Approaches to tourism history

Annals ofTounrm Research, Vol. 15, pp. 47-62, 1988 Printed in the USA. All rights reserved.

Copyright

0160-7383/88 $3.00 + .OO 0 1988 Pergamon Journals Ltd. and J. Jafari

APPROACHES TO TOURISM HISTORY Newcastle

John Towner Polytechnic, UK

Abstract: This paper examines some of the methodological issues involved in the development of research in tourism history. An introduction is provided to the form and nature of the data involved including: statistical records, personal documents, items of mass communication, and archaeological remains. The main methodological approaches to tourism history are then considered. These stem from both history itself and the social sciences. The two fields have been influenced by a number of ideas, such as positivism, humanism, and structuralism and the paper argues that they now have a variety of methodologies in common. It is felt, therefore, that there is no methodological impediment to greater substantive links between historical and social science research in tourism history. The paper concludes with a review of some existing work in the field together with suggestions for future research. Keywords: tourism history, methodology, history, social science. R&urn& Facons d’aborder l’histoire du tourisme. Cet article examine quelques-unes des questions methodologiques qu’a entrain&es le dtveloppement de la recherche dans l’histoire du tourisme. On fournit une introduction dans la structure et l’origine des donntes dont il s’agit, B savoir: statistiques, dossiers personnels, information provenant des mtdia, vestiges archCologiques. I1 s’ensuit une mise en consideration des principales facons mCthodologiques relatives & l’histoire du tourisme. Ces facons-12 proviennent 2 la fois de l’histoire elle-m&me et des sciences sociales. Ces deux domaines sont influencCs par maintes idtologies, telles le positivisme, l’humanisme et le structuralisme, et l’article consid&re que ces idCologies-1% partagent tout un &entail de mtthodologies. Par constquent on est d’avis qu’il n’y ait pas d’obstacle mtthodologique aux liens substantifs plus importants entre la recherche faite sous un optique historique et celle faite dans le cadre des sciences sociales. Pour conclure l’article fait la critique de la recherche actuelle dans ce domaine, et fait des propositions concernant des recherches futures. Mots clef: histoire du tourisme, mCthodologie, histoire, sciences sociales.

INTRODUCTION This paper is intended as an introduction to some methodological issues in the field of tourism history. The form and nature of the source material are considered as well as a variety of approaches. The types of John Towner is a lecturer in geography of tourism and recreation at Newcastle Polytechnic (Newcastle upon Tyne, UK). He has degrees in geography from the University of Durham and York University (Canada). His Ph.D. thesis from the University of Birmingham examined the Grand Tour of Europe. His research interests are in the history and geography of tourism.

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data are discussed at some length because tourism history is at an early stage of development and these sources are probably less well-known than for other areas of tourism. As an attempt to promote wide-ranging views of alternative approaches in this comparatively new field, the paper is essentially speculative and broad methodological questions are discussed rather than specific techniques of analysis. Tourism is a multidisciplinary field of interest (Travis 1982) and most research lies firmly within the social science disciplines. The social sciences are, at present, characterized by a number of philosophies and methodologies including positivism, humanism, and structuralism (Johnston 1986). But tourism history requires a major contribution from the discipline of history which has itself been subject to much debate on its philosophy and methodology in recent years (Gilliam 1976; Stone 1979). 0 ne of the themes of this paper is to consider the differences and similarities between the approaches of the two fields and thus explore the extent to which greater substantive links can be forged between social science studies of tourism and historical studies of tourism. At present, the body of knowledge and theory of tourism lack historical depth. Are there methodological differences which could inhibit greater interchange between history and contemporary tourism studies, or is the gap (a characteristic of growth in a new field) simply due to a lack of awareness between scholars?

THE

FORM

AND

NATURE

OF TOURISM

HISTORY

DATA

Any research method requires the careful consideration of the range of source material available together with its limitations. This is especially the case with historical data where questions concerning the authenticity, purpose, and representativeness of the material are major problems. The data available for historical studies can be considered under four headings: statistical records, personal documents, mass communication records, and other sources (Kidder 1981; Selltiz et al 1965). The following survey does not pretend to be exhaustive; much archival research has still to be done. The emphasis here is on British and European material.

