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An Introduction to Phonology
Journal of Phonetics (1992) 20, 276-278
An Introduction to Phonology By Francis Katamba
London and New York: Longman Linguistics Library, 1989
David Odden Department of Linguistics, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210, U.S.A.
Katamba's An Introduction to Phonology provides a useful survey of phonological theory and methods , one which would be especially good for an introductory undergraduate course, or as a component in a general survey course. Through this book, the student receives a good introduction to a range of issues and techniques in phonology, from Trubetzkoy to contemporary work on nonlinear theories of phonology, though since it does not provide in-depth investigation of theoretical issues, it might not be appropriate in a technical graduate introduction to phonology. The presentation of arguments is for the most part quite clear. Each chapter ends with a set of exercises, and suggested solutions are provided at the end of the book. A further pedagogically useful feature of the book is that at appropriate intervals, data problems or theoretical questions are posed for the student to ponder, followed by discussion. There is also a fairly substantial emphasis on (classical articulatory) phonetics, and many appeals are made to phonetic explanations for phonological operations, though there are no "raw" phonetic data such as spectrograms, waveforms, or tables of formant values which support the phonetic claims being made. Unfortunately, the book is marred with numerous errors, typographical and otherwise, which could generate confusion on the part of the student. In discussing assimilation of place of articulation in preconsonantal nasals (p. 90) the Malay forms [p~l]gosok] and [p~IJgali] are given as [p~]lgosok] and [p~]lgali]. A small data set from Kikuyu designed to illustrate vowel nasalization is given on p. 93, and it is stated that vowels are nasalized in the neighborhood of nasal consonants; this is illustrated with forms like moiinake, ny5ni and kehembe. The Kikuyu data are said to come from Leakey (1959), but a perusal of that source fails to reveal any mention of vowel nasalization, nor is vowel nasalization mentioned in the phonetic study of Armstrong (1967). Since the penultimate vowel a in moiinake and the final vowel in ny5ni are not marked as nasalized, it would seem that this process must only spread nasality to the left: but the form [l]g6lo] "heart" remains a mystery, in that an oral consonant intervenes between the supposed trigger of nasalization and the vowel. Chapters 1-3 give the traditional background in classical articulatory phonetics, transcription, phonemic analysis, and distinctive feature theory. The most notable lacuna in the presentation of the SPE feature system is the lack of discussion of
Reviews
277
vocalic secondary articulation on consonants. Useful charts which decompose various phonetic symbols into their distinctive features are given on pp. 54-55, but no notice is made of the rather important fact that the feature values of the vowels transcribed [i] and [r], or [a] and [y], are identical. Chapter 4 touches on the matter of what the difference between phonetics and phonology might be. It is interesting that this chapter is immediately followed by a discussion of "phonological processes" in Chapter 5. Among the examples from English we find as exemplars of assimilation the palatalization of velars before front vowels ([ki]) , rounding of consonants before round vowels ([pwul]) , devoicing of [r] after voiceless stops ([prei]) , nasalization of vowels before nasal consonants ([pren]) , and fast-speech assimilation of alveolar stops to the place of the following consonant ([bred mrenJ~ [brebo mren]). It is not entirely obvious that these are phonological processes at all , rather than belonging to the phonetic component. This overview of phonological processes is conducted without formalizing these supposed rulesmuch of the argument for distinctive features is based on the fact that it provides a characterization of natural and possible phonological processes. Instead, the discussion of these processes is couched in less theoretical articulatory-ease terms. The question of phonological naturalness is covered in Chapter 6. An explanation is suggested for why inventories tend to be symmetrical : such systems have the merit of reducing the burden on memory during language acquisition: a small number of features is learned and is reused many times . This is preferable to having phonemes which have little in common with each other and which entail mastering numerous distinctive features . (p . 100)
