An Invitation to Lifespan Thinking

Chapter 1

An Invitation to Lifespan Thinking Hannes Zacher1, Cort W. Rudolph2 and Boris B. Baltes3 1

Institute of Psychology, Leipzig University, Leipzig, Germany, 2Department of Psychology, Saint Louis University, St. Louis, MO, United States, 3Department of Psychology, Wayne State University, Detroit, MI, United States

Over the past two decades, scholars who investigate the role of chronological age for work, careers, and organizations have increasingly adopted a lifespan developmental perspective (Hertel & Zacher, 2018; Rudolph, 2016). One possible reason for this trend is the publication of two articles at the beginning of the 21st century that introduced the lifespan perspective to organizational researchers. In 2001, Baltes and Dickson (2001) discussed how lifespan thinking and models could be fruitfully applied to gain a better understanding of various phenomena in industrial, work, and organizational psychology, including work-family conflict, leadership, and organizational performance. A few years later, Kanfer and Ackerman (2004) outlined how lifespan thinking and research on age-related changes could be integrated with theorizing on associations among individual abilities, motivation, and performance. The lifespan developmental perspective is not a monolithic theory, but a metatheory or broader way of thinking about human development (ontogenesis). It has influenced the development of several more specific or mid-range theories. As a metatheory, the lifespan developmental perspective provides a comprehensive framework and parameters for comparing and integrating not only these mid-range theories, but also associated constructs, research questions, and predictions (see Abrams & Hogg, 2004; Lewis & Grimes, 1999). It also offers guidance regarding potential future research directions and practical applications. The overarching goals of this book are to take stock of the growing body of literature that uses the lifespan developmental perspective and associated theories to study work, careers, and organizations, and to provide an integrative base for future research and practice in this area. Until now, no single

Work Across the Lifespan. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-812756-8.00001-3 © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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comprehensive source or handbook has been available that coalesces theories and empirical findings on age, work, careers, and organizations based on the lifespan developmental perspective. In this book, we bring together the collective knowledge and ideas of researchers specializing in this area. The book is written for students, researchers, and practitioners interested in work, careers, and organizations (including those working in the fields of industrial-organizational psychology, organizational behavior, management, human resources, and occupational health), as well as aging and lifespan development (including those working in the fields of developmental psychology, sociology, and gerontology). In this first chapter, our primary aims are to introduce readers to the lifespan developmental perspective, which constitutes the guiding theoretical framework of subsequent chapters in this book, and to explain the structure and content of this book, more generally. To this end, we first trace the history of the lifespan developmental perspective from its roots in the late 18th century over its formalization and broader reception in the second half of the 20th century to contemporary discourse. Next, we outline the core tenets of the lifespan developmental perspective. We conclude this introductory chapter by giving an overview of the three main sections (lifespan perspectives, lifespan perspectives on working and careers, and applications of lifespan perspectives) and the following chapters of the book.

HISTORY OF THE LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE The roots of the lifespan developmental perspective can be traced back to the late 18th century in Germany (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006). At this time, the philosopher, mathematician, and physicist Johann Nicolaus Tetens (1777) published a two-volume book called Philosophische Versuche u¨ber die menschliche Natur und ihre Entwicklung (philosophical investigations on human nature and its development). Influenced by the Enlightenment movement and empiricism, Tetens’ work discussed individual development across the entire lifespan from birth to old age. Chapters in the book covered the development and optimization of human psyche and functioning, developmental gains and losses, interindividual differences in development, plasticity (modifiability) of development and its limits, influences of the sociocultural and historical context on individual development, and links between human evolution (phylogenesis) and individual development (ontogenesis). Therefore, Tetens is often considered to be not only the founder of developmental psychology, but also of the lifespan developmental perspective (Baltes et al., 2006). A few decades after Tetens published his book, the Belgian social statistician Adolphe Quetelet (1835) published a two-volume book entitled Sur l’homme et le de´veloppement de ses faculte´s, ou essai de physique sociale (a treatise on man and the development of his faculties). Quetelet also adopted a lifespan perspectives on the development of

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individual abilities and functioning, and his discussion about links between individual development and historical changes contributed to the advancement of methods used by later developmental and lifespan researchers (Baltes et al., 2006). While lifespan thinking has a long tradition in Europe, it was adopted much later—beginning in the early 20th century—by developmental researchers in North America, whose focus until then was primarily on the development in (early) childhood (Baltes et al., 2006; Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt, 1980). In the United States, the rise and broader reception of lifespan thinking in the second half of the 20th century was closely related to the establishment of the field of adult development and aging, or gerontology, which focuses primarily on people’s experiences and behavior in old age (see Birren, 1958; Havighurst & Albrecht, 1953). Furthermore, the aging of the population, methodological advancements, and the advent of life course sociology (Elder, 1975), which emphasizes the role of institutions and agency in shaping individual development, contributed to the development of the lifespan developmental perspective (Baltes, 1987; Baltes et al., 1980). Several influential publications by Paul B. Baltes and colleagues advanced the formalization and led to a broader reception of the lifespan developmental perspective at the end of the 20th century. Moreover, these publications impacted the development of a number of more specific lifespan developmental theories that importantly shape modern discourse on human development both within and outside of the work context. First, in an article in Annual Review of Psychology, Baltes et al. (1980) laid out the conceptual orientation of lifespan developmental psychology (e.g., development as a lifelong process, pluralistic conceptions of development, normative and nonnormative influences on development), illustrated it with examples from specific areas of application (i.e., memory, intelligence), and described intersections with other fields (e.g., early childhood developmental psychology, gerontology, clinical and community psychology, personality psychology, occupational psychology, sociology, economics, biology). According to Baltes et al. (1980), “Lifespan developmental psychology is concerned with the description, explanation, and modification (optimization) of developmental processes in the human life course from conception to death” (p. 66). A few years later, Baltes (1987) published a seminal article in Developmental Psychology in which he presented a set of theoretical propositions of lifespan developmental psychology that, together, form a metatheoretical perspectives on the nature of development. Moreover, he discussed several methodological and conceptual implications of this metatheoretical perspective. A decade later, in another Annual Review of Psychology article, Baltes, Staudinger, and Lindenberger (1999) reviewed and advanced theory on lifespan developmental psychology. Specifically, they developed several propositions on the age-related allocation of resources into different developmental functions (i.e., growth, maintenance, and

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regulation of loss; see also Ebner, Freund, & Baltes, 2006), as well as the interplay of three action regulation strategies (i.e., selection, optimization, and compensation; see also Baltes & Baltes, 1990). They also reviewed empirical evidence on the development of cognitive functioning across the lifespan. Finally, in a chapter in the Handbook of Child Development, Baltes et al. (2006) updated their theorizing on lifespan developmental psychology. In particular, they described five conceptual levels of analysis regarding lifespan development, which are explained in further detail in the following section.

CORE TENETS OF THE LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE

Psychological characteristic

The lifespan developmental perspectives adopts a lifelong view on individual development, ranging from conception until death (Baltes, 1987). This implies that ontogenesis does not stop at some point in child- or adulthood but continues across one’s life, including old age. The main goals of the lifespan developmental perspective are to describe the structure and sequence of individual development, to link earlier and later life events and processes, and to map individual (biological, psychological) and contextual (social, cultural, historical) influences on development (Baltes et al., 1999; Baltes et al., 2006). Lifespan researchers are interested in general (or normative) patterns of development (i.e., regularities observed for most if not all people), interindividual differences in development, as well as intraindividual plasticity and the range and boundaries of individuals’ possible development. Fig. 1.1 illustrates the three concepts of general developmental pattern across the lifespan,

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Interindividual differences in development Range of intraindividual plasticity

Human lifespan

FIGURE 1.1 Illustration of general developmental pattern, interindividual differences in development, and intraindividual plasticity. For reasons of simplicity, the figure shows linear trends in a psychological characteristic, but development can also entail nonlinear trends and developmental emergence of psychological characteristics.

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interindividual differences in development, and range of intraindividual plasticity. More practically speaking, lifespan researchers aim to enable people to age successfully with regard to the maximization of developmental gains, that is, favorable subjective evaluations (e.g., life satisfaction) and achievement of positive objective outcomes (e.g., effective functioning)—and with regard to minimizing developmental losses, or undesirable outcomes and ineffective functioning (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Carstensen, 1996). Baltes et al. (2006) outlined five hierarchical levels of analysis to theorize on the lifespan developmental perspective (see Fig. 1.2). These levels range from more fundamental theoretical considerations (at the top of the pyramid in Fig. 1.2) to rather specific theories of lifespan development (at the bottom of the pyramid in Fig. 1.2).

Level 1: Biological and Cultural Evolutionary Perspectives The first level is the most general level and is informed by evolutionary, historical, biological, and cultural perspectives on the lifespan (Baltes et al., 2006). This level involves reciprocal influences between the continuously evolving interplay of human biology and culture across the lifespan and the “incomplete architecture” of human development (Fig. 1.2). In essence, “incomplete architecture” means that the structure and shape of individuals’ lifespan development is open and constrained at the same time (Baltes, 1997). While there is much plasticity, development is also restricted by the outcomes of evolution, genetics, and cultural factors, with some courses of development being more likely than others. Also inherent in this notion is

Level 1: Biological and cultural evolutionary perspectives Level 2: Dynamics of gains and losses Level 3: Family of metatheoretical propositions Level 4: Systemic and overall theories of successful lifespan development Level 5: Lifespan theories in specific functions and domains FIGURE 1.2 Five levels of analysis of theorizing on the lifespan developmental perspective. Adapted from Baltes, P.B., Lindenberger, U., & Staudinger, U.M. (2006). Lifespan theory in developmental psychology. In W. Damon & R.M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 1. Theoretical models of human development (6th ed., pp. 569 664). New York: Wiley.

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the observation that the scaffolding of development is rather well established and culturally supported for early childhood through adolescence and early adult development, with decreasing structural support for continued successful development across the remainder of the lifespan. Baltes (1997) outlined three trajectories of the interplay between biology and culture across the lifespan. First, biological effectiveness and evolutionary selection benefits decrease with age and, thus, the “incompleteness” of the dynamic architecture of the lifespan increases with age (Baltes et al., 2006). Second, at the same time, there is an age-related increase in people’s “need for culture,” that is, the use of various material, psychosocial, and knowledge-based resources for successful development (Baltes et al., 2006). In other words, cultural resources are required to compensate for age-related decreases in biology and plasticity to function effectively. Third, the lifespan perspective suggests that the “efficiency of culture” weakens as people get older. That is, as biological effectiveness is reduced and people’s need for culture increases, the relative effectiveness of cultural resources decreases (Baltes et al., 2006). Overall, these three trajectories form a general framework that illustrates how the openness of the human lifespan is constrained by biological and cultural factors.

Level 2: Dynamics of Gains and Losses The second level (see Fig. 1.2) moves closer to psychological theories of human development and discusses central concepts of lifespan developmental psychology (Baltes et al., 2006). On one hand, this level entails the assumptions that individuals experience both gains and losses in psychological characteristics and functioning across the lifespan, and that losses are unavoidable. On the other hand, it proposes that individuals allocate their resources to three distinct functions—growth, maintenance (including resilience and recovery), and regulation of loss—and that the relative allocation of resources to these functions changes with age (Ebner et al., 2006). Growth involves increases in functioning and adaptive capacity. Maintenance entails behaviors that help avoid losses when facing challenges/threats (resilience) or that help return to previous levels of functioning after a loss (recovery). Finally, regulation of loss refers to behaviors that ensure acceptable functioning when complete recovery is not possible anymore (Baltes et al., 2006). According to the lifespan developmental perspective, people have to invest more resources into the regulation of loss as compared to the other two functions as they get older. However, this does not imply that growth in certain areas of functioning is not possible at higher ages (e.g., emotion regulation); moreover, regulation of loss also involves the investment of personal resources and may, therefore, not always be possible after a loss.

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Another tenet of this level is that developmental losses may, over time and under certain favorable circumstances, trigger growth processes (Baltes & Graf, 1996). For instance, this “deficits-breed-growth” hypothesis suggests that declines in physical functioning (e.g., due to back problems, a worker cannot lift heavy materials anymore) can lead to improvements in adaptive capacity, mastery, and innovation (e.g., the worker develops an innovative piece of equipment that can aide in lifting heavy materials). Thus, certain aspects of culture can be conceived as important ways to compensate for age-related biological deficits (Baltes et al., 2006).

Level 3: Family of Metatheoretical Propositions At the next conceptual level (see Fig. 1.2), Baltes et al. (2006) outlined a set of fundamental assumptions of a psychological lifespan perspective (see also Baltes, 1987; Lerner & Busch-Rossnagel, 1981). These metatheoretical propositions are summarized in Table 1.1. The first three propositions summarize the tenets of the lifespan developmental perspective discussed so far as part of levels 1 and 2. Specifically, Proposition 1 suggests that human development is influenced by both biology and culture, and that development TABLE 1.1 Family of Metatheoretical Propositions About the Nature of Lifespan Development 1. Lifelong development

Human development (ontogenesis) is a process that takes place across the entire lifespan. Development occurs in all age periods and is influenced by both biology and culture.

2. Changes in the dynamic between biology and culture

As individuals get older, the match between biological resources and individual-cultural goals decreases (incomplete biological architecture of life).

3. Changes in allocation of resources to different developmental functions

In the course of their development, individuals allocate their resources to three functions: growth, maintenance (including recovery/resilience), and regulation of loss. As they get older, more resources are allocated to maintenance of regulation of loss.

4. Development as selection and selective optimization in adaptive capacity

The developmental process involves selection, selective optimization of functioning, and compensation for agerelated changes in potential. (Continued )

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TABLE 1.1 (Continued) 5. Development as gain/loss dynamic

There is no gain without loss in development, and vice versa. This implies that developmental changes within and across developmental periods are diverse, including increases and decreases in functioning within and across domains.

6. Intraindividual plasticity

Development entails within-person variability (modifiability). Lifespan researchers examine the range of plasticity and how it changes with age and is constrained by age-related changes.

7. Ontogenetic and historical contextualism

Development is influenced by social, historical, and cultural conditions. Development depends on the interaction between normative age-graded, normative history-graded, and nonnormative (or idiosyncratic) influences.

8. General and functionalist theory of development

Successful development, which involves the subjective and objective maximization of gains and minimization of losses, results from the interplay between selection, optimization, and compensation, the importance of which increases with age.

Adapted from Baltes, P.B., Reese, H.W., & Lipsitt, L.P. (1980). Lifespan developmental psychology. Annual Review of Psychology, 31, 65 110. Baltes, P.B., Staudinger, U.M., & Lindenberger, U. (1999). Lifespan psychology: Theory and application to intellectual functioning. Annual Review of Psychology, 50, 471 507. Baltes, P.B., Lindenberger, U., & Staudinger, U.M. (2006). Lifespan theory in developmental psychology. In W. Damon & R.M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 1. Theoretical models of human development (6th ed., pp. 569 664). New York: Wiley, Baltes, P.B. (1987). Theoretical propositions of lifespan developmental psychology: On the dynamics between growth and decline. Developmental Psychology, 23(5), 611 626.

takes place across the entire lifespan, with no age period being more important for development than other age periods (Baltes, 1987). Proposition 2 is that the mismatch between biology and culture increases with age. That is, with increasing age, individuals are less likely to achieve individual and culture-based goals by relying on their biological resources (hence, the incomplete biological architecture of the lifespan; see Level 1, above). Proposition 3 suggests that individuals allocate their resources to three distinct developmental functions, growth, maintenance, and regulation of loss (see Level 2 above). The relative allocation of resources changes with age, with more and more resources allocated to maintenance and regulation of loss as people get older (Baltes et al., 2006).

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According to Proposition 4, human development necessarily involves selection (e.g., focus on a small number of specific goals), selective optimization (e.g., advancement with regard to one’s goals), and compensation for losses in functioning (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes et al., 2006). With age and decreasing biological functioning, the importance of selective optimization in adaptive capacity and compensation becomes increasingly vital. Importantly, this proposition emphasizes the active role of individuals in influencing their environment and their own development (Brandtsta¨dter, 1999; Kooij, 2015). Proposition 5 emphasizes the dynamic of gains and losses across the lifespan and suggests that there is not gain without loss and vice versa (Baltes et al., 2006). The concepts of selection and selective optimization imply that there are not only improvements in people’s adaptive capacity, but also losses in adaptive capacity for those options not selected. Thus, this proposition also advances the idea of multidimensional and multidirectional changes in psychological characteristics and functioning across the lifespan (Baltes, 1987). Proposition 6 focuses on intraindividual plasticity or within-person variability and modifiability over the course of lifespan development (see Fig. 1.1 for an illustration). According to Baltes et al. (2006), a key goal of lifespan research is to identify the range of intraindividual plasticity as well as interindividual differences, age-related changes, and constraints in plasticity. The notion of plasticity emphasizes that development is both open and constrained by biological and cultural conditions. Moreover, plasticity means that a certain developmental outcome is only one of several potential outcomes and developmental end states, except for death (Baltes, 1987). The concept is of fundamental importance to the lifespan developmental perspective because it highlights the idea of multidirectionality and the possibility to change and positively impact an individual’s course of development through interventions and agentic behavior (Baltes, Freund, & Li, 2005). According to Proposition 7, people’s social, historical, and cultural context influences their development in line with the assumption that the biological and cultural architecture of development is incomplete (Baltes et al., 2006; Baltes, 1987). The paradigm of contextualism suggests that development is the result of interactions between three types of influences. Normative age-graded influences entail biological and environmental events and experiences that are strongly related to age. Examples are physical maturation and sequential developmental tasks (i.e., schooling, work, family, retirement). Thus, “normative” here means that these developments apply to most if not all people. Normative history-graded influences are biological and environmental events and experiences that lead to different developmental pathways across historical (birth) cohort and time periods. Examples are changes in educational and work systems, medical and technological developments, as well as revolutions and wars. Nonnormative or idiosyncratic

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influences include infrequent and unpredictable biological and environmental events and experiences that are unique to each individual, such as accidents or lottery wins. Importantly, there are individual differences with regard to each of these three influences on development that create individuals’ developmental context (Baltes, 1987). Finally, Proposition 8 is intended to support the advancement of a general theory of successful development, with selection, optimization, and compensation as core building blocks (see also Level 4, below; Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Carstensen, 1996). Based on the lifespan developmental perspective, successful development is defined as the subjective and objective maximization of gains and minimization of losses (Baltes et al., 2006). The interplay among selection, optimization, and compensation strategies is thought to facilitate successful aging and development, particularly at higher ages when the effectiveness of biological resources as well as the efficiency of cultural resources decreases.

Level 4: Systemic and Overall Theories of Successful Lifespan Development At this level (see Fig. 1.2), more general psychological theories of lifespan development are discussed that can be applied to different, more specific content areas (Baltes et al., 2006). The most prominent example of such theories is the model of selection, optimization, and compensation, a metatheory on proactive and adaptive development (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). This model has been applied to the content areas of motivation and action regulation (Freund & Baltes, 2002; Wiese, Freund, & Baltes, 2000), cognitive and physiological functioning (Li, Lindenberger, Freund, & Baltes, 2001), as well as emotional regulation (Opitz, Gross, & Urry, 2012). It has also been applied to investigate various topics related to work, careers, and organizations, such as performance, job attitudes, and the work-family interface (Moghimi, Zacher, Scheibe, & Von Yperen, 2017). The model of selection, optimization, and compensation is described in further detail in Chapter 4, The Model of Selection, Optimization, Compensation, and most subsequent chapters on more specific lifespan topics refer to this model. Another systemic theory of lifespan development is Heckhausen and Schulz’ motivational theory of lifespan development (Heckhausen, Wrosch, & Schulz, 2010), which developed from their earlier lifespan theories of control and successful aging (Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995; Schulz & Heckhausen, 1996). This theory is described in Chapter 5, Motivational Theory of Lifespan Development.

Level 5: Lifespan Theories in Specific Functions and Domains At this lowest level in the pyramid (see Fig. 1.2), more specific, mid-range theories of lifespan development are discussed. These theories are based on

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the tenets and propositions outlined at higher levels, but they focus on more concrete phenomena, such as cognition (e.g., dual component theory of intelligence; see Chapter 2: Theories of Cognitive Aging and Work), personality (e.g., neo-socioanalytic model of personality development; see Chapter 3: A Neo-Socioanalytic Model of Personality Development), and emotions (e.g., socioemotional selectivity theory and the strength and vulnerability integration model; see Chapter 6: Social and Emotional Theories of Aging).

STRUCTURE AND CONTENT OF THIS BOOK We believe—and much conceptual and empirical research conducted over the past two decades supports our view—that the lifespan developmental perspective is well-suited to serve as an overarching theoretical framework to investigate and integrate topics linking age with work, careers, and organizations (Baltes & Dickson, 2001; Baltes, Rudolph, & Bal, 2012; Rudolph, 2016; Zacher, 2015; Zacher & Rudolph, 2017). For instance, both the lifespan developmental perspective and research on work, careers, and organizations emphasize goal-based, agentic self-regulation processes. Moreover, both approaches highlight the important role of context on the development, functioning, and well-being of individuals. This book is organized into three main sections. The first section, Lifespan Perspectives, provides an overview of several contemporary midrange theories based upon the lifespan developmental perspective. These theories will be used in subsequent chapters to understand better work and careers, as well as more specific topics in the work and organizational context. Specifically, Chapters 2 6 present theories of cognitive aging and work (Fisher, Chacon, & Chaffee), the neo-socioanalytic model of personality development (Nye & Roberts), the model of selection, optimization, and compensation (Moghimi, Scheibe, & Freund), the motivational theory of lifespan development (Shane & Heckhausen), and social and emotional theories of aging (Jiang & Fung). The second section, Lifespan Perspectives on Working and Careers, bridges the first and the third main sections of the book. It focuses more specifically on lifespan developmental perspectives on working and careers, but does not address specific applications. Chapters 7 10 address cognitivemotivational models of lifespan development (Beier, Bradford, Torres, Shaw, & Kim), action regulation across the lifespan (Hacker, Sachse, & Seubert), lifespan perspectives on successful aging at work (Olson & Shultz), and lifespan perspectives on careers and career management (Nagy, Froidevaux, & Hirschi). Finally, the third and largest section of the book, Applications of Lifespan Perspectives, comprises applications of the lifespan developmental perspective to more specific work and organizational topics. In particular, Chapters 11 14 discuss lifespan perspectives on job design (Cadiz,

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Rineer, & Truxillo), job performance (Cleveland, Hu¨bner, Andersen, & Agbeke), learning and training (Sterns & Harrington), and personnel selection and recruitment (Doverspike, Flores, & VanderLeest). Chapters 15 18 present lifespan perspectives on occupational health (Schmitt & Unger), work and nonwork roles (Clark, Sanders, Haynes, & Vande Griek), stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination (McCarthy, Heraty, & Bamberg), and individual effort in teams (Ga¨rtner, Nohe, & Hertel). Further, Chapters 19 23 discuss lifespan perspectives on psychological contracts (Bal & Vantilborgh), work motivation (Kooij & Kanfer), work values and job attitudes (Thrasher & Bramble), leadership (Rosing & Jungmann), and emotions, stress, and conflict management (Zapf, Johnson, & Beitler). The final two chapters present lifespan perspectives on organizational climate (Kunze & Toader), as well as the work-toretirement transition (Zhan, Wang, & Daniel). We conclude the book with an integrative summary and outlook (Chapter 26, Looking Forward: A New Agenda for Studying Work Across the Lifespan). We thank all of the authors for contributing to this book, and we hope you enjoy reading it!

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CHAPTER | 1 An Invitation to Lifespan Thinking

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