Statistical Records The systematic measurement of tourism only began in the twentieth century when its increasing volume and economic impact created a need for statistics. Government records before 1914 were mainly collected for health, safety, taxation, police, and migration purposes. NO distinction was made between tourists and other travelers (Burkart and Medlik 1974). S ince the 192Os, however, the statistical base has increased and studies by Ogilvie (1933) and Norval (1936) reflect this trend. Official UK tourism statistics began in 1921 and a fragmented picture of overseas tourism can be derived from Board of Trade Journals (Lickorish and Kershaw 1958). After 1945, a growihg volume of

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statistics of variable quality has flowed from national and international tourism bodies. If studies of the evolution of tourism since the 1920s can make use of a growing body of statistical information, the picture before then is marked by their almost total absence, except in the most fragmentary form. In Britain, historians have investigated the disparate sources that throw some light on the situation. Simmons (1984) has noted the dearth of statistics for British tourism in the nineteenth century, pointing out that there was no government role in tourism. Parliament never discussed the issue and no passports were required in Europe before 1914. By examining the statistics kept by railway companies serving the Channel ports, Pimlott (1947) was able to make very rough estimates of the volume of traffic to Europe in the nineteenth century, emphasizing how even basic information can often be virtually absent. Other statistical surveys can give incidental information on tourism. The British Civil Service Inquiry Commission (1875) collected data on the holidays of its employees and Royal Commission reports provide some details on working class holidays (Pimlott 1947). Population censuses are of particular value. The British decennial census has been used in studies of the growth of holiday resorts in the nineteenth century (Butler 1985; Walton and McGloin 1979, 1981; Whyman 1972), while in France, Haug has used censuses for Nice to trace the impact of tourism (Haug 1982). Th ese sources have important limitations. For example the British censuses were generally made in the spring and so missed the main summer holiday season (see especially Walton and McGloin 1979). Personal Documents

Personal documents such as the diaries, letters, and journals of travelers are invaluable sources for tourism history. They enable the researcher to gain some idea of tourism in the pre-statistics era and are, together with guidebooks, the chief source of information before the twentieth century. Scattered travel journals and references to travel occur from ancient classical times (Balsdon 1969; Casson 1974; Lindsay 1965), through the medieval period (Parks 1954) to the present day (Jackie 1981). Th e y reached their greatest volume and comprehensiveness in the era of the Grand Tour from the late sixteenth to the early nineteenth century and many hundreds survive in manuscript and published form (Batts 1976; Brand 1956; Cox 1935-49; Martin 1854; Matthews 1950; NCBEL 1974; Pine-Coffin 1974). Information can be obtained on the itinerary, length of stay, mode of travel, and services used. This type of material requires careful assessment (Gottschalk et al 1945; Naroll 1962). Authenticity and the purpose for which they were written must be ascertained. Editing and rewriting of journals before publication was common, plagiarism was rife and the creation of entirely fictitious tours widespread (Adams 1962; Batten 1978; Towner 1984, 1985a). The greatest problem with this type of data is its inherent bias. Only the more serious members of a wealthy elite (or their tutors) kept journals. Do they typify the seventeenth and eighteenth century tour-

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ist? In the nineteenth century, busy middle class tourists rarely bothered to record their journeys and so the surviving journals of this later period may be even less representative. Other personal documents, however, can be used to supplement these data, such as general correspondence. References to travel and tourism in everyday exchanges can help to place the role of tourism in society in a wider context (Nichols 1812-1815; Nichols and Nichols 1817-1858).

Mass

Communication

Most literate societies provide materials to inform, entertain, or persuade the public (Selltiz et al 1965). In relation to tourism history, the products of “mass” communication include contemporary magazines, journals, and newspapers (Brown 1936; Golden 1977; Hugill 1985; Parks 1964; Pimlott 1947; Towner 1985a; Walton 1981), and their observations on travel and tourism can be particularly valuable. Records of borrowings from public libraries, for instance, have been used to analyze the taste for travel more precisely (Dent 1974; Kaufman 1960). Other works which may refer to tourism include poems and satire (Woodhouse 1976b), cartoons (e.g., the works of Cruikshank, Gillray, Rowlandson, and Leech), and novels (e.g., Smollett, Sterne, Austen, Dickens, Trollope, Twain, Bennett, Maughan). Techniques of literary analysis, including content analysis (Cicourel 1964; Holsti 1969), can reveal much about the culture of a period, and, in this area, profitable links with literature studies can be urged (Beringer 1978; see also Batten 1978; Bryant 1977; Honhart 1974; Morrill 1975; Rice 1968; Woodhouse 1976a, 197613). The development of guidebooks and route maps also provides information on the evolution of tourism (Barwick 1904; De Beer 1952; Fordham 1922, 1925, 1926; Towner 1985a; Vaughan 1974). They reveal where tourists were expected to go, what they were expected to see, and the hazards they could face. Information on accommodation and transport services can be found in seventeenth and eighteenth century guidebooks. This factual detail increases significantly during the nineteenth century with the works of Murray and Baedeker and their imitators.

