e r e is very little c o n t a c t with m a i n s t r e a m c u l t u r e o u t s i d e o f the m e d i a . This is n o t to say t h a t the I n u i t o f t o d a y are living in huts, w e a r i n g t r a d i t i o n a l g a r b , a n d f o r a g i n g a n d fishing f o r a living. R a t h e r , goals a n d a s p i r a t i o n s o f the m a i n s t r e a m c u l t u r e were instilled into the Inuit w i t h o u t p r o v i d i n g the m e a n s with w h i c h to achieve t h e m (Billson, 1988, 1990, f o r t h coming). T h e s c h o o l system is n o t u p to t h e s t a n d a r d o f t h e m a i n s t r e a m culture, a n d j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s are e x t r e m e l y limited. F o r t h o s e few w h o succeed in p a s s i n g t h e stand a r d i z e d test for college a d m i s s i o n s , o b t a i n ing a higher e d u c a t i o n a n d p u r s u i n g a c a r e e r m e a n s leaving the i s o l a t e d c o m m u n i t y t h e y were b r o u g h t up in a n d o f t e n e x p e r i e n c i n g s o m e t h i n g a k i n to c u l t u r e s h o c k a n d severe homesickness. Traditionally, Inuit women d i d n o t use b i r t h c o n t r o l ; in t h e a b s e n c e o f c o m p l e t e a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o the d o m i n a n t culture, there is still little r e a s o n to use c o n t r a c e p t i o n to p a v e the w a y for e d u c a t i o n a l a n d career a c h i e v e m e n t . F o r f u r t h e r research, we suggest t h a t ind e p t h interviews be c o n d u c t e d with w o m e n in a wide r a n g e o f c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e influence o f d o m i n a n t c u l t u r e o n t r a d i t i o n a l culture is a n i m p o r t a n t aspect in shifting roles; this, t o o , needs to be e x p l o r e d . F i n a l l y , f u r t h e r s t u d y is w a r r a n t e d o f e c o n o m i c factors t h a t p l a y a critical role in the c o r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n use o f b i r t h c o n t r o l a n d p u r s u i t o f educational and career opportunities. In any case, the m e d i a t i n g role o f c u l t u r e m u s t be clearly a c k n o w l e d g e d . Acknowledgements-The authors gratefully acknowl-

edge support from Canadian Government and Rhode Island College research grants, 1986-1900. Taperecorded, in-depth interviews and some single interviews were conducted during stays of 2-6 weeks in each community. Interpreters were used when necessary. A full explication of the research design and methodology appears in Billson (1991). REFERENCES Alberta Family Planning Project. (1970). Alberta family planning project No. 55-35070. Northern Development Branch, Alberta Department of Business Development and Alberta Department of Social Ser-

vices and Community Health. Edmonton: University of Alberta. Biilson, Janet Mancini. (1988). Social change, social problems, and the search for identity among Canada's Native people. The American Review o f Canadian Studies, Autumn, 295-312. Billson, Janet Mancini. (1990). Opportunity or tragedy? The impact of Canadian resettlement policy on Canadian Inuit families. The American Review o f Canadian Studies, 20, 187-218. Billson, Janet Mancini. (1991). The progressive verification method: Toward a feminist methodology for studying women cross-culturally. Women's Studies International Forum, 14, 201-215. Billson, Janet Mancini. (forthcoming). Inuit women: A century o f change. Unpublished manuscript. Billson, Janet Mancini. (in press). The tapestry o f women's lives: Women and power in a changing world.

New York: Lexington Books. Elliott, Jean Leonard. (1983). Two nations, many cultures: Ethnic groups in Canada (2nd ed.). Scarborough: Prentice-Hall. Hess, Beth B. (1990). Beyond dichotomy: Drawing distinctions and embracing differences. Sociological Forum, 5, 82. Hoffnung, Micheile. (1989). Motherhood: Contemporary for women. In Jo Freeman (Ed.), Women: A feminist perspective (pp. 157-175). Mountain View, CA: Mayfield. Hunter College Women's Studies Collective. (1983). Women's realities, women's choices. New York: Oxford University Press. MacBride-King, Judith, & Paris, Helene. (1989). Balancing work and family responsibilities. Canadian Business Review, Fall, 17-36. McLaren, Angus, & McLaren, Arlene Tigar. (1986). The bedroom and the state: The changing practices and politics o f contraception and abortion in Canada, 1880-1980. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.

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