Animals and inequality in Chalcolithic central Anatolia

Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Journal of Anthropological Archaeology journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

Animals and inequality in Chalcolithic central Anatolia Benjamin S. Arbuckle Baylor University, One Bear Place 97173, Waco, TX 76798-7173, USA

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 6 December 2010 Revision received 17 January 2012 Available online 23 February 2012 Keywords: Sheep Goats Herd management Chalcolithic Social complexity Anatolia

a b s t r a c t This paper explores the changing social and economic roles of livestock within three increasingly complex societies in Chalcolithic central Anatolia. By specifically addressing practices associated with the production, distribution and consumption of livestock, particularly sheep and goats, I show how changes in the use of animals were dynamically linked to the emergence of new sociopolitical environments. These changes, including the development of intensive caprine pastoralism and complex provisioning systems as well as an increased focus on the production of secondary products, strongly suggest that control over animals, particularly sheep, and their products played a central role in the development of increasingly complex and hierarchical social systems in MC Anatolia. Ó 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Introduction Charting the course of the rise of societies characterized by significant and persistent inequalities has been a dominant topic in the archaeology of southwestern Asia. Although Childe’s (1936) influential conception of Near Eastern prehistory was structured around Neolithic and Urban ‘‘Revolutions’’ separated by millennia of relatively little activity, recent work has shown that the origins of complex societies characterized by a high degree of internal inequality extend well back into the fifth millennium, or Chalcolithic period, in Greater Mesopotamia where the Ubaid culture exhibits many features signifying the emergence of managerial elites with control over agricultural and exotic resources and significant internal socio-economic differentiation (Algaze, 2008; Carter and Philip, 2010; Stein, 1994; Wengrow, 2010). Despite recent interest in the development of increasingly complex societies in the Chalcolithic period (Duru, 1996; Özbal et al., 2000; Stein, 1998) relatively little is known about the development of systems of persistent inequality in the early part of this period (sixth and fifth millennia BC), particularly in ‘peripheral’ regions such as central Anatolia where the rise of complexity is often implicitly assumed to have been chronologically late and resulting from contacts with more progressive neighbors to the south and east (for discussion see Schoop, 2005). In addition, most studies addressing the rise of social inequalities have focused on the role of elite control over agricultural products and high status, exotic commodities (Damerow, 1996; Stein, 1994; Wengrow, 2010) but few have systematically examined

E-mail address: [email protected] 0278-4165/$ - see front matter Ó 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2012.01.008

the role of animals within increasingly complex pre-state societies. Despite the fact that early texts from the late fourth and third millennia BC clearly indicate that animals and their diverse products were central concerns of early states (Englund, 1995; Green, 1980; Killen, 1964), there have been few attempts to contextualize the role of animals within the processes that led to the rise of complex societies in the ancient Near East (although see Algaze, 2008; Pollack, 1999). Recent trends in zooarchaeology have begun to expand beyond the discipline’s traditional emphasis on paleoeconomic approaches to prehistoric animal economies to recognize and emphasize the central social roles that animals play within complex social environments (Defrance, 2009). This developing direction for zooarchaeological interpretation focuses on animals as highly socialized entities fully integrated within a range of cultural systems and actively used in a wide variety of social contexts. Within this paradigm it can be argued that animals are raised as much for the social value that they confer upon their owners as for their value as subsistence resources—an unthinkable statement in the early days of the discipline. Although increasing attention has been focused on hunting as a social performance (e.g., Hamilakis, 2003; Sykes, 2007) domestic animals also have complex and multifaceted ‘‘social lives’’ (Appadurai, 1986). Every stage in the process of raising domestic animals provides an opportunity to communicate information about social position, status, group membership, etc. The act of animal production creates herds which are highly visible symbols of status, often marked with the symbols of ownership, and which act as mobile banks reflecting wealth (or poverty) and the ability to mobilize valued resources (meat, fat, hides, etc.) as well as social capital. Harvesting secondary products such as milk and especially

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

wool provides another means to intensify the productive capacity of herds thereby increasing their potential value in the production of storable commodities. Slaughtering and distributing carcass portions, which are themselves ranked according to culturally-specific preferences, become material reflections of social difference and whether in a household or public context provide opportunities for inclusion or exclusion, emphasizing or potentially de-emphasizing social distinctions (Silverman, 2003; Wiessner, 1996). Strategies of animal management, therefore, can be seen not just in terms of the subsistence resources they produce (e.g., Payne, 1973) but also within the multiple ‘‘regimes of value’’ (Appadurai, 1986, p. 4) in which animals operate linking them to processes involved in maintaining, creating, or subverting inequalities. In this paper I examine the social production of animals and their roles within the increasingly complex prestate societies of Chalcolithic Anatolia (6000–3000 BC). Specifically I turn to the archaeological record of the central Anatolian plateau, including the sites of Kösßk Höyük, Güvercinkayası, and Çadır Höyük, with a focus on understanding how changes in the use of animals, particularly sheep and goats, the most abundant domesticates, were linked to social changes reflecting the rise of increasing inequality in this poorly understood region.

Chalcolithic central Anatolia The Chalcolithic of central Anatolia clearly witnessed major transformations in the scale and complexity of sociopolitical systems (Baird, 2005; d’Alfonso, 2010; Schoop, 2005). From its beginnings in relatively egalitarian Neolithic villages the Chalcolithic period on the central plateau records the development of increasingly complex pre-state societies characterized by settlement hierarchies, emergent elites, the use of administrative technologies such as seals, large-scale public architecture and metallurgy. It thus provides a productive context for exploring the changing roles of animals within this dynamic social environment. The Chalcolithic of Central Anatolia is generally divided into Early, Middle, and Late phases (Sagona and Zimansky, 2009). The Early Chalcolithic (EC) (c. 6000–5500 BC) is defined by distinctive painted pottery and architecture but retains many similarities with the preceding Neolithic (Baird, 1996, 2005; Duru, 2008). Settlements include small farming villages occupying up to four hectares in area and lack clear evidence for centralization or hierarchy (Baird, 2002). Moreover, the presence of finds such as a large copper mace head from Can Hasan I, the removal and caching of plastered human skulls, as well as human representations emphasizing dancing, hunting and feasting suggest a decentralized but highly ritualized and, likely, socially competitive environment (Erdog˘u, 2009; Muhly, 1995). Many of these features are exemplified at the site of Kösßk Höyük. Kösßk Höyük represents a small farming settlement located on the eastern margin of the broad Konya-Ereg˘li-Bor Plain. Excavated between 1980 and 2009 by Ankara University archaeologists Ug˘ur Silistreli and then Aliye Öztan in collaboration with the Nig˘de Museum, Kösßk Höyük represents the most important Final Neolithic/Early Chalcolithic sequence (levels V–II) in the region (dating from 6200–5400 BC) (Öztan, 2002, 2007, 2010; Silistreli, 1985, 1989). The subsistence economy at EC Kösßk was based on agriculture and pastoralism (Arbuckle et al., 2009; Öztan, 2010). Barley and emmer wheat were grown, as were legumes including pea, lentil and vetch. The EC occupation is characterized by crowded, small and irregular domestic structures made of both mudbrick and stone with internal hearths, platforms, and bins (Fig. 2A). The ceramic corpus is unique to this region on the western margin of Cappadocia and includes primarily red and black burnished wares