This explanation is a bit peculiar, since the set of distinctive features is fixed and by hypothesis universal: the language learner does not have to "learn" the featuresthey are in the generative view automatically part of the child's competence. Chapter 7 introduces generative rule formalism and rule ordering. The coverage of abbreviatory conventions and questions about the formal properties of grammars is rather superficial , but at least provides sufficient background that students can write their own rules. The question of phonological abstractness is taken up in Chapter 8. Katamba makes the important point, one missing from the literature on abstractness , that "concreteness" is a fiction-that all supposed "raw data" are an abstraction seen through some instrument. But this argument against the "concrete phonology" position is then followed by a rather weak argument that equating underlying and surface forms does not allow one to state feature redundancies. While it is possible to explain redundancies with derivations and mappings from redundancy-free underlying representations to phonetic forms , this is not a logical requirement, and many monostratal theories of language structure have found ways to state redundancies as well-formedness conditions. In discussing the degree of abstractness to be allowed in underlying phonological representations, French h-aspiree is presented as a possible case of absolute neutralization. In the final analysis, the abstract analysis of French is rejected, along with an abstract analysis of Luganda, and it is concluded that absolutely neutralized segments should not be allowed. While a phonetically conservative position is !audible, the French and Luganda examples do not constitute particularly strong cases for abstractness . Some
278
Reviews
discussion of the classic examples such as Yawelmani or Maltese would have been in order. Chapter 9 introduces the syllable and related prosodic properties, and leads into various concepts of multilinear phonology. In discussing syllable weight (p. 179) a distinction is drawn between languages where VV and VC syllables count as heavy , versus those where VV but not VC syllables do . The example used to illustrate the latter pattern is stress assignment in Huasteco: however, the only cases given for VC syllables (which do not count as heavy) are single word-final consonants. Since a single word-final consonant might be extraprosodic, these do not unambiguously illustrate light VC syllables. Chapter 10 presents nonlinear segmental phonology, starting with the representation of tone . This section has quite a number of serious presentation problems. Many are typographical errors-tone marks are often left off, or are incorrect. In illustrating the OCP-induced deletion of the second part of a contour tone on p. 193, it is said that "a rising tone (LH) is simplified to H before a high tone and a falling tone (HL) is simplified to low before a low tone". Actually, if this is OCP-induced simplification, rise simplifies to L and fall to H. In presenting an argument for floating tones based on the tonology of associative constructions in Etsako, the data are given correctly in display [10.24], so underlying /am£ e8a/ becomes [ame8a], but in the derivation which follows in [10.25], the incorrect surface form [ame8a] is derived. In fact, accounting for the correct surface form is more difficult, though not impossible. The usual analysis of this alternation is that the final sequence of L tones of the first noun is raised to H by one rule (giving /am£ e8a/), and vowel fusion accounts for the surface form. Though this example does illustrate tone preservation, it does not make a particularly good case for floating tones. The metrical treatment of stress is covered in Chapter 11, which also takes a look at sentential intonation. The final chapter is a survey of "phonology in the wider context", which is to say the interaction between phonology, syntax, and morphology, as expressed through the theories of Lexical Phonology and Prosodic Phonology. The division of the grammar into strata is motivated solely with examples from English. The phonology of Level 1 is illustrated with numerous marginal alternations, such as long~ length, blood~ bleed. Given the nonproductivity of these alternations (not to mention phonetic arbitrariness in some cases), more attention could have been paid to evaluating the alternative of treating these wonl pairs as synchronically unrelated. The notions of level ordering and cyclicity could be much better illustrated outside of English, and although it is always nice to show students that some theoretical point can be motivated by considering processes which are familiar to the student, English phonology is not really the best exemplification of Lexical Phonology. In summary, despite a number of minor problems in presentation, all of which could be repaired in future editions, Introduction to Phonology is recommended as a good, not too technical, general introduction to phonology. References Armstrong, L. E. (1967) The phonetic and tonal structure of Kikuyu. London: International African Institute. Leakey, L. S. B. (1959) First lessons in Kikuyu. Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau.
