Advertising sounds as cultural discourse

0271~S309/84 $3.00+ .OO Pergamon Press Ltd.

Language& Communication, Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 147-158,1984. Printed in Great Britain.

ADVERTISING

SOUNDS AS CULTURAL

DISCOURSE

BRIAN MOERAN Introduction

The study of advertising has taken a number of different forms, varying from Marxist (e.g. Williams, 1980) to psycholinguistic (e.g. Geiss, 1982) approaches. One line of thought that would seem to be of particular interest to anthropologists, in view of their current concern with semantics (cf. Parkin, 1982), is that which sees advertising as contributing to the ‘cultural debate’, ‘dialogue’, or ‘discourse’ of modern industrialized societies (cf. Moeran, 1984). In his book Ways of Seeing, John Berger (1972, p. 131) argued persuasively that in the advertising of modern industrialized societies every image confirms and enhances every other. Publicity is a language in itself and not simply an assembly of competing messages. He traced a number of parallels between the language of publicity and that of art, and showed how advertisers use art works and techniques to make their messages more effective. Berger’s insight has been confirmed by a recent exhibition organized by the Minneapolis Institute of Arts, whose retrospective of the works of the American artist Grant Wood has included a series of parodies of his famous work, American Gothic. One of the most valuable paintings in the world has thus found itself on show alongside political cartoons, greetings cards, posters, magazine covers and so on. America’s God-fearing rural pioneers, the father and daughter portrayed in American Gothic, have since the 1950s been transformed into salesmen for Ford Mustangs, Rolls Royces and cornflakes, into advocates for those supporting a campaign against pornography, and into spokesmen in the debate over nuclear weapons and environmental concerns. At one time they have been redressed in Ku Klux Klan robes; at another in evening clothes (to advertise the Minnesota Opera). This paper examines another aspect of linked images: how advertising slogans can be regenerated to form a language of their own. Not only do slogans become popular sayings, but popular sayings can themselves become slogans. For example: We aim to please is a catchphrase that started with newspaper ads and brochures in travel agencies and employment bureaux, while Nice one, Cyril!, favoured by football supporters, originated as a Wonderloaf bread slogan. Similarly, It’s aff (or just) part of the service comes from Just part of the Austin Reed service, I suppose? Correspondence relating to this paper should be addressed to Dr. B. Moeran, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, School of Oriental and African Studies, Malet Street, London, WClE 7HP, U.K. 147

148

BRIAN MOERAN

There is, then, a continual two-way process by which the language of advertising infiltrates the language of communication as a whole. In this way, advertising slogans help form the structures of meaning by which modern industrialized societies are organized. This is the whole ‘art’ of advertising: to translate between systems of meaning and to create ‘a vast meta-system where values from different areas of our lives are made interchangeable’ (Williamson, 1978, p. 25). That advertising has been successful in this respect can be seen, for example, in the way that we have come to regard as more or less ‘normal’ the link between cars and cosmetics, as in: and

Race bredfor the fast lane (Rover) Life in the fast lane (Turbo After Shave).

It may well be that we will, in due course, automatically equate the idea of travel food if slogans of the following kind continue to haunt our billboards:

with

Feast on a great American special Roast in the Med this summerfrom X145 Mix with fresh greens this summerfrom f99 (all Thomas

Cook)

Summer is now being served (Greek National

Tourist

Organization).

This paper will deal with ‘cultural consumption’ in general and discuss how advertisers in the United Kingdom generate a form of discourse by creating continuity in advertising slogans. This continuity is attained by playing on an idea or phrase and in some respects is comparable to a form of verbal play known as ‘sounding’, which is practised in American black communities. The argument will be that sounding is not limited to such communities, but is practised by both advertisers and the media in general. Continuity in advertising slogans The primary aim of advertising is to sell the commodity advertised. This is done through a combination of auditory and visual images, of which the slogan is one. Frequently, a company will make its name as a result of a successful slogan which catches the public imagination. Shirley Polykoff’s

Does she. . . or doesn ‘t she? Only her hairdresser knows for sure,’ for example, turned the non-acceptable commodity of hair-colouring and Clairol into a highly respected industry in the mid-1950s (Rees, 1982, p. 57). Similarly, although the slogan

Guinness is goodfor you has been used only once in England since 1941, its effectiveness can be gauged from the fact that most people remember it and cite it as if they had seen it but a few days ago. At the same time, familiarity with this particular slogan has been reinforced recently by a new line which cleverly gets round the Advertising Standards Authority’s restrictions on claims that alcohol can make people healthy:

Guinless isn’t goodfor you. We see here an example of a company using a successful slogan to create a second one. This method of creating continuity between advertiser and product is very common. John

ADVERTISING

SOUNDS AS CULTURAL

DISCOURSE

149

Player, for example, has produced a whole series of slogans based on its black-packaged cigarettes: Tail Black Black Chat Black Stage Black on Broadway Play it Black Black and Fran t Black on the Rails and so on, often placed strategically by roads, theatres or railway stations. Alternatively, they can be topical, as with the Christmas 1983 slogan: Black on the cards. Similarly, American Airlines has created the following series of slogans, based on the network of cities to which the company flies:

and

Dallas without the dilly dally Phoenixphast San Antonio, sans delay Seattle without the hassle How to appear nightly in Las Vegas.

Another, by now famous, series of slogans was Smirnoff’s

and

I thought St. Tropez was a Spanish monk. . . It was the 8.29 every morning. . . Accountancy was my life. . . I was the mainstay of thepublic library. . . I’d set my sights on a day trip to Calais . . . I thought the Kama Sutra was an Indian restaurant . . . until I discovered Smirnoff.

The examples quoted here may be termed as ‘immediate’, in that advertisers concerned put out the slogans one after another over a continuous period of time. Other series, such as the original GuinnessIGuinless distinction, are less immediate and involve a time lag. Rowntree, for example, has recently produced a number of variations on its old advertisement for fruit gums, current between 1958 and 1961: Don’t forget the fruit gums, mum, with Don’t forget Mums remember Dadsshouldn’tforget, either and Grandmas remember, too. Rowntree with its Polo mints takes off from an advertisement for Lifesavers in the United States, back in 1920: The candy mint with the hole, and creates continuity through the fact that polos are The mint with the hole,

BRIAN MOERAN

150

becoming at times almost philosophical with its:

and Advertising

Eat your heart out, ordinary mint Even when the mints have gone, the holes are still there We’re open for your refreshment when other Fnints are closed Runs rings round ordinary mints. sounds

The form of ritual insult found in Black communities in the United States and known as sounding, or referred to by such other terms as woofing in Philadelphia, joining in Washington and signifying in Chicago, has been the subject of study by sociolinguists and anthropologists. Whatever its name locally, sounding usually follows a similar pattern, as in this series of sounds quoted by Labov (1972, p. 311): Your Your Your Your Your

mother mother mother mother mother

got on sneakers! wear high-heeled sneakers in church! wear a jock strap. gotpo~ka-dot drawers! wear the seat of her drawers on the top of her head!

As can be seen here, sounds are partly repetitive and partly creative, frequently substituting certain words while retaining the same syntactic form. What happens is that one member of a group of men sounds on a comment made by another, who then retaliates by transforming the original sound. A third person has to be present for the sounding to take on meaning as verbal sparring, and he may himself participate in the game at an opportune moment (Goffman, quoted in Labov, 1972, pp. 343-44): A: B: A: c:

Your mother eat cock-a-roaches. Your mother eat fried dick-heads. Your mother suck fried dick-heads. His mother eat dick-heads (p. 348).

There is an obvious parallel between this kind of exchange and what happened, example, in the case of the Esso slogan:

for

Put a tiger in your tank which gave rise to a number of derivatives, including:

and

Put a tiger in your tummy (anonymous hamburger stand) Put a tiger in your tankard (Tiger beer) Put a tankard in your tiger (Standard Rochester beer).

Similarly, a 1962 Peanuts book by Charles Schulz, titled Happiness is a Warm Puppy, has been responsible for numerous sounds: Happiness Happiness Happiness Happiness

is egg-shaped (Egg Marketing Board) is a Buick-starting car (Esso) is a cigar called Hamlet can be the color of her hair (Clairol).

Other examples include the Lennon and McCartney song Happiness is a warm gun

ADVERTISING

SOUNDS AS CULTURAL

DISCOURSE

151

and the more recent: Nappiness is baby-shaped (Peau-deuce). There are numerous examples of this sort of linguistic borrowing which frequently takes the form of parody, as in the questionable: and

f’m Margie. Fly me (National Airlines) I’m meaty. Fry me (Wall’s sausages),

or the long running slogan for Turkish Delight chocolate FUN of Eastern Promise (Fry) which suddenly reemerged in early I983 as: Turkey’s Delight (Colman’s Mustard) and Full of East End Promise (John Bull beer), with the latter punning on the fact that the manufacturer Brewery, is located in the east end of London.

of the beer in question, Romford

In fact, beer brewers appear to be among the more fervent participants in slogan adoption and adaptation. Carlsberg, for instance, has recently created a series of slogans which has played on the fact that its lager is made in Denmark and drunk in (among other places) Britain: The Danish can. The British do Born in Denmark. Raised in Britain In Denmark it reigns. In Britain it pours, The last of these slogans is based on an earlier advertisement put out by Guinness in 1977 during the Jubilee celebrations marking the 25th anniversary of the Queen of England’s coronation: We've poured through the Reign.

A long, hot summer like that of 1983 was a brewer’s delight, and thirsty drinkers were continually reminded of the typical English weather they could expect in due course. For example: It’s nice when it’s pouring and cold (Bailey).

Another extensive series of advertising sounds has developed from Heineken’s ~eineken refreshes theparts other beers cannot reach, which has attracted attention because the slogan has been linked with amusing visuals involving the revival of policemen’s toes after long hours on the beat, or of Concorde’s drop snoot which straightens up after being refuelled with Heineken. The obvious success of theoriginal slogan has led to: Renault reaches the parts other cars cannot reach It seems to be refreshing parts that even I cannot reach (William Younger) and an echoing variation in: Thepint that touches thesides (Taunton cider). More cautionary is If you drink too much there’s one part that every beer can reach (Health Education Council)

BRIAN MOERAN

152

but Heineken has returned to the fray and given its original slogan a number of neat twists, such as: Heineken refreshes thepar~hed that other beers cannot reach. The most recent poster has a visual consisting of Long John Silver, with a parrot on his shoulder, drinking Heineken. By the time he has finished his glass of lager, he has been transformed into Captain Hook (of Peter Pan fame), with two peg-legs, two black patches, and a vulture leering down from his shoulder. The triptych is accompanied by one of the following two slogans: or

Heineken refreshes the pirates other beers cannot reach Heineken refreshes the parrots other beers cannot reach.

As Labov points out, sounding in American Black communities tends to pick on a ritualized, rather than real, attribute of a person. The whole notion of sounding, indeed, rests on the fact that it is based on palpable untruths, and this is why it is classified as a form of ritual insult. Similarly, in the context of advertising, it seems that the more unlikely the message of the slogan, the more likely it will become the object of sounding. There is, after all, no evidence at all to show that Heineken can refresh the parts that other beers cannot reach; nor is it literally possible to put a tiger in a car petrol tank. Finally, the consumption of alcohol is not generally thought to induce clear-headedness, in spite of the following slogans:

and

Skolars are men of letters Lateral thinking (both Skol Lager) Kestrel. The thinking man “slager.

At the same time, sounding in advertising differs from that found in Black communities precisely because slogans are not ritual insults. Rivals do not insult each other in order to ‘win’ the game of sounds. They merely try to create a successful slogan which will catch the public’s imagination. When an ‘insult’ does occur, as, for example, in Volvo’s Bodyguards cost less than escorts it is personal (against Ford), rather than ritual, in form and is unlikely to occur as part of the general practice of sounding. Abrahams has distinguished (1974, p. 246) between three types of street talk: information, manipulation and play. Between the first and the last can be found a general shift from content to form. With sounding per se, it is not the message itself that is important so much as the artful form of the utterance. It seems that advertising slogans follow a similar pattern: informative: Triple crown victor in Paris-Daker rally (Mitsubishi Pajero) manipulative: Shapes you us Nature intended (Naturama bra) play: Cool, calm and collect it (Guinness). It is when a slogan is manipulative and involves play that it is likely to become the object of sounding by other advertisers. Precisely because of the play involved in sounding, we find that among young Black Americans laughter is the main sign of approval. A man’s reputation is made by his ability to sound and sound successfully, putting his rivals down. His talent is immediately recognized and appraised by other members of his group. Similarly, advertising SlOganS are quickly evaluated by members of the public whom they address and successful Ones

153

A~~~INO~~UND~A~CULT~RALDI~COURSE

are talked about. The difference here is that advertisers are not immediately aware of the effect of their slogans, since they stand outside the group of people whom they address. In sounding proper, there are certain rules of discourse which make shared knowledge vital and which effectively prevent people from sounding across groups. In advertising, the main boundaries are drawn between nations, although it is possible for a slogan to be borrowed into a different culture, provided that the peoples concerned share the same language. 2 A number of slogans used in the United Kingdom have come from the United States, and vice versa. It is also possible, though less likely, for a slogan to be translated word for word, as in: Pack den Tiger in den tank (Esso). The translatability of slogans clearly depends on cultural factors. instance, that Guinness’s

It is unlikely, for

We've poured through the Reign

would have much effect on a Californian who spends most of the year basking in sunshine and who has little cause to pay heed to royalty. For less obvious reasons, slogans which catch the attention in England are revised, often radically, when translated into other languages, such as Japanese. For example: You can’t beat the experience (Pan Am) becomes keiken no kaori (the flavour of experience) The most intriguing watch of the eighties (Omega) and ends up as 46 oku nenme no chitan (The 460 millionth year Titane) even though accompanied by the same visuals in each country. 3 Although advertisers cannot interact with groups of people in the way that we find Black Americans do when sounding, it is clear that they do encourage the formation of in-group cliques of consumers attracted to certain products. Williams (1976, pp. 102-3) has commented on the way in which advertisers seek to establish ‘types’ through such forms of social classification as: The Martini set Top people take The Times The Pepsi generation Join the Professionals (British Army Recruitment). What is of interest in this context is that when sounding on slogans occurs, it frequently does so among companies advertising similar products. This is not always the case (as the variations on the Happiness is. . . theme reveal), but the extended series of sounds on the Heineken slogan cited above is participated in exclusively by brewers of alcoholic drinks. Redfern (1982, p. 275) has already commented on the way in which advertising puns incite to complicity and ‘clubability’. To the extent that consumer ingroupism is encouraged by sounding in advertising, it plays a similar role to that played by sounding in American Black communities. The major social classification reflected in advertising is that between men and women, and sexism in slogans (and visuals) understandably arouses the ire of women (feminists or not): Isn’t it time you flirted with your wife? Other men do Forget that she’s your wife, remember she’s a woman (both De Beers).

154

BRIAN MOERAN

Less heavy-handed

allusions

to sex include:

Man and high performance machine in perfect harmony (Ford) It looks even better on a man (Tootal). Often sounding in Black communities involves insults of a sexual nature, particularly against the opponent’s mother, and this has been seen as a consequence of the matrifocal family in which boys are brought up (Hannerz, 1969, p. 134). While it would be absurd to draw a parallel conclusion about sounding in advertising, there are two points which deserve further consideration. First, why are slogans seen to be sexist? Second, why is it that, when advertising sounding does occur, it seems to be confined to those commodities specifically connected in people’s minds with ‘masculinity’ and ‘sexuality’-alcohol, cars, fashion, jewellery and cosmetics ? These questions suggest a further analogy between sounding in American Black communities and in advertising. In both instances, the verbal play is basically addressed to men. The media mosaic and ‘cultural knowledge’ There is another way in which advertisers

can be said to ‘sound’.

Fast. But notfurious (Mazda) Just what the dentist ordered (Mentadent) AN the fun of the share (Quality Street) Tall, dark and have some (Guinness) Go on, pull the other one (Pepsi) Cyclists should be seen and not hurt (Greater London

For example:

Council).

These are slogans based on conversational cliches and adages. Frequently, this form of sounding on ‘cultural knowledge’ alludes to various aspects of the media. Not only are popular sayings reinforced by their occurrence (albeit as puns) in advertising slogans, but advertisers make use of popular books, films, television programmes, music, theatre and so on to reinforce a cultural knowledge that is focused on consumerism. The media thus provide a pool of information on which advertisers can draw in order to continue their cultural discourse. Since advertising is ‘a highly organized and professional system of magical inducements and satisfactions’ (Williams, 1980, p. 185), it is hardly surprising to find it alluding to the magical world of children’s fairy tales: It turns a frog into a prince (Benedictine)4 The Wizard of Oz (Foster’s Beer). And since the modern fairy tale is to be found alluding to Hollywood and films:

in the cinema,

we find

other

How to get to Hollywood via a brief appearance in Dallas (American Butch, ring Sundance (British Telecom) The French connection (Pirelli). A number

of these films derive from literature:

How the West will be won (Mazda) A diamond is forever (De Beers) and from the theatre:

A can for all seasons (Lyle’s Golden Syrup),

slogans Airlines)

ADVERTISING

while a book may be turned slogan like:

SOUNDS AS CULTURAL

into a television

155

DISCOURSE

programme

and then become the subject

of a

Lateral thinking (Skol). Music, in one form or another, and personalities connected music are frequently alluded to in advertising. For example:

and

with the world of popular

Porky and Best (Wall’s sausages) Fairy tales can come true (Martini) This is the age of the train (British Rail) C ‘man Colman ‘s, light my fire Goodness gracious, great ball of cheese! (Edam) News, not rock, around the clock (L.B.C.) Goodbye Piccadilly, farewell Leicester Square? (G.L.C.) The way down yonder to New Orleans Got a brand new way to Denver, John (both American Airlines).

Other examples of verbal cross-reference between different areas of modern culture include the following: Heinz’s 57 varieties has given rise to the cry ‘All the beans’ when the number 57 comes up in Bingo;

Wall to wall, or ear to ear (Hitachi) harks back (in more than one sense) to wartime ‘Walls have ears’; while

security

and the cautionary

warning

that

Sportsfans of the world, unite! (N.E.C.) is a take-off

of the Communist Manifesto, and

Power to thepeople (Ever Ready) alludes to John Lennon’s song of the same title (1971), as well as to the slogan Black Panther movement (1969).

of the

Advertising has come to form a vast mosaic (McLuhan, 1964, p. 202) with the media. Slogans are alluded to by television comedians and their script-writers.

Flick your Bit for example, was a popular slogan in the United crisis, Bob Hope came up with the following joke: Things are getting so bad that the Statue of Liberty flicks her Bit (Rees, 1982, p. 144).

States

doesn’t

from

light up anymore.

Morecambe and Wise joined in the sounding on the Heineken in the following dialogue between two ‘Roman’ soldiers: Wise: Mead? What’s that? Morecambe: A drink they drink in Britain.

1975. During

It reaches the portions

and after the Army

She just stands

slogan mentioned

other potions

This was followed by the Radio Times’ write-up of a documentary comedian, Kenneth Williams (on 2nd September 1983): But even drawing maps was not enough careers cannot reach.

the energy

cannot

there and

above,

reach.

on another

English

only the stage could bring the parts other

This interplay between advertising and the media is perhaps nowhere more prevalent than in the way journalism headlines its news reports and articles. Williams (1976, p. 101) has already noted how the ‘total communication’ effect of advertising (achieved through photography, typesizes, slogans, visual and verbal effects) has been carried over into a

156

BRIAN MOERAN

large number of newspapers and magazines. ‘A style of communication,’ he adds, ‘developed for the selling of products, has to a considerable extent taken over the presentation of news and opinion.’ Examples of what Williams was referring to continue to appear. The following newspaper headlines were selected at random over the past few months: Pound knocked centfess (on the recent fall of the pound against the dollar); Oil is thicker than water (headlining an article on the bombing of Iranian oil wells in the Persian Gulf); Good as Gold (referring to an athlete who overcomes injury to be in line for a gold medal at the 1983 World Athletics Championships in Helsinki); Emperors with no clothes (on OPEC ministers’ failure to agree on oil prices); AN Disquiet on the Southern Front (discussing the problems of Central America); and The Queen makes a Royal Splash (describing the royal tour of the west coast of America during very heavy rainstorms). In the media mosaic everyone is sounding off everyone else. Not only is McLuhan’s dictum that the medium is the message true, but often the message is the media.

Conclusion

How seriously is the metaphor in the phrase ca~t~ra~d~co~rse to be taken? It is certainly the case that we can participate actively in the verbal play of advertisements and create our own sounds. The following series, for example, owes less to the ingenuity of the advertisers than to the fact that I happened to see each slogan while going up or down the escalators of London’s underground stations:

and

The way down yonder to New Orleans (American Airlines) When Prohibition hit Southern Comfort, New Orleans discovered the Blues It hasn ‘t gone underground si~ceprohib~tio~ (Jim Bean) Ideas above your station (Tatler).

Alternatively, on them:

we may try to answer advertisements

back by writing our own graffiti

To Volvo a son. 4,397pounds Better luck next time The Pils to be taken seriously (Lowenbrau) Kill men New. Mild. And Marlboro New. Vile. And a bore together with the well-known If it were a lady, it would get its bottom pinched (Fiat 127 Palio) If this lady was a car, she’d run you down (all from Posener, 1982).

ADVERTISING

SOUNDS AS CULTURAL

DISCOURSE

157

All the same, advertising has an unpleasant habit of working ‘in a circular movement which once set in motion is self-perpetuating’ (Willi~son, 1978, p. 14). The Guinless slogan is a good example of the way advertisers adapt to criticism in this manner. So, however much creativity there is in graffiti abuse, it does not act to change the status quo all the time (Parkin, 1980, p. 62). Advertisers always end up dictating the course along which they wish the ‘discourse’ to proceed. Even if we do accept the notion of discourse here, there is certainly no question of its being a cultural ‘dialogue’, for it is a discourse without any built-in turn-taking system. In this respect, advertising language is more of a ‘rhetoric’ (Redfern, 1982, p. 272) which, like political oratory (cf. Bloch, 1975), serves to stifle debate. Advertising agencies clearly do not design their slogans in anticipation of what the public might say in reply. Consequently, the individual is reduced to adopting the only communicative role which such a situation leaves open: that of the cultural heckler. Acknowledgements-I

would like to thank my colleague, Richard Burghart, for a number of insights reilected in this paper, and Professor Roy Harris for his critical reading and comments on an earlier draft.

NOTES 1 I am indebted to Rees (1982) for a number of such anecdotes and for the background history of some slogans cited in this paper. 2 Slogans sometimes appear in a foreign language. In England, a form of pidgin French is common, as in: Parley-vouspetroleum (Phillips Petroleum) C’est bargain (Sally Ferries) Le crunchtime (French Golden Delicious), and more acceptable French as in: Regardez la gualifd Compare2 iesprix(CristaJ

d’Arques). More remarkable is the slogan kotoski mottomo chiimoku sarete iru s~i~gat~ha 626 (Mazda) which appeared in a combination of kanji characters and hiragana syllabary, but was accompanied bracketed free translation:

by a

(The All New 626. Japan’s Car of the Year).

That Mazda was prepared to put out a slogan which could not be read by almost the entire population of the United Kingdom may have had something to do with the present fad amongst young people for wearing T shirts and blouses with Chinese characters printed on them. Many of the latter are amusing to those who can read kanji, but do not rival those worn by teenage girls in Japan and imprinted across the chest in very large capital letters with the word MILK. 3 Further discussion of English and Japanese advertising is contained in a forthcoming paper by the writer: ‘When the poetics of advertising becomes the advertising of poetics’. 4 The following extract purports to have been written by MS Tracie Lamb to her mother and describes Prince Andrew: He told us his greatest fantasy was to go to a party dressed as a frog, kiss the prettiest girl and tell her he was a prince (Time. April 18th, 1983). A recent TV commercial for Carlsberg has two frogs discussing a prince’s budding romance with a girl.

REFERENCES ABRAHAMS, R. 1974 Black talking on the streets. In Bauman, R. and Sherzer, R. (Eds), Explorations in rhe OfSpeaking, pp. 240-262. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. BERGER, J. 1972 Ways of Seeing. Pelican, Harmondsworth.

Etbnography

BLOCH, M. (Ed.) 1975 PoliticalLanguage and Oratory in Traditional Society. Academic Press, New York. GEISS, M. 1982 The Language of T&vision Advertising. Academic Press, New York.

BRIAN MOERAN

158 HANNERZ,

U. 1969 Soulside.

Columbia

University

Press, New York.

LABOV, W. 1972 Rules for ritual insults. In Language in the Inner City, pp. 297-353. University Press/Basil Blackwell, Oxford. McLUHAN, MOERAN, coming).

M. 1964

UnderstandingMedia. McGraw Hill, New York.

B. D. A. 1984 Individual,

PARKIN,

D. 1980 The creativity

PARKIN,

D. (Ed.) 1982

group

and sebhin:

Japan’s

internal

cultural

debate.

Man (NS) 19 (forth-

of abuse. Man (NS) 15,45-64.

SemanticAnthropology. Academic

POSENER,

J. 1982 Spray it Loud.

REDFERN,

W. D. 1982 Guano

Routledge

Press, New York.

and Kegan Paul, London.

of the mind: puns in advertising.

REES, N. 1982 Slogans. Allen and Unwin, WILLIAMS,

R. 1976 Communications.

WILLIAMS,

R. 1980 Advertising:

WILLIAMSON,

of Pennsylvania

Language

& Communication

269-276.

London.

Penguin,

Harmondsworth.

the magic system.

J. 1978 Decoding Advertisements.

In Problems Marion

in Materialism

Boyars,

London.

and Culture.

Verso, London.