303

with prominent relief decorations including spectacular images of animals as well as humans engaged in dancing, harvesting and hunting activities (Öztan, 2007). Although burials are limited primarily to young children, variability in grave goods suggests some differences in the wealth and status of households within the community (Öztan, 2002; Silistreli, 1986). The presence of infant burials with rich grave goods including multiple vessels, stamp seals, and elaborate jewelry, and others with only a single sherd indicates that some households had the ability to invest significant amounts of material goods in the context of funerary ritual, whereas others did not. Moreover, the presence of nineteen plastered and painted skulls, elaborate figurines and a recently discovered wall painting, indicate a prominent role for ritual within this community (Ozbek, 2009; Öztan, 2010). That several of the plastered skulls present evidence for trauma also suggests levels of interpersonal violence previously unidentified in the region but which are now being corroborated from other finds in EC Anatolian communities (Bonogofsky, 2005; Kansa, 2009). Finally, the presence of stamp seals with stylistic parallels to those of the Halaf tradition in southeastern Anatolia suggest both involvement in inter-regional exchange as well as an early interest in administering the movement of goods (Özkan, 2001). The Middle Chalcolithic (MC), c. 5500–4500 BC, is characterized by a cultural discontinuity with the EC in Central Anatolia with the appearance of new forms of pottery, architecture, and settlement plans (Gülçur, 2004; Öztan, 2002). The few excavated MC settlements in the region exhibit internal variations in house size and storage capacity and some exhibit impressive fortification walls (Çaylı, 2009). These features, along with increasing evidence of the use of copper and seals with stylistic links to the Halaf and Ubaid traditions of Greater Mesopotamia, suggest both the presence of increasing variation in status and wealth within MC communities as well as significant participation in inter-regional exchange networks (Gülçur, 1999). The MC occupation of Kösßk Höyük (level I; 5300–4700 BC) represents a significant cultural break from the earlier levels. Following a brief hiatus after the abandonment of the EC occupation, the MC settlement was laid out according to a new plan with linear banks of houses lining several wide, stone-paved streets (Fig. 2B). It has been suggested that the regularity of this bauplan reflects a degree of higher-order and centralized decision-making not seen in the organic growth of the EC village (Öztan and Faydalı, 2003). The remains of MC houses conform, more or less, to a homogenous plan, including a roughly similar internal arrangement of niches, platforms, hearths, ovens, and storage areas (Öztan and Faydalı, 2003). Despite the homogeneity in house arrangement, house size varies significantly. Although identical to other houses in internal arrangement, House II is approximately twice as large as its neighbors, contains the largest storage capacity of any structure so far uncovered, and includes concentrations of grinding stones. These features suggest that the residents of this structure played a prominent, and perhaps central, role in the community. The MC is also represented at the site of Güvercinkayası. Excavated since 1996 under the direction of Sevil Gülçür in cooperation with the Aksaray Museum (Gülçur, 1997, 1999; Gülçur and Fırat, 2005; Kiper and Gülçur, 2008), Güvercinkayası represents a small (c. 1–2 ha) settlement overlooking the Melendiz river valley, an important East–West communication route through the region. The site is contemporaneous with Kösßk I, representing an MC agro-pastoral village and the two sites exhibit many clear material affinities with each other. The settlement at Güvercinkayası was occupied from c. 5300–4700 BC, and consists of a lower and upper settlement (Gülçur and Kiper, 2003) (Fig. 2C). The lower settlement consists of a dense cluster of relatively small domestic structures oriented

304

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

along a roughly East–West trending street. The upper settlement consists of a grouping of larger structures just west of the lower settlement and is surrounded by an impressive wall feature. This wall, which includes at least three round external towers, segregates the structures of the upper settlement from those of the lower settlement. Two of the excavated structures of the upper settlement (H13 and H14) are roughly twice the size of those of the lower settlement (Çaylı, 2009), and include caches of grinding stones, multiple large ovens, as well as storage jars (Pavlù, 2003). These structures also contain much larger ceramic assemblages than typical lower settlement houses and a detailed study of the storage vessels in Structure 13 reveals an estimated storage capacity of almost six thousand kilograms of barley, compared to 245 kg in a typical house of the lower settlement (Çaylı, 2009, pp. 119 and 130). In addition, the small finds associated with these structures, including stamp seals with stylistic links to the Ubaid tradition, copper tools, and imported painted ceramics indicate that this portion of the settlement was associated with a unique range of potentially high status activities (Kiper and Gülçur, 2008) (also see http:// www.Güvercinkayası.com). The upper settlement at Güvercinkayası seems to have functioned as a specialized storage complex and Çaylı (2009, p. iii) has suggested that the site may represent a type of small chiefly estate. The elaborate enclosure wall protecting this area from both internal and external intrusion, along with concentrations of prestige objects, suggests the presence of a surprisingly complex and hierarchical political economy at MC Güvercinkayası characterized by the presence of emergent managerial elites with the ability to control significant agricultural surpluses. The Late Chalcolithic (LC), c. 4500–3000 BC, is poorly documented on the central plateau but work in the northern part of the region has documented the rise of increasingly complex political economies, especially in the fourth millennium. Surveys in the

Yozgat region document the rise of three-tiered settlement hierarchies focused around small regional centers (Branting, 1996). Excavations at two of these centers, Alısßar Höyük and Çadır Höyük, show evidence for internal specialization, public works in the form of enclosure walls, and non-domestic structures (Steadman et al., 2007; von der Osten, 1937). In addition, evidence for metallurgy and possibly the early appearance of domestic horses suggests participation in broad regional interaction spheres (Arbuckle, 2009; Schoop, 2008). Çadır Höyük provides a rare window into the nature of LC communities on the central Anatolian plateau. Excavated under the auspices of the Alısßar Regional Project since 1993, Çadır Höyük is a small (four hectare) multi-period mound located on the northern portion of the central Anatolian plateau in the Kanak Su basin, Yozgat (Fig. 1) (Gorny, 2007; Gorny et al., 2002; Steadman et al., 2008). Based on the results of regional survey as well as excavation, the site is one of several local centers to emerge in the fourth millennium BC in the Kanak Su Basin (Branting, 1996; Gorny et al., 1999; Steadman et al., 2007). The excavated remains from LC Çadır include evidence for public architecture, an enclosure wall, domestic and nondomestic structures, and a rich artifact inventory suggestive of a thriving economic and perhaps political and/or ritual center (Fig. 2D). Evidence suggests the residents of the LC settlement were involved in bead, lithic, and textile production, while ceramics finds and a high quality metal pin with parallels from the Arslantepe ‘royal tomb’ suggest connections within the broad Transcaucasian interaction sphere (Steadman et al., 2007, p. 394).

Chalcolithic animal economies The animal economy at EC Kösßk focused on the management of domestic sheep and goats combined with the hunting of cattle and

Fig. 1. Map showing the location of sites mentioned in the text. KH = Kösßk Höyük; GK = Güvercinkayası; ÇH = Çadır Höyük; ÇT = Çatalhöyük; CHI/III = Can Hasan I/III; Alisßar Höyük = AH.

305

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

Fig. 2. Plan maps of (A) EC Kösßk; (B) MC Kösßk; (C) MC Güvercinkayası; (D) LC Çadır.

equids (Table 1). Although some cattle were managed, biometric data indicate that the majority of cattle remains represent large individuals, likely representing aurochsen. The importance of hunting is further emphasized by the abundance of wild equids, including both horses (Equus ferus) and hydruntines (E. hydruntinus), which represent a surprising 23% of the EC assemblage. The remains of deer and wild boar are also present in small numbers. A combination of demographic and biometric data suggest that strategies of sheep management focused on the production of lamb (Payne, 1973; Vigne and Helmer, 2007). Survivorship curves indicate that sheep were culled at young ages with only 21% surviving to 2 years (Fig. 3A) (see Supplementary material). Measurements of

the breadth of fused (mature) and unfused (immature) distal metacarpals, measurements that discriminate well between males and females, show that few large males were allowed to survive to adulthood suggesting that herders intensively culled surplus males, leaving the adult population dominated by small-sized ewes (Fig. 4A). For goats, management was focused on the production of meat and probably also milk, although the intensity of culling young animals was much lower than for sheep (Fig. 3B). As with sheep, biometric evidence shows that the majority of adult animals were small-sized females suggesting that young males were disproportionately targeted for slaughter (Fig. 5A).

Table 1 Frequencies of the primary mammalian taxa from sites mentioned in the text (based on diagnostic specimens).

EC Kösßk Höyük II–V MC Kösßk Höyük I MC Güvercinkayası LC Çadır

Sheep:goat ratio

Sheep/goat

Cattle

Pigs

Equids

Deer

Other

Total N

3.5:1 3.3:1 4.3:1 1.3:1

59.9 83 81.4 48.2

11.1 6.2 6.3 12.0

0.6 0.2 1.6 10.7

23.2 4.8 2.6 1.9

1.4 1.4 1.7 1.0

3.8 4.4 6.4 26.2

1938 2444 1783 693

306

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

Fig. 3. Survivorship curves (based on tooth wear) for (A) sheep and (B) goats from EC Kösßk, MC Kösßk, MC Güvercinkayası, LC Çadır and Middle Bronze Age Acemhöyük (sample size in parentheses). Çadır data represents combined sheep/goat. Differentiation of sheep and goat teeth and mandibles based on Balasse and Ambrose (2005), Halstead and Collins (2002), Helmer (2000) and Payne (1985).

Fig. 4. Log Size Index (LSI) values for distal breadth measurements of fused (black) and unfused (gray) metacarpals for sheep from (A) EC Kösßk; (B) MC Kösßk; (C) MC Güvercinkayası; (D) LC Çadır (Çadır values represent all skeletal elements). The standard animal (0 on the LSI scale) represents a wild female mouflon (Ovis orientalis) (after Uerpmann and Uerpmann, 1994). Measurements for modern wild male and female sheep from the Zagros (from the Field Museum, Chicago) provide reference points for interpreting the archaeological data.

The spatial distribution of sheep and goat remains suggests that the provisioning system at EC Kösßk was organized primarily on a household scale—a common feature of Anatolian economies extending back into the Neolithic (Bogaard et al., 2009). All age groups are represented but their distribution is highly variable across the settlement. The wide range of ages available within the EC community indicates that households had direct access to herds and likely controlled production and made management decisions themselves. This is further supported by skeletal part

profiles, which represent the relative abundance of skeletal elements compared to the most abundant element (%MAU(MNE) after Binford, 1984; Stiner, 2005). These data indicate that feet and especially heads (i.e., butchery waste) are abundant in domestic refuse throughout the EC settlement suggesting that households had access to and processed entire caprine carcasses. The EC settlement at Kösßk is characterized by the presence of an extensive network of large but shallow pit features concentrated in the northwestern portion of the settlement. These features differ

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

307

Fig. 5. Log Size Index (LSI) values for distal breadth measurements of fused (black) and unfused (gray) metacarpals for goats from (A) EC Kösßk; (B) MC Kösßk; (C) MC Güvercinkayası; (D) LC Çadır (Çadır values represent all skeletal elements). The standard animal (0 on the LSI scale) represents the average of a wild male and female goat (Capra aegagrus) (after Uerpmann and Uerpmann, 1994). Mean values and standard deviations for modern wild male and female goats from the Zagros (from Zeder, 2001) provide reference points for interpreting the archaeological data.

from other types of midden deposits and house fills at the site and are densely packed with ash, charcoal and thousands of charred animal bones including the remains of sheep and goats, but also large quantities of cattle (mostly aurochs) and wild equids. The overwhelming abundance of animal resources represented in these features, which likely functioned as roasting pits, indicates that large-scale and public consumption of both domesticates and wild prey was a regular part of the social system at EC Kösßk. The waste in these large roasting pits includes concentrations of meaty caprine parts including forelimbs and hindlimbs (Fig. 6) while foot and ankle remains are highly under-represented in these features, as are heads, despite the fact that the latter are

the most abundant elements in the entire assemblage. This contrasts to the pattern for domestic contexts, including middens adjacent to houses, where butchery waste, including heads, feet and ankles, is better represented (Fig. 6). These contrasts between skeletal part profiles from roasting pits and domestic middens suggest a situation in which partially-processed caprine carcasses were provided by individual households for consumption during important events involving public feasting. In addition, roasting pits contain higher concentrations of wild taxa than typical domestic trash with large animals, including wild equids and cattle, representing an average of 42–62% of the animals remains compared to 21–29% from domestic contexts.

Fig. 6. Skeletal part representation for caprines from Kösßk based on %MAU(MNE). Black represents a typical EC pit feature in area E9; grey represents a typical EC domestic midden in area H12.

308

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

Skeletal part profiles for cattle and equids from roasting pits in area F9 show skeletal part frequencies that indicate entire carcasses were available for consumption at these feasting events (Fig. 7). However, not all portions of the carcass are present in equal quantities suggesting that a cultural logic structured the apportionment of beef and equid meat at these feasts. For cattle, scapulae are the most abundant element, paralleling the common use of this meaty element in commemorative deposits at Çatalhöyük (Russell et al., 2009), while elements including humerus, ulna, metapodials, and femora are under-represented (less than 50% of %MAU) (Fig. 7A). Interestingly, this indicates that the upper portions of both forelimbs and hindlimbs (humerus and femur) were under-represented, a pattern suggesting the presence of rules relating to the distribution of these elements and the consumption of the sizable portions of meat and marrow associated with them—perhaps by the hunters/owners of the carcass. A similar pattern is evident for equids (Fig. 7C): the innominate and scapula are the most common elements along with metapodials, which are unusually abundant in these pit features, while the elements of the upper portions of fore and hindlimbs limbs are underrepresented. In contrast, skeletal part frequencies for cattle from domestic contexts show a different pattern in which remains often classified as butchery waste, including metapodials and feet, are well represented, while the most abundant elements in the pit features (scapula, tibia, and talus) are under-represented (Fig. 7B). This pattern is complementary to that of the pit features suggesting that the distribution of cattle remains was structured by a complex

set of rules with some carcass portions consumed in public feasting events while other portions were distributed for consumption by individual households. The transition to the MC at Kösßk is characterized by significant changes in the animal economy. In the MC sheep and goats increase dramatically (to 83% of the fauna) and wild taxa, especially cattle and equids decline in importance. Among cattle remains, biometric data indicate that only domestic cattle, likely used for a combination of meat, milk, and perhaps traction, were present; aurochs were no longer hunted. In addition, equids decline to less than 5% of the MC faunal assemblage. In addition to becoming the most important source of animal products, sheep and goat management systems underwent a reorganization in the MC. Although biometric data indicate that young male sheep were still intensively targeted for slaughter with few surviving into adulthood, measurements of fused metapodials are significantly larger in the MC than in the EC (t-test, p < 0.01) (Fig. 4B). This is the result of an increase in the proportion of large, adult males surviving to adulthood and could be related to changes in multiple variables including reduced demand for lamb, an increase in the availability of labor and fodder for feeding excess males over the winter, and increased interest in the products of adult male sheep including wool (Arbuckle et al., 2009; Payne, 1973). That wool production may have been increasingly important is further supported by changes in demographic data showing an overall increase in the ages at which sheep were slaughtered at MC Kösßk (Fig. 3A). Moreover, recent isotopic studies conducted on caprine teeth suggest that MC herding practices

Fig. 7. Skeletal part representations from Kösßk based on %MAU(MNE). (A) Cattle from EC pit features in area F9; (B) cattle from EC domestic middens in area H10–11; (C) equids from EC pit features.

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

were characterized by changes in mobility, behaviors that likely included elements of vertical transhumance utilizing the uplands surrounding the site as summer pasturage zones or yaylas (Makarewicz and Arbuckle, 2009; Meiggs and Arbuckle, 2010). The hypothesis for an increasingly mobile pastoral economy in the MC is supported by the increasingly homogenous distribution of age groups across the settlement. The variance in the horizontal distribution of age groups is significantly lower in MC Kösßk than in the EC settlement (t-test, p < 0.01) suggesting increasing homogeneity in access to animal products and a spatial decoupling of pastoral production from agricultural villages. That households in the MC may have had increasingly indirect access to herds suggests that livestock were not present in the immediate vicinity of the settlement for much of the year and that villagers were provisioned with animals by seasonally mobile herders. Despite the evidence for changes in sheep management, the management of goats at MC Kösßk remained conservative and largely unchanged. The survivorship curve for MC Kösßk goats is indistinguishable from the EC pattern (Kolmogorov–Smirnov test, p > 0.05) indicating a continuation of culling practices focused on mature individuals (Fig. 3B). Biometric data for metapodials indicate that the majority of these adult specimens represent small females, which suggests that young males were targeted for slaughter (Fig. 5B). Although more detailed analysis of horizontal variations in skeletal part profiles is hampered by complex stratigraphic issues, there is some preliminary evidence of spatial segregation between butchery and processing which may hint at the presence of an internal provisioning system. In deposits associated with House II (J12/Ia; MNE = 218), the largest structure in the MC settlement, skeletal part profiles show higher than average concentrations of forelimbs and lower than average concentrations of butchery waste, including both heads and feet. Although the differences between these values and the site-wide averages are not statistically significant (Chi-square test, p > 0.05), they hint at the presence of an internal provisioning system that may have provided the residents of this prominent house with preferential access to high quality cuts of meat. More clear evidence for such a system is available at MC Güvercinkayası. The animal economy at MC Güvercinkayası parallels that documented at MC Kösßk with sheep and goat herding representing the dominant activity with lesser roles for cattle management and the hunting of equids, deer, and boar (Table 1). Both demographic and biometric data suggest that strategies of sheep and goat management at Güvercinkayası focused on the production of meat, milk and perhaps also wool (Arbuckle et al., 2009; Buitenhuis, 1999). Survivorship curves indicate an increase in the age at which sheep were culled compared to both EC and MC Kösßk (Kolmogorov– Smirnov test, p < 0.05) with 58% of sheep surviving to two years, a pattern similar to that seen at the nearby Bronze Age site of Acemhöyük where both zooarchaeological and textual data suggest wool production was practiced (Arbuckle, forthcoming) (Fig. 3A). Although this interest in older sheep is suggestive of management goals focused on the production of wool, biometric data indicate that males were preferentially slaughtered at younger ages than females (Fig. 4C), contrary to the predictions of models of intensive fiber production (Payne, 1973). This indicates that at Güvercinkayası the production of wool, which has also been suggested for the fifth millennium in the Ubaid culture (Sudo, 2010), was not yet specialized or intensive, but instead probably represented one of several mixed goals of herd management. For goats, survivorship curves and biometrics again indicate the presence of conservative management strategies similar to those from EC and MC Kösßk (Figs. 3B and 5C). As at MC Kösßk, the increase in the culling age and limited access to lambs at Güvercinkayası suggests increasing spatial segregation

309

between villages and pastoral production. It is therefore likely that the settlement was provisioned through an increasingly complex, large-scale and mobile pastoral system. In addition, intra-site analysis of skeletal part profiles suggest the development of an internal provisioning system at Güvercinkayası. The distribution of skeletal parts across the lower settlement exhibits a low degree of variation, similar to the situation at MC Kösßk. Both consumption and butchery waste are present in domestic refuse throughout the lower settlement as well, indicating that households had direct access to entire carcasses which were processed and consumed within those households. However, loci from the upper settlement, representing the ‘‘special storage complex’’ present a different pattern, with butchery waste, particularly heads, almost completely absent (Chi-square test, p < 0.001). This suggests that those with access to the upper settlement were provided with high quality cuts of meat that may have been initially butchered in other parts of the site. Interestingly, concentrations of butchery waste have been identified in deposits from Area 5J of the lower settlement, suggesting that initial processing of carcasses for consumption in the upper settlement may have taken place in this area of the settlement. Research on the Chalcolithic animal economy at Çadır is in an early stage with limited horizontal exposures of LC deposits restricting the detail with which provisioning and consumption systems can be addressed. However, systems of animal production can be reconstructed in some detail (Arbuckle, 2009). The animal economy at LC Çadır exhibits several significant changes from the earlier Chalcolithic systems in the region. First, although the economy continued to be dominated by sheep and goats (48% of the fauna), domestic cattle and pigs increased in importance (Table 1). Secondly, demographic evidence indicates a major change in the goals of caprine management. Due to small sample sizes, separate survivorship curves could not be generated for sheep and goats but the combined sheep/goat curve indicates that adult caprines were culled at significantly older ages than in previous periods (Kolmogorov–Smirnov test, p < 0.05), with 83% surviving to two years (Fig. 3). In addition, biometric data indicate that fused specimens are on average significantly larger than those from Kösßk and Güvercinkayası (ANOVA, p < 0.05) and that, for the first time, large numbers of male sheep were allowed to survive into adulthood (Fig. 4D). Although adult rams do not produce milk and only a few are needed for herd reproduction, they do produce high quality wool. The presence of large numbers of adult rams at LC Çadır is therefore very strong evidence for the initiation of management strategies focused on the production of wool in central Anatolia. Since raising large numbers of male caprines to adulthood is an expensive strategy that takes potential resources away from herd reproduction, sheep management practices at Çadır suggest considerable investment in the intensive production of wool, likely as a commodity rather than for local household consumption. In contrast, biometric data do not indicate a comparable focus on raising male goats to adulthood. As was the case at previous sites, goat management seems to have focused on a conservative and relatively old kill-off strategy (Fig. 3). The lack of biometric evidence for large, adult goats suggests that young males were generally not allowed to survive to adulthood, although, as was the case at Kösßk, the lack of remains of immature males suggests that they were not available for consumption onsite (Fig. 5D). This, along with the generally narrow range of ages (mostly 4–6 year old adults) available for consumption within the small area of the LC settlement so far explored, suggests that households did not have direct access to herds and that the settlement was provisioned with meat by local herders who were likely seasonally mobile, at least within the Kanak Su basin.

310

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

Discussion The combination of archaeological and fauna evidence from Kösßk, Güvercinkayası, and Çadır provide a unique picture of the rise of increasingly complex and hierarchical societies on the central Anatolian plateau in the Chalcolithic period and at the same time show that animals played central roles in the dynamic social changes taking place within these societies. At EC Kösßk, sheep management was the dominant component of the pastoral economy, focusing on the production of lamb and perhaps milk, while a more conservative strategy of goat management targeted older animals for the smaller-scale production of meat, skins, and milk. Both production and provisioning systems were organized primarily by households for household consumption. However, several lines of evidence suggest that the production, distribution and consumption of animals played an important role outside of individual households. At EC Kösßk, large-scale, socially empowering feasting events, evident from the remains of large roasting pits as well as the abundance of elaborately decorated ceramic vessels (Öztan, 2010), provided a major context for social competition with the acts of production, apportioning, and consumption of domestic and wild animals both reflecting and renegotiating social status within this household-based community. Skeletal part distributions in feasting deposits suggest that partially processed caprine carcasses including concentrations of meaty parts were provided for these events, probably by individual households. In addition, both wild and domestic cattle and equids were apportioned according to cultural rules with scapulae and lower leg elements provided for public consumption while the upper elements of the fore and hindlimb were distributed elsewhere. Through the provisioning of both wild and domestic animals as well as the apportionment of individual carcass parts based on well-defined and hierarchical rules, these events would have provided highly visible opportunities for the expression of social inequalities functioning as what Dietler (2001, p. 76) has called ‘‘empowering feasts’’ with subtle but real political consequences for those able to give generously. These feasting performances likely created socially sanctioned competitive environments, or ‘‘tournaments of value’’ (Appadurai, 1986), in which prestige and informal power were actively sought by multiple parties. Thus, the ability to give generously and to be apportioned high quality cuts of meat at public feasting events may have been central mechanisms by which social differences were measured and defined (Black-Michaud, 1986; Dietler, 2001; Helwing, 2003). These types of socially important, and potentially competitive feasting activities have a long history in the Near East where ‘‘gastro-politics’’ (Appadurai, 1981, p. 494) seem to have been a fundamental component of many Neolithic and Chalcolithic communities (Ben-Shlomo et al., 2009; Bogaard et al., 2009; Goring-Morris and Horwitz, 2007; Helwing, 2003; Kansa and Campbell, 2004; Twiss, 2008). Although the EC system at Kösßk was fundamentally rooted in local Neolithic traditions, major changes in economic and social organization characterize the transition to the MC in central Anatolia. In the MC, we see increasing material evidence of social differentiation with the emergence of increasingly complex economies, inequalities in house size, the appearance of seals and copper, and centralized settlement planning. In particular, evidence from the fortified upper settlement at Güvercinkayası with its concentrations of storage and food processing equipment suggests that emergent elites were able to control and store significant agricultural surpluses. To add to this picture, the faunal data indicate that the emergence of managerial elites was accompanied by a major restructuring of the animal economy characterized by the

appearance of intensive caprine pastoralism and complex provisioning systems. At both Kösßk and Güvercinkayası, faunal data suggest that pastoralism in the MC became more complex with an increasingly mobile and specialized pastoral sector likely provisioning entire settlements rather than simply individual households. Given Çaylı’s (2009) interpretation of Güvercinkayası as a chiefly estate with the ability to control agricultural surplus, it seems likely that caprine herds were also an important source of wealth in this early complex society. Not only does the significant increase in the importance of sheep and goats in the animal economy suggest an increased concern with herds as highly visible sources of wealth, but changes in sheep management suggest that wool production may have become an increasingly important factor in pastoral management strategies. This indicates an early interest in the production of storable commodities, perhaps for use in developing exchange relationships. Skeletal part distributions also suggest that at Güvercinkayası, and possibly at MC Kösßk as well, internal provisioning systems provided emergent elites with partially processed caprine carcasses, thus differentiating them from other households in these communities. Along with a decline in big game hunting and a total disappearance of the public feasting events that characterized the highly socialized animal economy of the EC, the rise of complex provisioning systems and a specialized caprine economy suggests a major reorientation of the social role of animals, animal symbolism, and animal wealth in MC Central Anatolia. Instead of reflecting a competitive but fundamentally inclusive social environment characterized by community-oriented ‘‘empowered feasting’’ the MC system seems to have reoriented the roles of the production, apportionment and consumption of animals, transforming them into more explicit symbols of wealth and inequality within a society characterized by increasing centralization and social differentiation. In the MC, herds were therefore transformed from ‘‘empowering’’ to ‘‘diacritical’’ resources with large flocks and preferential access to high quality animal products reflective of the status of emergence managerial elites, and functioning ‘‘to naturalize and reify concepts of ranked differences in the status of social orders’’ (Dietler, 2001, p. 85). It is interesting to note that storage complexes of the upper settlement at Güvercinkayası took the form of over-sized domestic structures suggesting that emergent managerial elites structured control using the metaphor of the household but enlarged in scale and function. This ‘framing’ of the new MC social system within the fundamentally Neolithic lexicon of households suggests that early managerial elites were limited in their ability to express increasing inequalities with material flamboyancy yet successfully created a system based on controlling and concentrating both agricultural and pastoral resources. Finally, the meager amount of archaeological data available from LC Anatolia suggests that pastoral production strategies changed dramatically in this period in response to an increasingly complex economic and political landscape. The emergence of three-tiered settlement hierarchies and local walled centers with evidence for metallurgy, textile production and participation in inter-regional exchange indicate significant increases in the degree of social differentiation and in the political and economic power of local elites (Schoop, 2009; Steadman et al., 2007; von der Osten, 1937). In this dynamic social context pastoral production changed dramatically with the emergence of strategies of sheep management focused on the production of wool. Although animal fibers, including wool, were likely used on a household scale throughout the Chalcolithic (McCorriston, 1997; Payne, 1988; Shishlina et al., 2003; Sudo, 2010), demographic profiles and biometrics from Çadır indicate strategies consistent with

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

intensive investment in wool production (Arbuckle, 2009). Given the abundance of expensive-to-maintain adult male sheep at LC Çadır compared to earlier Chalcolithic sites in the region, it is clear that this change represents a major reorganization of management strategies emphasizing the production of a commodity, wool, over subsistence-level production. Although these changes may have been foreshadowed by the subtle increase in the production of animal fibers in the MC, this shift to commodity production represents a major transformation of the animal economy (Renfrew, 2005; Rothman, 2000) likely driven by a combination of emerging competitive elites, growing regional markets for textiles, and the increasingly active intra- and inter-regional exchange networks evident throughout the Near East in the LC (Algaze, 2001; Rothman, 2004). This shows that the production of animals, particularly sheep, was an important tool used to structure the economic foundations of emerging wealth and power differentiation in LC Anatolian communities.

Conclusion In this article, I have attempted to contextualize the organization of animal economies within the increasingly complex societies of Chalcolithic central Anatolia. The ability to acquire, distribute and consume animals was of central social significance in EC, MC, and LC communities, although animal wealth and symbolism were used in different ways, within different social environments, to structure inequalities. Some components of Anatolian animal economies were clearly actively recruited and reorganized to reify, legitimize, and perhaps help create the increasingly differentiated and centralized social systems that developed in the Chalcolithic period. In particular, the production of sheep and sheep products was actively manipulated in order to generate wealth, status, and social opportunities. This is reflected in the dynamic changes in sheep production regimes including an increasing preference for sheep over other taxa (Table 1), dramatic shifts in the ages at which sheep were culled (see Fig. 3A), and the development of increasingly large-scale and mobile pastoral systems. The manipulation of sheep production in response to opportunities for wealth accumulation culminated in the LC at Çadır Höyük with the emergence of herding systems focused on intensive wool production, probably for external markets rather than local consumption. However, not all aspects of the animal economy were equally affected by the social changes occurring in MC and LC Anatolia. In contrast to sheep, goat management strategies remained largely unchanged throughout the Chalcolithic, a period of three millennia (Fig. 3B). This suggests that goats and their products (e.g., meat, milk, hair) had less complex ‘‘social lives’’ in Anatolian communities and were not actively recruited into the dramatic social processes taking place in the Chalcolithic. Perhaps because of limited markets for and low valuation of goat products, goat management seems to have been one of the few components of the animal economy characterized by risk reduction, subsistence level production, and overall conservatism. This parallels, and suggests great antiquity for, the role played by goats in many recent pastoral economies where they are kept by households on a small scale for subsistence level production and as a hedge against failures in the more specialized, intensive and risky (but potentially highly rewarding) production of sheep (Bates, 1973; Behnke, 1980; Black-Michaud, 1986). As a result of the fact that animals are ubiquitous sources of wealth and the processes of producing, distributing and consuming them are fundamentally reflective of social inequalities (at a variety of scales) it can be suggested that faunal remains provide a unique window into the nature of the rise of early complex social

311

systems. Since animal economies may have been one of the fundamental tools used by aspiring elites to expand and reify inequalities, detailed and socially contextualized studies of systems of animal exploitation provide a productive way to explore the early stages of the development of social inequalities even in prehistoric periods such as the Chalcolithic of central Anatolia where artifactual representations of social difference are often not yet strongly expressed. As a result, there is great potential for incorporating detailed analyses of animal economies into studies of the rise of complex societies where examining their roles outside of the traditional subsistence economy offers exciting avenues for future exploration. Acknowledgments Faunal research at Kösßk, Güvercinkayası and Çadır was supported by an NSF doctoral dissertation improvement grant, the American Research Institute in Turkey, and Baylor University. Special thanks to Aliye Öztan, Sevil Gülçur, Ron Gorny, and Sharon Steadman for supporting this project and to the Nig˘de, Aksaray, and Yozgat Museums as well as the General Directorate of Monuments and Museum for permission to carry out this research. Thanks also to Hijlke Buitenhuis, A. Levent Atıcı, Richard Meadow, and Cheryl Makarewicz. Joshua Wright and two anonymous reviewers read and provided helpful comments on previous drafts of this paper. Appendix A. Supplementary material Supplementary data associated with this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2012.01.008. References Algaze, G., 2001. Initial social complexity in Southwestern Asia. Current Anthropology 42, 199–233. Algaze, G., 2008. Ancient Mesopotamia at the Dawn of Civilization: The Evolution of An Urban landscape. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Appadurai, A., 1981. Gastro – politics in hindu South Asia. American Ethnologist 8, 494–511. Appadurai, A., 1986. The Social Life of Things. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Arbuckle, B.S., 2009. Chalcolithic caprines, Dark Age dairy and Byzantine beef. Anatolica 35, 179–224. Arbuckle, B.S., 2012. Pastoralism, provisioning, and power at Bronze Age Acemhöyük, Turkey. American Anthropologist, 114(3), forthcoming. Arbuckle, B.S., Oztan, A., Gulçur, S., 2009. The evolution of sheep and goat husbandry in central Anatolia. Anthropozoologica 44, 129–157. Baird, D., 1996. The Konya Plain survey: aims and methods. In: Hodder, I. (Ed.), On the Surface. Çatalhöyük 1993–95. British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Monograph No. 22, London, pp. 41–46. Baird, D., 2002. Early Holocene settlement in Central Anatolia: problems and prospects as seen from the Konya Plain. In: Gérard, F., Thissen, L. (Eds.), The Neolithic of Central Anatolia: Internal Developments and External Relations During the 9th–6th Millennia cal BC. Ege Yayinlari, Istanbul, pp. 139–152. Baird, D., 2005. The history of settlement and social landscapes in the early Holocene in the Çatalhöyük area. In: Hodder, I. (Ed.), Çatalhöyük Perspectives. Reports from the 1995–99 Seasons. McDonald Institute Monograph/British Insititute in Ankara Monograph 40, Cambridge, pp. 55–74. Balasse, M., Ambrose, S.H., 2005. Distinguishing sheep and goats using dental morphology and stable carbon isotopes in C4 grassland environments. Journal of Archaeological Science 32, 691–702. Bates, D.G., 1973. Nomads and Farmers: A Study of the Yörük of Southeastern Turkey. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan No. 52, Ann Arbor. Behnke, R.H., 1980. The Herders of Cyrenaica: Ecology, Economy, and Kinship Among the Bedouin of Eastern Libya. University of Illinois Press, Illinois Studies in Anthropology No. 12, Urbana. Ben-Shlomo, D., HIll, A.C., Garfinkel, Y., 2009. Feasting between the revolutions: evidence from Chalcolithic Tel Tsaf, Israel. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22, 129–150. Binford, L.R., 1984. Faunal Remains from Klasies River Mouth. Academic Press, New York. Black-Michaud, J., 1986. Sheep and Land: The Economics of Power in a Tribal Society. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

312

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313

Bogaard, A., Charles, M., Twiss, K., Fairbairn, A., Yalman, N., Filipovic, D., Demirergi, G.A., Ertug, F., Russell, N., Henecke, J., 2009. Private pantries and celebrated surplus: storing and sharing food at Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Central Anatolia. Antiquity 83, 1–20. Bonogofsky, M., 2005. A bioarchaeological study of plastered skulls from Anatolia: new discoveries and interpretations. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 15, 124–135. Branting, S.A., 1996. The Alisar regional survey 1993–1994: a preliminary report. Anatolica 22, 145–158. Buitenhuis, H., 1999. A first note on the faunal remains of Güvercinkayası. Anatolica 25, 64–69. Carter, R.A., Philip, G., 2010. Beyond the Ubaid: Transformation and integration in the Late Prehistoric Societies of the Middle East. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization No. 63, Chicago. Çaylı, P., 2009. Guvercinkayası 14 numaralı evin çanak çomlek verilerinden yola çıkarak yerlesme duzeni ve toplumsal yapılmanın degerlendirilmesi. Masters Thesis, Istanbul University. Childe, V.G., 1936. Man Makes Himself. Watts and Company, London. d’Alfonso, L., 2010. Geo-archaeological survey in Northern Tyanitis and the Ancient History of southern Cappadocia. In: d’Alfonso, L., Balza, M.E., Mora, C. (Eds.), Geo-archaeological Activities in Southern Cappadocia, Turkey. Proceedings of the Meeting Held at Pavia, 20.1.1.2008. Italian University Press, Pavia, pp. 27–54. Damerow, P., 1996. Food production and social status as documented in protocuneiform texts. In: Wiessner, P., Schiefenhövel, W. (Eds.), Food and the Status Quest: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Berghahn Books, Oxford, pp. 149–168. Defrance, S., 2009. Zooarchaeology in complex societies: political economy, status, and ideology. Journal of Archaeological Research 17, 105–168. Dietler, M., 2001. Theorizing feasts: rituals of consumption, commensal politics, and power in African contexts. In: Dietler, M., Hayden, B. (Eds.), Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, DC, pp. 65–114. Duru, R., 1996. Kuruçay Höyük II: 1978–1988 Kazilarinin Sonuçlari Geç Kalkolitik ve Ilk Tunç Çagi Yerlesmeleri. Results of the Excavations 1978–1988: The Late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age settlements. Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, Ankara. Duru, R., 2008. From 8000 BC to 2000 BC: Six Thousand Years of the Burdur-Antalya Region. Suna and Inan Kıraç Research Institute on Mediterranean Civilizations, Monograph Series 4, Antalya. Englund, R.K., 1995. Late Uruk period cattle and dairy products: evidence from proto-cuneiform sources. Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture 8, 33–50. Erdog˘u, B., 2009. Ritual symbolism in the early Chalcolithic period of Central Anatolia. Journal for Interdisciplinary Research on Religion and Science 5, 129–151. Goring-Morris, N., Horwitz, L.K., 2007. Funerals and feasts during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B of the Near East. Antiquity 81, 902–919. Gorny, R.L., 2007. Çadır Höyük. The Oriental Institute 2006–2007 Annual Report, 18–32. Gorny, R.L., McMahon, G., Paley, S., Steadman, S., Verhaaren, B., 1999. The 1998 Alisar Regional Project season. Anatolica 25, 151–183. Gorny, R.L., McMahon, G., Paley, S., Steadman, S., 2002. The 2000 and 2001 seasons at Çadır Höyük in Central Turkey. Anatolica 28, 109–136. Green, M.W., 1980. Animal husbandry at Uruk in the Archaic period. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 39, 1–35. Gülçur, S., 1997. Güvercinkayasi: Eine Vorgeschiechtliche Felrückensiedlung in Zentralanatolien. Anatolica 23, 85–110. Gülçur, S., 1999. Güvercinkayası 1997. Anatolica 25, 53–85. Gülçur, S., 2004. Guvercinkayasi: the black/dark burnished pottery: a general overview. TUBA-AR 7, 141–164. Gülçur, S., Fırat, C., 2005. Spatial analysis of Guvercinkayasi, a Middle Chalcolithic hilltop settlement in northwestern Cappadocia: a preliminary report. Anatolia Antiqua 13, 41–52. Gülçur, S., Kiper, Y., 2003. Güvercinkayası 2002 yılı kazısı. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 25, 425–440. Halstead, P., Collins, P., 2002. Sorting the sheep from the goats: morphological distinctions between the mandibles and mandibular teeth of adult Ovis and Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 29, 545–553. Hamilakis, Y., 2003. The sacred geography of hunting: wild animals, social power and gender in early farming societies. In: Kotjabopoulou, E., Hamilakis, Y., Halstead, P., Gamble, C., Elefanti, P. (Eds.), Zooarchaeology in Greece, vol. 10. Recent advances. British School at Athens, London, pp. 239–247. Helmer, D., 2000. Discrimination des genres Ovis et Capra à l’aide des prémolaires inférieures 3 et 4 et interprétation des ages d’abattage: l’example de Dikili Tash (Grèce). Anthropozoologica 31, 29–38. Helwing, B., 2003. Feasts as a social dynamic in prehistoric western Asia – three case studies from Syria and Anatolia. Paléorient 29, 63–85. Kansa, S.W., 2009. Whose bones are those? Preliminary comparative analysis of fragmented human and animal bones in the ‘‘Death Pit’’ at Domuztepe, a Late Neolithic settlement in southeastern Turkey. Anthropozoologica 44, 159–172. Kansa, S.W., Campbell, S., 2004. Feasting with the dead? – a ritual bone deposit at Domuztepe, south eastern Turkey (c.5550 cal BC). In: O’Day, S.J., Van Neer, W., Ervynck, A. (Eds.), Behaviour Behind Bones: The Zooarchaeology of Ritual, Religion, Status and Identity. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 2–13. Killen, J.T., 1964. The wool industry in Crete in the Late Bronze Age. Annual of the British School at Athens 59, 1–15.

Kiper, Y., Gülçur, S., 2008. Güvercinkayası 2006 yılı ön raporu. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 29, 243–260. Makarewicz, C., Arbuckle, B.S., 2009. What goes up must come down: evidence for transhumance in Neolithic Turkey. In: Paper Presented at the Climate Change and Ancient Societies Conference, Copenhagen (October 24). McCorriston, J., 1997. The fiber revolution: textile extensification, alientation, and social stratification in ancient Mesopotamia. Current Anthropology 38, 517– 549. Meiggs, D., Arbuckle, B.S., 2010. Where shepherds roam: tracing changes in pastoral management at Kösk Höyük, Central Turkey using 87Sr/86Sr. In: Paper Presented at the Society for American Archaeology Annual Meeting, St Louis (April 15). Muhly, J.D., 1995. Mining and metalwork in ancient western Asia. In: Sasson, J.M. (Ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. Charles Schribner’s Sons, New York, pp. 1501–1519. Özbal, H., Adriaens, A., Earl, B., 2000. Hacınebi metal production and exchange. Paleorient 25, 57–65. Ozbek, M., 2009. Remodeled human skulls in Kösßk Höyük (Neolithic age, Anatolia): a new appraisal in view of recent discoveries. Journal of Archaeological Science 36, 379–386. Özkan, S., 2001. Kösk Höyük seals. Anatolica 27, 15–22. Öztan, A., 2002. Kösßk Höyük: Anadolu arkeolojisine yeni katkılar. TÜBA-AR 5, 57–72. Öztan, A., 2007. Kösßk Höyük: Nigde–Bor Ovası’nda bir Neolitik yerlesim. In: Ozdogan, M., Basgelen, N. (Eds.), Turkiye’de Neolitik Donem: Yeni kazılar, yeni bulgular. Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, Istanbul, pp. 223–236. Öztan, A., 2010. Archaeological investigations at Kösßk Höyük, Nigde. In: d’Alfonso, L., Balza, M.E., Mora, C. (Eds.), Geo-archaeological Activities in Southern Cappadocia, Turkey. Proceedings of the Meeting Held at Pavia, 20.1.1.2008. Italian University Press, Pavia, pp. 83–96. Öztan, A., Faydalı, E., 2003. An early Chalcolithic building from Kösk Höyük. Belleten 67, 45–76. Pavlù, I., 2003. Grinding stones and handstones from the site Güvercinkayası (1996–2002). Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 25, 429–431. Payne, S., 1973. Kill-off patterns in sheep and goats: the Mandibles from Asßvan-kale. Anatolian Studies 23, 281–303. Payne, S., 1985. Morphological distinctions between the mandibular teeth of young sheep, Ovis, and goats, Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 12, 139–147. Payne, S., 1988. Animal bones from Tell Rubeidheh. In: Killick, R.G. (Ed.), Tell Rubeidheh: An Uruk Village on the Jebel Hamrin. Iraq Archaeological Reports 2, Hamrin Salvage Project Report 7, pp. 98–135. Pollack, S., 1999. Ancient Mesopotamia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Renfrew, C., 2005. Archaeology and commodification: the role of things in societal transformation. In: van Binsbergen, W., Geschiere, P. (Eds.), Commodification: Things, Agency and Identities (The Social Life of Things Revisited). Lit Verlag, Münster, pp. 85–98. Rothman, M., 2000. The commoditization of goods and the rise of the state in ancient Mesopotamia. In: Haugerud, A., Stone, M.P., Little, P.D. (Eds.), Commidities and Globalization: Anthropological Perspectives. Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, New York, pp. 163–178. Rothman, M.S., 2004. Studying the development of complex society: Mesopotamia in the late fifth and fourth millennia BC. Journal of Archaeological Research 12, 75–119. Russell, N., Martin, L., Twiss, K., 2009. Building memories: commemorating deposits at Çatalhöyük. In: Arbuckle, B.S., Makarewicz, C., Atici, A.L. (Eds.), Zooarchaeology and the Reconstruction of Cultural Systems: Case Studies from the Old World. Paleorient, Paris, pp. 103–128 (44(1)). Sagona, A., Zimansky, P., 2009. Ancient Turkey. Routledge, London. Schoop, U.-D., 2005. Das anatolische Chalkolithikum: eine chronologische Untersuchung zur vorbronzezeitlichen Kultursequenz im nordlichen Zentralanatolien und den angrenzenden Gebieten (Urgeschichtliche Studien 1). Bernhard Albert Greiner, Remshalden. Schoop, U.-D., 2008. Ausgrabungen in Çamlibel Tarlasi 2007. Archaologischer Anzeiger, 148–161. Schoop, U.-D., 2009. Ausgrabungen in Çamlibel Tarlasßı 2008. Archaologischer Anzeiger, 56–69. Shishlina, N.I., Orfinskaya, O.V., Golikov, V.P., 2003. Bronze Age textiles from the North Caucasus: new evidence of fourth millennium BC fibres and fabrics. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22, 331–344. Silistreli, U., 1985. 1984 Kösk Höyügü. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 7, 129–141. Silistreli, U., 1986. 1985 Kösk Höyügü. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 8, 173–179. Silistreli, U., 1989. Les fouilles de Kösk Höyük. In: Emre, K., Mellink, M., Hrouda, B., Özgüç, N. (Eds.), Anatolia and the Ancient Near East: Studies in Honor of Tahsin Özgüç, Ankara, pp. 461–463. Silverman, D.J., 2003. ‘‘We Chuse to Be Bounded’’: Native American Animal Husbandry in Colonial New England. The William and Mary Quarterly 60, 511–548. Steadman, S., McMahon, G., Ross, J.C., 2007. The Late Chalcolithic at Çadır Hoyuk in Central Anatolia. Journal of Field Archaeology 34, 385–406. Steadman, S., Ross, J.C., McMahon, G., Gorny, R.L., 2008. Excavations on the northcentral plateau: the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age occupation at Çadır Hoyuk. Anatolian Studies 58, 47–86. Stein, G., 1994. Economy, ritual and power in Ubaid Mesopotamia. In: Stein, G., Rothman, M. (Eds.), Chiefdoms and Early States in the Near East: The Organizational Dynamics of Complexity. Prehistory Press, Monographs in World Archaeology No. 18, Madison.

B.S. Arbuckle / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31 (2012) 302–313 Stein, G., 1998. Heterogeneity, power, and political economy: some current research issues in the archaeology of Old World complex societies. Journal of Archaeological Research 6, 1–44. Stiner, M.C., 2005. The Faunas of Hayonim Cave, Israel: A 200,000 year Record of Paleolithic diet, Demography, and Society. Peabody Museum Press, Cambridge, MA. Sudo, H., 2010. The development of wool exploitation in Ubaid-period settlements of North Mesopotamia. In: Carter, R.A., Philip, G. (Eds.), Beyond the Ubaid: Transformation and Integration in the Late Prehistoric Societies of the Middle East. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization No. 63, Chicago, pp. 169–179. Sykes, N.J., 2007. The Norman Conquest: A Zooarchaeological Perspective British Archaeological Reports 1656, Oxford. Twiss, K., 2008. Transformations in an early agricultural society: feasting in the southern Levant Pre-Pottery Neolithic. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27, 418–442. Uerpmann, M., Uerpmann, H.-P., 1994. Animal bone finds from excavation 520 at Qala’at al-Bahrain. In: Holjund, F., Anderson, H.H. (Eds.), Qala’at al-Bahrain,

313

vol. 1. The Northern City Wall and the Islamic Fortress. Jutland Archaeological Society Publications 30.1. Jutland Archaeological Society, Aarhus, pp. 417–444. Vigne, J.-D., Helmer, D., 2007. Was milk a ‘‘secondary product’’ in the Old World Neolithisation process? Its role in the domestication of cattle, sheep, and goats. Anthropozoologica 42, 9–40. von der Osten, H.H., 1937. The Alishar Hüyük Seasons of 1930-32 – Part I. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Wengrow, D., 2010. What Makes Civilization? The Ancient Near East and the Future of the West. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Wiessner, P., 1996. Leveling the hunter: constraints on the status quest in foraging societies. In: Wiessner, P., Schiefenhövel, W. (Eds.), Food and the Status Quest: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Berghahn Books, Oxford, pp. 171–191. Zeder, M., 2001. A metrical analysis of a collection of modern goats (Capra hircus aegagrus and C. h. hircus) from Iran and Iraq: implications for the study of caprine domestication. Journal of Archaeological Science 28, 61–79.