An Introduction to Phonology By Francis Katamba
London and New York: Longman Linguistics Library, 1989
David Odden Department of Linguistics, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210, U.S.A.
Katamba's An Introduction to Phonology provides a useful survey of phonological theory and methods , one which would be especially good for an introductory undergraduate course, or as a component in a general survey course. Through this book, the student receives a good introduction to a range of issues and techniques in phonology, from Trubetzkoy to contemporary work on nonlinear theories of phonology, though since it does not provide in-depth investigation of theoretical issues, it might not be appropriate in a technical graduate introduction to phonology. The presentation of arguments is for the most part quite clear. Each chapter ends with a set of exercises, and suggested solutions are provided at the end of the book. A further pedagogically useful feature of the book is that at appropriate intervals, data problems or theoretical questions are posed for the student to ponder, followed by discussion. There is also a fairly substantial emphasis on (classical articulatory) phonetics, and many appeals are made to phonetic explanations for phonological operations, though there are no "raw" phonetic data such as spectrograms, waveforms, or tables of formant values which support the phonetic claims being made. Unfortunately, the book is marred with numerous errors, typographical and otherwise, which could generate confusion on the part of the student. In discussing assimilation of place of articulation in preconsonantal nasals (p. 90) the Malay forms [p~l]gosok] and [p~IJgali] are given as [p~]lgosok] and [p~]lgali]. A small data set from Kikuyu designed to illustrate vowel nasalization is given on p. 93, and it is stated that vowels are nasalized in the neighborhood of nasal consonants; this is illustrated with forms like moiinake, ny5ni and kehembe. The Kikuyu data are said to come from Leakey (1959), but a perusal of that source fails to reveal any mention of vowel nasalization, nor is vowel nasalization mentioned in the phonetic study of Armstrong (1967). Since the penultimate vowel a in moiinake and the final vowel in ny5ni are not marked as nasalized, it would seem that this process must only spread nasality to the left: but the form [l]g6lo] "heart" remains a mystery, in that an oral consonant intervenes between the supposed trigger of nasalization and the vowel. Chapters 1-3 give the traditional background in classical articulatory phonetics, transcription, phonemic analysis, and distinctive feature theory. The most notable lacuna in the presentation of the SPE feature system is the lack of discussion of
Reviews
277
vocalic secondary articulation on consonants. Useful charts which decompose various phonetic symbols into their distinctive features are given on pp. 54-55, but no notice is made of the rather important fact that the feature values of the vowels transcribed [i] and [r], or [a] and [y], are identical. Chapter 4 touches on the matter of what the difference between phonetics and phonology might be. It is interesting that this chapter is immediately followed by a discussion of "phonological processes" in Chapter 5. Among the examples from English we find as exemplars of assimilation the palatalization of velars before front vowels ([ki]) , rounding of consonants before round vowels ([pwul]) , devoicing of [r] after voiceless stops ([prei]) , nasalization of vowels before nasal consonants ([pren]) , and fast-speech assimilation of alveolar stops to the place of the following consonant ([bred mrenJ~ [brebo mren]). It is not entirely obvious that these are phonological processes at all , rather than belonging to the phonetic component. This overview of phonological processes is conducted without formalizing these supposed rulesmuch of the argument for distinctive features is based on the fact that it provides a characterization of natural and possible phonological processes. Instead, the discussion of these processes is couched in less theoretical articulatory-ease terms. The question of phonological naturalness is covered in Chapter 6. An explanation is suggested for why inventories tend to be symmetrical : such systems have the merit of reducing the burden on memory during language acquisition: a small number of features is learned and is reused many times . This is preferable to having phonemes which have little in common with each other and which entail mastering numerous distinctive features . (p . 100)