Other Sources Studies have shown that a consideration of tourism is possible for the ancient world (Balsdon 1969; Casson 1974; D’Arms 1970; Friedlander 1965; Kleberg 1957; Lindsay 1965). A variety of source material has been used including literary records, inscriptions, and graffiti (such as the messages scratched on the inn walls at Pompeii or left on monuments in Egypt), and letters and receipts on papyrus (Balsdon 1969; Casson 1974; Lindsay 1965). Archaeological remains, including inscriptions and pictures on pottery, can show the size and layout of holiday villas, inns, and restaurants and these can be combined with literary accounts to recreate a picture of tourism in parts of the ancient world (D’Arms 1970; Kleberg 1957). A further range of source material for more recent times includes

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diplomatic records in certain centers (Black 1981-82, 1984a, 1984b, 1985) and the archive records of firms engaged in the tourist industry (Swinglehurst 1974, 1982). Within living memory, the techniques of oral history would seem to offer a particularly valuable insight into the importance of tourism for different social groups (Henige 1982; Vansina 1965). The problems of using historical data have, of course, been the subject of much discussion. Naroll (1962) has considered the methodological issues involved in using archive data and Gottschalk et al (1945) address the specific use of diaries and letters which are a vital source of tourism history data. Naroll’s central argument rests on the question of representative sampling. While the collection and analysis of data may be sound, the final conclusions will rest on assumptions about the adequacy of the original material. Naroll sees two major sources of bias in archive and physical evidence data: selective deposit and selective survival. Did only certain types of people leave the kind of data being analyzed? Is there a class, age, or sex bias involved? Have other vital sources of data simply disappeared over time? The use of a wide variety of source material is suggested as a partial answer to these problems, comparing groups of data compiled under different conditions. Combining diary records with information in magazines and journals, or combining written and archaeological evidence are attempts to overcome these difficulties.

AIMS

AND METHODOLOGIES

Two broad approaches can be distinguished for the analysis of historical information in tourism. The first can be considered as mainstream historical research, the second social science research in tourism which is aiming at some temporal perspective. At the risk of generalization, it may be argued that the two approaches can have different ultimate aims. For a historian, a study of tourism may be undertaken to understand the role of that phenomenon in a certain society at a particular time. For a social scientist, a study of tourism in the past may be primarily to provide examples which will contribute to a dynamic model or concept of the role of tourism in societies in general. In other words, the historian’s aim is to reconstruct the reality of a particular past period or event, while the social scientist aims to develop more general concepts of society where the specific historicity of the data is not of central importance (Goldthorpe 1984). The relationship between history and the social sciences has received considerable attention, and the extent to which they are methodologically distinct has been a cause of much debate (Barraclough 1979; Carr 1961; Harvey 1969; Lipset and Hofstadter 1968; Marwick 1970; Tilley 1981). The present position has become extremely fluid with both fields having been subject to positivist approaches and reactions against this philosophy (‘Johnston 1986; Stone 1979). History’s claim to “methodological independence” grew in the late nineteenth century and centered around the ideographic-nomothetic argument (Harvey 1969). As an ideographic discipline, history would be concerned with unique

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and particular events or instances. Nomothetic disciplines are concerned with the formulation of general propositions. The uniqueness thesis was particularly strong in German historiography, but its influence extended to other countries (Collingwood 1946). This viewpoint precluded the development of generalizations and hypotheses, since they relate to classes or types of phenomena, and all historical events were considered unique. In contrast, the social sciences, especially since the 195Os, increasingly adopted a nomothetic viewpoint employing the positivist approach to knowledge from the natural sciences. The general methodology of this “scientific method” involves the formulation of hypotheses, which are tested and verified or rejected, and which are set within larger theoretical frameworks. A few years ago, therefore, a wide philosophical and methodological gap appeared to separate history and the social sciences. Today, however, both fields share a number of approaches, such as Marxism, Humanism, and Structuralism, together with a variety of methodologies ranging from positivistic to intuitive. The Marxist perspective has been particularly influential in history and the social sciences (Barraclough 1979; Baker 1984; Johnston 1986; Stone 1979) with its analysis of historical materialism. Humanistic approaches, stressing the subjective nature of the individual, have had a long tradition in history and their growth in the social sciences has partly been a reaction to the positivism of the 1960s (Johnston 1986). Structuralism attributes observed phenomena to deep seated structures which cannot be observed directly. contended that human behavior was Levi-Strauss (1963), f or instance, governed by unconscious forces and that what is observed is only the manifestation of a much deeper structure. Other developments within history have also to be considered. Since the 195Os, the ideographic tradition was increasingly challenged with a trend towards positivist methods derived from the social sciences (Barraclough 1979; Marwick 1970), and arguments over the nature of “covering laws” in history (Breisach 1983:332). The traditional narrative method (arranging material in a chronologically sequential order), which fitted a genetic approach to history, was questioned. In France, the Annales school, developed by Bloch and Febvre from 1929, became influential in reasserting the scientific character of the historian’s work. The emphasis was on studying the whole of human activity and on integrating the findings and methods of other disciplines, such as geography, economics, sociology, and psychology (Baker 1984; Barraclough 1979; Braudel 1958; Norton 1984). The intuitive, subjective approach to a “history of events” was replaced by an emphasis on structural analysis. A characteristic of the school, however, has been the variety of approaches and methods that can be adopted. Braudel(1972) elaborated the concept of integrative structures in history. The essential dialectic of history was seen as the interplay between long-term continuities (longue duree - the slowly changing surrounding environment of man), with more rapid economic, demographic, and cultural cycles (conjonctures), and the short-term life-cycles of the individual (Cvtnements). This structural history required new methods. Conjonctures could require analysis through quantitative methods, the longue durte could require insights from geography, demography, botany, climatolo-

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gy, and more. Thus, the Ann&s school introduced a methodological change to historical analysis (Barraclough 1979:38). In the USA, historians such as Malin, Curti, Fogel, and Aydelotte introduced new forms of analysis from the social sciences in a search for more effective methodologies (Fogel 1975). These included the use of counterfactual hypotheses, analyzing what could have happened in order to understand what did happen (Breisach 1983:359; Norton 1984:14). Yet, as in the social sciences, there has been a reaction against these more positivist methods, with a renewal of interest in humanistic approaches and the use of narrative (Norton 1984; Stone 1979). Within the Ann&s school, writers such as Le Roy Ladurie and Mandrou have highlighted the importance of “mentalit&” and the evocation of past modes of thought and behavior. In this area, Dupront (1961) has examined the psychological motives of pilgrims and other aspects of a collective mentality. It is particularly difficult, therefore, to clearly separate history and the social sciences by the approaches they may adopt. Both have been influenced by positivist ideas and both have experienced reactions against this through humanist and structuralist approaches. The range of methodologies employed can perhaps be regarded as a spectrum ranging from intuitive humanistic approaches at one extreme to positivistic “scientific method” approaches at the other extreme. Along this spectrum, the methodologies of history and the social sciences will often merge, because each field possesses a wide variety of procedures encompassing both qualitative and quantitative techniques (Beringer 1978; Bulmer 1984; Johnston 1986; Norton 1984; Rowney and Graham 1969). There are few methodological barriers, therefore, to closer links between the two fields. One example of valuable interdisciplinary exchanges has been that between the Annales school of history and historical geography (Baker 1984). It would be encouraging if similar developments could be initiated in tourism history.

TOURISM

HISTORY

RESEARCH

Certain problems arise when examining the methodologies employed in tourism history. In mainstream historical studies, there is very often little hint as to the particular methods used (Beringer 1978:1), and there are only a small number of studies from which to draw examples. Nevertheless, the following selection of studies has been categorized methodologically in two ways. First, by their position on the spectrum ranging from intuitive studies to a greater use of analytical procedures. Second, by the extent of interdisciplinary concepts that have been utilized. Historical studies are considered first, followed by contributions from the social sciences.

Historical Studies An important feature of the more intuitive mainstream historical studies is their careful assessment of the nature of the data and an unwillingness to make simple, generalized conclusions. The major

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studies of tourism in the ancient world exemplify this approach (Balsdon 1969; Casson 1974; D’Arms 1970; Friedlander 1965; Kleberg 1957; Lindsay 1965). The use of both written and archaeological evidence is accompanied by a clear recognition of their limitations. Balsdon, for instance, stresses that for the Roman era, the sources are so restricted that most knowledge is confined to the rich whose lives centered on Rome itself (Balsdon 1969:193). Kleberg and D’Arms make much use of archaeological evidence to complement literary sources in their studies of hotels, restaurants, and villas in Italy. However, while issues such as transport, accommodation, itineraries, and sightseeing are addressed in these works, interdisciplinary perspectives are rare. Historical studies of the growth of tourism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries also show little evidence of interdisciplinary exchange. A more analytical approach can often be detected, however, probably reflecting the increase in relevant data sources. Pioneering studies in tourism history have been made by French historians since the 1960s (Boyer 1962, 1963, 1980; Burnet 1963; Duloum 1963, 1970; Joly analysis of the seasonal rhythms in aristocratic 1963). Boyer’s (1963) tourism in the nineteenth century, and the structural changes in tourism in the early twentieth century, has similarities with the approach of Braudel. In Britain, social historians have examined the rise of seaside holidays and resorts in the nineteenth century. Walton’s (1981, 1983) studies of resort growth isolate key factors involved in tourism and use these as a framework for research. Cheap access, income levels, time, and resort facilities are related to wider relationships with industrial growth, labor discipline, and local holiday customs. Noting that the data do not allow for a quantitative study, his method is “based on the ‘feel’ of the sources, backed up by whatever figures were available” (Walton 198 1:250). The methodology, however, did not include a consideration of concepts from other disciplines. The models of the evolution of tourist destination regions developed by Butler (1980), Christaller (1964), Miossec (1977), and Plog (1972), with the idea of a cycle of growth and decline, may have formed a valuable framework which detailed historical research would have helped refine. Quantitative techniques have been employed in historical studies where the data are of sufficient quality and quantity. Information from population census returns have been analyzed in this way. Walton and M&loin’s (1981) study of the growth of the tourist industry in Victorian Lakeland considered the accommodation sector (measured by the employment of heads of households), service sector (using those classified as boatmen, drivers, etc.), as well as the provision of amenities such as water and drainage. A more systematic methodology was employed by Haug (1982) in his study of the effect of tourism on Nice. A 10% random sample of the heads of households for the censuses of 1872, 1891, and 1911 was superimposed on a grid covering the city, and computergraphics were used to generate maps indicating the evolution of prosperous middle class and tourist districts. Other archive material was used to examine the unequal provision of services between the tourist districts and the poorer areas of the city. Haug utilized the methods and analytical tools of urban historians and population geographers, but, as with so many historical studies, concepts from the field of

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tourism were not considered. A partial exception has been Rudney’s (1980) study of the C&e d’Azur, where the “life-cycles” of resorts were considered, as well as the democratization of leisure and tourism. A series of time periods was used to trace the development of tourist frequentation and class, the response of the tourist towns, and how these related to the pattern of leisure in western societies. Again, however, the critical evaluation through detailed empirical research of a model such as Miossec’s would have been of great interest. Social Science Studies

Research by social scientists into tourism history is usually aimed at achieving some temporal dimension to general tourism concepts. The special issue of Annals of Tourism Research on the evolution of tourism (Butler and Wall 1985) appears to be one of the first collections of studies on this subject, and a wide range of approaches are to be found. A feature of several studies is the employment of general models and frameworks of tourism to organize the research. Butler’s (1980) cycle of tourist area evolution was used in Meyer-Arendt’s (1985) study of Grand Isle, Louisiana, and in Hugill’s examination of early twentieth century elite automobile touring. Meyer-Arendt’s linkage of environmental factors to the social and economic cycles in resorts has interesting analogies with Braudel’s concept of cycles and structures in history. Similarly, Leiper’s (1979) tourism system framework, which attempts to link the elements of tourism to the wider physical, cultural, social, economic, political, and technological environments, reflects the interlinking structures of Braudel. Towner’s study of the Grand Tour (1985b) used Leiper’s framework for tracing the linkages in a past tourism system, and this method helped to identify strengths and weaknesses in the available data sources. The use of specific time periods through which to analyze the changes in key factors is a technique frequently employed. In their study of Radium Hot Springs, Wightman and Wall (1985) derived their key factors from Nelson’s (1974) framework for examining Canadian National Parks: environment, strategies and institutions, perceptions and attitudes, and technology, and applied these through a number of time periods. A similar approach was adopted by Butler (1985) in his study of the evolution of tourism in the Scottish Highlands, and in Towner’s Grand Tour study where social, economic, and technological factors were considered. In the latter, biographical information, spatial and temporal patterns, cultural tastes, and the tourist industry were analyzed through a series of short-scale time divisions in an effort to trace changes more accurately. An earlier study by Nash (1979), which, like Haug’s and Rudney’s, focused on Nice, divided the period 1763 to 1936 into three thematic time periods (early growth, maturity, and transformation) in a manner similar to Butler’s cycle of evolution. The development of the aristocratic winter society in the city was viewed in cultural-development terms with insights into the behavior of the expatriate communities drawn from sociological models. The matrix of temporal and thematic divisions adopted in these studies enables continuity and change to be examined closely. A meth-

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odological weakness, however, is that the selection of both time periods and key factors tends to be subjective and arbitrary, and so comparisons between studies are difficult. Closer links with historical studies would have been of great benefit in broadening the social and economic context of tourism in particular periods. A consideration of concepts, such as Braudel’s on cycles and structures, may also have helped to place tourism in a wider historical context. Finally, a humanistic approach to tourism history can be seen in Newby’s study of the relationship between literature and the fashioning of tourist taste (Newby 1981). He examined the influence of Wordsworth’s writings on the development of tourism in the English Lake District, arguing that the poet’s views gave credibility to exploring natural scenery. Newby also suggested that the works of Scott Fitzgerald were influential in developing a summer season on the French Riviera in the 192Os, and that Lawrence Durrell’s novels have helped to popularize the Greek Islands. CONCLUSION Tourism is an interdisciplinary field of interest. This paper has attempted to show that the social sciences and history share a wide range of approaches. There is no methodological barrier, therefore, to closer substantive links between historical studies and contemporary social science approaches to tourism, with techniques ranging from the subjective, intuitive perspectives of humanism, to the more formal procedures of positivism. The basic methodological weakness in tourism history, however, is the present scarcity of interdisciplinary studies. This paper is not arguing for the primacy of one philosophy and its methodologies. Rather, in an introductory manner, it points to the variety of approaches that are possible. What is important is the recognition of these approaches so that valuable interdisciplinary insights are not lost. As Barraclough (1979:90-91) has pointed out, much of the most interesting and productive research work occurs at and across the frontiers between different disciplines. At this stage, the most fruitful areas for closer links between history and tourism studies would seem to lie in two areas. The first is essentially practical, and is concerned with data sources and organizing concepts and frameworks; the second is more general and concerned with overall approaches. An important contribution from history is an awareness of the range of source material that could be used in empirical studies. A start in this direction was made by Pimlott in 1947 (Pimlott 1947) but, such has been the lack of development in this field, that his pioneering work has never really been superseded. Oral history studies, referred to earlier, would in particular add enormously to the knowledge of tourism growth in the twentieth century, especially for the less privileged. What alternatives to the traditional seaside holiday were used? Also, archive research on firms engaged in the tourist industry may reveal new sources of information; at present the influence of a few travel firms has perhaps been overstressed. In addition, there is the need for an interchange of general concepts and frameworks, particularly those that incorporate a time dimension.

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Butler’s model of a tourist area cycle has great relevance to historical studies of seaside resort development, such as those by Walton. Similarly, Miossec’s model of the evolution of tourist areas, incorporating resorts, transport, and host-guest behavior, is sufficiently general to be examined in various historical contexts, and would benefit enormously from the critical assessment of historians. These models evidently link to the ideas of structures and cycles developed in history by Braudel and the Annales school. Furthermore, as Breisach (1983:374) and Norton (1984:49) have indicated, the informal structures of Braudel partly reflect the concepts of structuralism. In contrast, the use of systems analysis, such as Leiper’s, can perhaps be seen as a more formal approach to structures. The objective presentation of the complex interrelationships between the elements involved in tourism is a valuable overall framework, which can be used in historical studies, where particular findings can be placed in some tourism-related context. The utility of such frameworks is not just that they offer new methodologies, but that they may stimulate looking at problems in a new light. New insights can also be introduced to tourism history at a more general level. The process of social segregation is often seen in temporal terms as “mass follows class” (Cosgrove and Jackson 1972; Pearce 1982), and is portrayed as an aspect of social emulation. A critical examination of this historical process from a Marxist perspective could lead to new ideas in this area and highlight other forces at work. Furthermore, historical and geographical perspectives on the sense of place and landscape tastes (Appleton 1975; Hussey 1967; Newby 1981; Nicolson 1959; Parks 1964; Tuan 1974) need to be incorporated into humanistic studies of tourism history. Changes in tourist destination areas in Europe during the Romantic period of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were partly due to changes in landscape taste (Towner 1985a), and need to be understood in those terms. The comparative lack of research in tourism history means that this paper can only be an introduction to the subject. Its main aim has been to suggest that much closer links be forged between scholars in history and the social sciences when examining the history of tourism. A greater awareness of approaches in the two fields would have beneficial results. The quality of research within tourism history would be greatly enhanced, and an essential temporal dimension would be added to the whole field of tourism. 0 0 REFERENCES Adams, P. G. 1962 Travelers and Travel Liars. Berkeley: University of California. Appleton, J. 1975 The Experience of Landscape. London: Wiley. Baker, A. R. H. 1984 Reflections on the Relations of Historical Geography and the Annales School of History. In Explorations in Historical Geography, A. R. H. Baker and D. Gregory, eds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Balsdon, J. P. V. D. 1969 Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome. London: Bodley Head. Barraclough, G. 1979 Main Trends in History. New York: Holmes and Meier.

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Barwick, G. F. 1904 Some Early Guide Books. Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 7: 191207. Batten, C. L. 1978 Pleasurable Instruction: Form and Convention in Eighteenth Century Travel Literature. Berkeley: University of California. Batts, J. S. 1976 British Manuscript Diaries of the Nineteenth Century: An Annotated Listing. Fontwell: Centaur Press. Beringer, R. E. 1978 Historical Analysis: Contemporary Approaches to Clio’s Craft. New York: Wiley. Black, J. 1981-1982 British Travellers in Europe in the Early Eighteenth Century. Dalhousie Review (61):655-667. 1984a The Grand Tour and Savoy Piedmont in the Eighteenth Century. Studi Piedmontesi (13). 1984b France and the Grand Tour in the Early Eighteenth Century. Francis (11). 1985 The British and the Grand Tour. London: Groom Helm. Boyer, M. 1962 Hyeres, Station d’hivernants au XIXe siecle. Provence Historique (12): 139165. 1963 Le caractere saisonnier du phenomene touristique B l’epoque aristocratique et ses consequences economiques. Universite An-Marseille: Annales de la Facultt de Droit et des Sciences Economiques (53):27-51. 1980 Evolution Sociologique du tourisme: continuitt du touriste rare au touriste de masse et rupture contemporaire. Loisir et Societt 3(1):49-81. Brand, C. P. 1956 A Bibliography of Travel Books Describing Italy Published in England 18001850. Italian Studies 11:108-117. Braudel, F. 1958 L’Histoire et les Sciences Sociales: La Longue Durte. Annales:tconomies, socittes, civilisations 4:725-753. 1972 The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World of Philip II (1949). New York: Harper and Row. Breisach, E. 1983 Historiography: Ancient, Medieval and Modern. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Brown, W. C. 1936 The Popularity of English Travel Books About the Near East. Philological Quarterly 15:70-80. Bryant, M. L. 1977 Magnificence and Foppery: France According to Eighteenth Century English Travel Writers. Universitv of Iowa doctoral dissertation. Bulmer, M., ed. 1984 Sociological Research Methods (2nd edition). London: Macmillan. Burkart. A. I.. and S. Medlik 1974 Tour&m: Past, Present and Future. London: Heinemann. Burnet, L. 1963 Villegiature et tourisme sur les CBtes du France. Paris: Libraire Hachette. Butler, R. W. 1980 The Concept of a Tourism Area Cycle of Evolution: Implications for Management of Resources. Canadian Geographer 24:5-12. 1985 Evolution of Tourism in the Scottish Highlands. Annals of Tourism Research 12(3):371-391. Butler, R. W., and G. Wall, eds. 1985 The Evolution of Tourism: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives. Annals of Tourism Research 12(3). Carr, E. H. 1961 What is History? Harmondsworth: Penguin. Casson, L. 1974 Travel in the Ancient World. London: Allen and Unwin.

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Submitted 25 June 1986 Revised version submitted 12 January 1987 Final version submitted 9 March 1987 Accepted 26 March 1987 Refereed anonymously