This explanation is a bit peculiar, since the set of distinctive features is fixed and by hypothesis universal: the language learner does not have to "learn" the featuresthey are in the generative view automatically part of the child's competence. Chapter 7 introduces generative rule formalism and rule ordering. The coverage of abbreviatory conventions and questions about the formal properties of grammars is rather superficial , but at least provides sufficient background that students can write their own rules. The question of phonological abstractness is taken up in Chapter 8. Katamba makes the important point, one missing from the literature on abstractness , that "concreteness" is a fiction-that all supposed "raw data" are an abstraction seen through some instrument. But this argument against the "concrete phonology" position is then followed by a rather weak argument that equating underlying and surface forms does not allow one to state feature redundancies. While it is possible to explain redundancies with derivations and mappings from redundancy-free underlying representations to phonetic forms , this is not a logical requirement, and many monostratal theories of language structure have found ways to state redundancies as well-formedness conditions. In discussing the degree of abstractness to be allowed in underlying phonological representations, French h-aspiree is presented as a possible case of absolute neutralization. In the final analysis, the abstract analysis of French is rejected, along with an abstract analysis of Luganda, and it is concluded that absolutely neutralized segments should not be allowed. While a phonetically conservative position is !audible, the French and Luganda examples do not constitute particularly strong cases for abstractness . Some
278
Reviews
discussion of the classic examples such as Yawelmani or Maltese would have been in order. Chapter 9 introduces the syllable and related prosodic properties, and leads into various concepts of multilinear phonology. In discussing syllable weight (p. 179) a distinction is drawn between languages where VV and VC syllables count as heavy , versus those where VV but not VC syllables do . The example used to illustrate the latter pattern is stress assignment in Huasteco: however, the only cases given for VC syllables (which do not count as heavy) are single word-final consonants. Since a single word-final consonant might be extraprosodic, these do not unambiguously illustrate light VC syllables. Chapter 10 presents nonlinear segmental phonology, starting with the representation of tone . This section has quite a number of serious presentation problems. Many are typographical errors-tone marks are often left off, or are incorrect. In illustrating the OCP-induced deletion of the second part of a contour tone on p. 193, it is said that "a rising tone (LH) is simplified to H before a high tone and a falling tone (HL) is simplified to low before a low tone". Actually, if this is OCP-induced simplification, rise simplifies to L and fall to H. In presenting an argument for floating tones based on the tonology of associative constructions in Etsako, the data are given correctly in display [10.24], so underlying /am£ e8a/ becomes [ame8a], but in the derivation which follows in [10.25], the incorrect surface form [ame8a] is derived. In fact, accounting for the correct surface form is more difficult, though not impossible. The usual analysis of this alternation is that the final sequence of L tones of the first noun is raised to H by one rule (giving /am£ e8a/), and vowel fusion accounts for the surface form. Though this example does illustrate tone preservation, it does not make a particularly good case for floating tones. The metrical treatment of stress is covered in Chapter 11, which also takes a look at sentential intonation. The final chapter is a survey of "phonology in the wider context", which is to say the interaction between phonology, syntax, and morphology, as expressed through the theories of Lexical Phonology and Prosodic Phonology. The division of the grammar into strata is motivated solely with examples from English. The phonology of Level 1 is illustrated with numerous marginal alternations, such as long~ length, blood~ bleed. Given the nonproductivity of these alternations (not to mention phonetic arbitrariness in some cases), more attention could have been paid to evaluating the alternative of treating these wonl pairs as synchronically unrelated. The notions of level ordering and cyclicity could be much better illustrated outside of English, and although it is always nice to show students that some theoretical point can be motivated by considering processes which are familiar to the student, English phonology is not really the best exemplification of Lexical Phonology. In summary, despite a number of minor problems in presentation, all of which could be repaired in future editions, Introduction to Phonology is recommended as a good, not too technical, general introduction to phonology. References Armstrong, L. E. (1967) The phonetic and tonal structure of Kikuyu. London: International African Institute. Leakey, L. S. B. (1959) First lessons in Kikuyu. Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau.