Asian American television activity: Is it related to outgroup vitality?

International Journal of Intercultural Relations 34 (2010) 541–550

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Asian American television activity: Is it related to outgroup vitality? Jessica R. Abrams ∗ Department of Communication Studies, California State University, 1250 Bellflower Blvd., Long Beach, CA 90840, United States

a r t i c l e

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Article history: Accepted 13 August 2010 Keywords: Asian American Television Uses and gratifications Social identity gratifications Social identity Ethnic identity Vitality

a b s t r a c t Applying a uses and gratifications and social identity gratifications approach, the present study explores Asian American television viewing. Specifically, Asian Americans report on the quantity of television they watch, what shows they watch, why they watch, and whether their uses are related to their perceptions of Caucasian vitality. The data reveal that using television for entertainment and to escape/relieve boredom were the most important television uses for this group of Asian Americans. At the same time, these two uses were significant predictors of how vital Asian Americans perceived Caucasians. Although selecting and avoiding television for ethnic identity gratifications were not important relative to other gratifications, television selection for identity gratifications was important to Asian Americans who highly identify with their ethnic group. © 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction Intergroup relations are informed by a number of factors: history, values, and power to name a few. In recent years, scholars have begun to explore the role of media in intergroup relations (e.g., Abrams, Eveland, & Giles, 2003). As a pervasive cultural storyteller, media have the ability to shape perceptions of social groups, as well as accentuate and attenuate intergroup relations. Relying on both intergroup and mass media theory, research has explored the effects of television on groups that have little contact with each other (Fujioka, 1999) and groups that have more frequent intergroup contact (Mastro, 2003). Researchers have also explored how media influence the perceptions of both minority and majority groups. For example, media can effect the perceptions that a majority group has of a minority group (Mastro, Behm-Morawitz, & Kopacz, 2008; Tan, Fujioka, & Tan, 2000; Vergeer, Lubbers, & Scheepers, 2000), the way a minority group feels about itself (Jeffres, 2000), and the way a minority group feels about a majority group (Abrams, 2008). In line with the area of burgeoning research that melds intergroup relations and mass media, the purpose of the present study is to explore minority group television activity. Specifically, Asian American television activity will be examined as will the relationship between Asian American television activity and their perceptions of Caucasians.1 Before attempting to understand Asian American television habits, a discussion about where Asian Americans fit in the media landscape is apposite. 1.1. Asian Americans In response to the increase in the ethnic minority population in the United States and the effects of media conglomeration, the media landscape has undergone a significant change in the past 20 years. The old “one size fits all approach” no

∗ Tel.: +1 562 985 9141; fax: +1 562 985 4259. E-mail address: [email protected]. 1 Although Asian American identity includes several different ethnic groups that each have their own unique language and culture (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Thai, and Vietnamese), the present study takes into consideration that in the United States, people with origins in East Asia or Southeast Asia are often homogenized and grouped together as Asian American. 0147-1767/$ – see front matter © 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2010.08.002

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longer applies to today’s media environment. Instead, because media conglomeration has afforded companies the luxury of purchasing many media organizations, media conglomerates can divide the media landscape into specialized segments that attract niche audiences. One major way media companies have partitioned audiences is by ethnicity (Kubey, Shifflet, Weerakkody, & Ukeiley, 1995). Because of this change, the visibility of some ethnic groups has increased (Mastro & Greenberg, 2000), while the presence of others has declined or stayed the same (Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, 2005). Currently, Asian Americans comprise approximately 5% of the total United States population (US Census Bureau, 2008a). Between 2005 and 2006, the Asian American population was the fastest growing racial group, and it is estimated to reach 9% in 2050 (US Census Bureau, 2008b). Although Asian Americans are the third largest ethnic group in the United States, the group is underrepresented in American media, especially on television (Mastro & Greenberg, 2000). With the exception of one examination on Asian American representation in primetime television that found that Asian American representation was equal to their population statistics (Harwood & Anderson, 2002), the literature consistently demonstrates that Asian Americans are underrepresented in broadcast television relative to their actual population estimates (Atkin, 1992; Glascock, 2001; Greenberg & Collette, 1997; Kubey et al., 1995). For instance, in their analysis of race in primetime broadcast television, Mastro and Behm-Morawitz (2005) found that Asian Americans comprised 1.5% of all characters on television. Similarly, according to the 2008 Asian Pacific American Media Coalition Report Card on Television Diversity (Asian American Justice Center, 2008), there were a total of 35 Asian Pacific American (APA) actors cast in regular roles in the 2008 primetime season. They note that “APAs are still far less likely to be in starring roles in primetime programming, even though a number of shows are set in cities with high APA populations” (p. 1). Despite their lack of representation, Asian Americans are said to prefer television over any other medium (Delener & Neelankavil, 1990). The pattern of underrepresentation also emerges in research that has examined the visibility of Asian Americans in television advertising (Knobloch-Westerwick & Coates, 2006; Lin, 1998; Li-Vollmer, 2002; see Taylor & Stern, 1997 for an exception); however, Asian Americans seem to be more frequently represented in magazine advertising. For example, in their study of portrayals of Asian Americans in mainstream magazine ads, Lee and Joo (2005) found that of their sample of 1,843 magazine ads, 153 (8.3%) contained Asian Americans. And, unlike other minority ethnic groups, such as African Americans and Latino Americans, there is some evidence that indicates that Asian American men and women are equally represented in advertising (Paek & Shah, 2003). However, numbers tell only half of the story. The other half is told by the quality of portrayals. In her historical account of Asian American representation in media, Mok (1998) contends that Asian Americans were primarily used in media as “background color.” As time passed, representation of Asian Americans changed and the stereotype of Asian Americans as exotic or evil aliens emerged. This image, especially of Asian American men, shifted in the 1970s as a result of the popularity of kung-fu fighter Bruce Lee. On the other hand, Asian American women were portrayed as beautiful and subservient. More recent portrayals of Asian Americans include the “model minority” image. Asian Americans are often said to be the model minority because to many they represent the ideal minority group, which exhibits strong values, commitment to family, determination, and hard work (Sue & Morishima, 1982; Uba, 1994). While some may consider the model minority a positive stereotype, others contend the stereotype furthers racial division (Chou & Feagin, 2008). Although researchers are sometimes unable to examine the quality of Asian American portrayals because samples are too small (Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, 2005; Mastro & Greenberg, 2000), when sample size has been adequate, the literature indicates that Asian Americans are often portrayed as smart and good with technology. For instance, in their investigation of ethnicity in primetime television advertising, Mastro and Stern (2003) found that Asian Americans, in comparison to Blacks, Latinos, and Whites, most frequently appeared in ads for technology and where they were seen working (see also Taylor & Stern, 1997). The connection between Asian Americans and technology might be created at a young age. In an examination of race representation in child-targeted television commercials, Li-Vollmer (2002) found that Asian Americans were underrepresented; however, when they did appear, they were in commercials involving technology products 36% of the time even though technology products were one of the smallest categories advertised. The representation of Asian Americans in magazines seems to mirror the same trend as television advertising. For instance, in their examination of Asian American portrayals in mainstream magazine ads, Lee and Joo (2005) found that Asian Americans more frequently appeared in ads for technology and business related products/services compared to ads for nontechnology and nonbusiness related products/services. Their analysis also revealed that the portrayals confirmed the “hard work, no fun” stereotype of Asian Americans (see also Paek & Shah, 2003; Taylor & Lee, 1994; Taylor, Lee, & Stern, 1995). More recently, in one of the few investigations of Asian American representation on television, the 2008 Asian Pacific American Media Coalition Report Card on Television Diversity (Asian American Justice Center, 2008) found that the majority of Asian Pacific Americans on television hold high status positions, and of the Asian Pacific American characters with known occupations, 100% have positions that highlight their intelligence and/or require advanced degrees, often in the sciences. The study also documents that Asian Americans are consistently absent in family and domestic settings. Importantly, the representation of Asian Americans on television may influence their viewing motivations. 1.2. Viewing motivations Clearly, researchers have investigated Asian American visibility and representation in media; however, there is little examination of their media habits. For example, although Knobloch-Westerwick and Coates (2006) report that the magazines

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Fortune, Businessweek, and Fast Company were the most popular magazines among Asian Americans, data concerning their television habits is noticeably absent in the literature. One purpose of the present study is to explore Asian American television activity. The uses and gratifications (U&G) approach explains that individuals choose certain media content to gratify their individual needs (Katz, Blumler, & Gurevitch 1974). Specifically, the perspective maintains that individuals create expectations about the nature of media content and consciously make active media choices based on personal motivations, goals, and needs. This approach assumes that individual differences motivate individuals to seek out, use, and respond to media content differently (McQuail, Blumler, & Brown, 1972; Rubin, 1977, 1979, 1986). Over the years, various motivations for selecting television have been identified. The most common gratifications for using television are to escape, to be entertained, to relieve boredom, out of habit, to reduce loneliness, and to learn (Canary & Spitzberg, 1993; Conway & Rubin, 1991; Kippax & Murray, 1980; Weaver, 1980). More recently, researchers have begun investigating whether individuals select television to satisfy their social identities. Specifically, Harwood (1997) developed the social identity gratifications approach (SIG) to test whether individuals consider their social group memberships when making decisions about media engagement. In his initial test of the approach, he found that age was an important social identity for individuals when engaging with television (Harwood, 1999a). Specifically, three age groups (children, younger adults, and older adults), all demonstrated a preference for viewing television characters of their own age, even when the content of the program was controlled. Recently, Abrams and Giles (2007) successfully extended Harwood’s SIG approach to ethnic identity. Specifically, Abrams and Giles discovered that African Americans reported selecting television to gratify their ethnic identity and avoiding other shows based on their perceptions that television could not gratify their ethnic identification. In other words, not only were viewers active in their selection of television content, but many felt that the television landscape perpetuated stereotypes of their group, and as a result, they avoided certain content. Even so, viewing television for entertainment was the primary television activity for African Americans. The focus of the first hypothesis is to examine Asian American television activity. While some Asian Americans are expected to report selecting and avoiding television based on ethnic identity reasons, in general, Asian Americans are likely to be similar to other ethnic minority groups, such as Latinos and African Americans, and select television primarily to be entertained (Abrams & Giles, 2007; Albarran & Umphrey, 1993). Moreover, because Asian Americans are predicted to satisfy their primary entertainment needs first, they will probably report viewing shows popular with the general public as opposed to shows that feature an Asian American character. With this in mind, the following hypotheses are advanced: H1 .

Asian Americans will report being motivated to select television to gratify their entertainment needs.

H2 .

Asian Americans will report viewing television shows that are popular with the general public.

Asian American television use is interesting to examine because unlike African Americans, who have achieved a degree of parity on television (Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, 2005), there is a dearth of Asian American representation on television. With this in mind, Asian Americans may not perceive that they have the option of selecting television to gratify their ethnic identity. However, Asian Americans may report actively avoiding television because they perceive television as unable to gratify their ethnic identity. Ethnic identity motivations are expected to be especially important to those individuals who highly identify with their Asian American identity. Importantly, implicit in the SIG approach is the assumption that ethnic identity is a motivating factor when individuals engage with media. In other words, identity gratifications are likely to be a concern only for those people who are invested in their ethnic group. Research indicates that levels of ethnic identity vary for individuals. That is, for some, ethnic identity is a defining feature of the self, and for others, ethnic identity is not salient (Phinney, 1992). The same is the case for Asian Americans. Research on Asian Americans indicates that they have differing degrees of ethnic identity (Ting-Toomey et al., 2000) and ethnic identity predicts outcomes such as attending college (Phinney, Dennis, & Osorio, 2006) and personal and social well-being (Lee, 2003). Previous work by Abrams (Abrams, 2008; Abrams & Giles, 2007) suggests that level of ethnic identity will be related to both ethnic identity selection and avoidance of television. Specifically, individuals who strongly identify with their Asian American identity should be more likely to select and avoid television for identity purposes. Therefore, the following hypothesis is proposed: H3 . ‘Asian Americans’ level of ethnic identification will be positively related to their ethnic identity gratifications selection and avoidance. 1.3. Outgroup vitality The next logical step in this line of research is to determine whether viewing choices are related to perceptions of the social world. The present investigation focuses on whether Asian American television use is related to their perceptions of outgroup vitality. Vitality is a concept that was developed by intergroup communication scholars to access how group members engage in social comparison between groups (Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor, 1977). Vitality is comprised of three main factors: status, demography, and institutional support. A group possesses high status if it has economic control over its destiny, consensually high collective-esteem, and pride in its past. Demography refers to the distribution and sheer number of group members. Guided by the notion of strength in numbers, large groups possess more vitality. Institutional support refers to the degree to which a group has gained representation in the various institutions (e.g., government, business, mass

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media, religion, and cultural domains) of a nation, region, or community. Researchers (Harwood, Giles, & Bourhis, 1994) distinguish between objective vitality, or the actual position of groups in the status hierarchy, and subjective vitality, or group members’ interpretative assessments of their own and other groups’ position in society. The present study focuses on the latter. In other words, the more representation members of a group perceive they have in the three areas, the more subjective vitality they are considered to possess. Importantly, Giles et al. (1977) propose the more vitality a group has, the more likely the group will survive and thrive as a collective entity in its prevailing intergroup context. Over the years, vitality perceptions have been linked to a number of group related outcomes. For example, research indicates that subjective vitality perceptions influence language maintenance, language loss, language acquisition, and bilingual development on the part of minority groups (see also Cenoz & Valencia, 1993; Clachar, 1997; Clément, 1980; Giles, Leets, & Coupland, 1990; Hamers & Blanc, 1982; Landry & Allard, 1994; Landry & Bourhis, 1997; Yagmur, de Bot, & Korzilius, 1999). Moreover, consistent with vitality researchers predictions, the more vitality individuals consider their social group to possess, the more likely they will invest their energies in preserving the ingroup’s identity, activities, and influences (see also Abrams et al., 2003; Currie & Hogg, 1994; Landry & Bourhis, 1997; Leets & Giles, 1995; Sachdev & Bourhis, 1993). Vitality perceptions are formed by a variety of experiences and observations. Media are likely one pervasive force that shapes the vitality construction process. Television, in particular, provides insight into the power dynamics between groups and generally reflects intergroup structural dynamics (Harwood & Roy, 2005). In fact, Harwood and Roy (2005) reason that because media content informs us of a groups’ position in society and perpetuates or maintains the status hierarchy by representing groups in a particular way, media images may affect intergroup cognitions such as ingroup identification, attitudes, cognitive alternatives, and vitality. A remaining focus of the present study is to explore how minority group media activity is related to perceptions of the dominant group. Specifically, the relationship between Asian American television activity and their perceptions of Caucasian vitality will be examined. As previously discussed, the visibility and quality of portrayals for some ethnic minority groups has improved; however, the literature overwhelmingly indicates that Caucasians still dominate the television landscape and are visibly the dominant ethnic group in the United States (Harwood & Anderson, 2002; Mastro & Greenberg, 2000). Moreover, in her research on the effects of media images and stereotypes on Asian Americans, Mok (1998) contends that “Asian Americans may be affected by media images—in their views of themselves, or other Asian Americans, and of White Americans—although this has received little scrutiny. . .” (p. 187). The present study addresses Mok’s call for research. In one of the few examinations of how ethnic minority television use is related to perceptions of the dominant group, Abrams (2008) found that African Americans who selected television out of habit/boredom were more likely to perceive Caucasians as possessing vitality than when they use television for other gratifications. According to Rubin (1984), viewers who select television out of habit or to relieve boredom would be categorized as ritualized viewers, or those who use a medium habitually. Importantly, Windahl (1981) contends that unlike instrumental viewers, who experience media effects, ritualized users experience consequences. If audiences are not mindful of what kinds of television programs they are selecting or avoiding, then they may be exposed to content that reinforces the dominant groups’ status, especially given that Caucasians still outnumber other ethnic groups on television. Thus far, the hypotheses have proposed that Asian Americans will report selecting television for entertainment gratifications and view shows that are popular with the general public. Because selecting television for entertainment gratifications is a more ritualized form of television activity, as is selecting to escape/relieve boredom, Asian Americans are likely viewing shows that feature predominately Caucasian casts, especially considering the literature indicates that Caucasians are overrepresented in television programs relative to their population estimates (Harwood & Anderson, 2002). A likely consequence of passive forms of television activity is the reinforcement of Caucasian cultural dominance. Interestingly, because Asian Americans are severely underrepresented in television, even if Asian Americans report selecting television to gratify their ethnic identity, there is simply not enough representation of the group to justify a shift in their perceptions of Caucasian vitality. Of course, if Asian Americans feel that their group is underrepresented or stereotyped, then the act of television avoidance on their part should reinforce perceptions of Caucasian vitality. With this in mind, a final hypothesis is offered: H4 . There will be a positive relationship between Asian Americans who select television for entertainment and escape/boredom gratifications and perceptions of Caucasian vitality. 2. Method 2.1. Sample and procedure Two versions (each reverse ordered) of an 83-item questionnaire was administered to self-identified Asian American (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Laotian, Vietnamese, Thai, or Other Southeast Asian) undergraduate students (n = 114) enrolled in communication courses at universities and community colleges in the greater Los Angeles area. Data were collected in classes in which the author had professional contacts with the professor. Most participants (86%) reported that they were permanent residents of the United States. The average participant age was 21 (SD = 4.28) and approximately 58% of the sample was female (n = 66) and 41% was male (n = 47). One participant did not identify his/her sex. Participants were told

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Table 1 Rotated factor matrix: uses and gratifications. Factor 1 Eigenvalue Percent of variance Explained Ethnic background similar to mine Ethnic background with people whom I identify Factual information about my ethnicity Watch people like me ethnically Learn about people from my ethnic background What happens to people of my own ethnicity Feel proud about my ethnicity Learn about others Help me understand the world Learn how to do things haven’t done before See how others solve problems Learn about world events Get different perspectives Pass the time of day Get away from what I’m doing TV is a habit Forget about my problems TV is entertaining TV is enjoyable TV is exciting

Factor 3

Factor 4

9.3

Factor 2 4.6

2.1

1.5

30.0

14.8

7.1

4.8

.73 .81 .81 .70 .87 .90 .80 .67 .76 .61 .68 .74 .80 .73 .83 .66 .68 .82 .82 .67

Note: This factor analysis reflects items that firmly load on each respective factor. Similarly, the remaining three factors contained factor loadings deemed unacceptable (e.g., factor loadings below .4 or comprised less than 2 items.

the research concerned television-viewing habits. Some students earned course credit for their involvement, participation was voluntary, and responses were anonymous and confidential. 2.2. Measures 2.2.1. Television motivations In order to test H1 , a 31-item index measured television uses and gratifications. The items were adopted from Canary and Spitzberg (1993), Ward and Rivadeneyra (1999), and Harwood (1999b). For example, participants were asked if they watched television “because it is enjoyable,” “to help me understand the world,” or “to see people from my ethnic background in situations similar to mine.” The items were factor analyzed using principal components analysis (varimax rotation). Seven factors were extracted, accounting for 68% of the variance (see Table 1). The last three factors were indistinct. Thus, a fourfactor solution remained. Based on the factor analysis, four separate indexes measuring television use to learn (˛ = .85), to be entertained (˛ = .80), to escape/relieve boredom (˛ = .78), and for ethnic identity (˛ = .93) were created. Four items adapted from the ethnic identity gratification index were developed to assess whether Asian Americans sometimes avoided television based on ethnic identity gratifications (˛ = .84). Specifically, participants were asked if they avoided television “because it perpetuates stereotypes of my ethnic group,” “because my ethnic group is not well-represented,” “because I don’t see people of my own ethnic background with whom I identify,” and “because I can’t see people from my own ethnic background in situations similar to mine.” 2.2.2. Television content H2 was tested by asking participants to identify up to three of the programs they regularly watched per day. The researcher then coded the programs according to genre: entertainment, sports, or news/informational. To ensure coding accuracy, a research assistant coded 50% of the data. Disagreements were found on less than .05% of the data. When programs unfamiliar to the researcher were listed, the Internet was consulted to determine the program’s content. 2.2.3. Ethnic identification H3 was examined via the one-item inclusion of ingroup in the self-scale developed by Tropp and Wright (2001), which asks participants to “Please choose the pair of circles that best represents your level of identification with your ethnic group, with choices ranging from 1 (no overlap) to 7 (high degree of overlap),” and six items from Luhtanen and Crocker’s (1992) Collective Self-Esteem Scale (M = 4.27, SD = 1.23, ˛ = .86). For example, participants were asked whether they agree or disagree with the statement, “the ethnic group I belong to is an important reflection of who I am.”

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Table 2 Correlation matrix. Variables 1. Entertain TV 2. Escape/boredom TV 3. Learn TV 4. Ethnic TV 5. Avoid ethnic TV 6. Level of ethnic id 7. Vitality * **

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

.41**

.19* .05

.24** .23* .53**

−.17 −.03 .05 .18

−.04 .04 .14 .30** .06

.23* .22* .18 −.08 −.03 −.07

p < .05. p < .01.

2.2.4. Outgroup vitality A modified version of the Subjective Vitality Questionnaire (Bourhis, Giles, & Rosenthal, 1981) was used to measure H4 . Participants answered questions regarding their perceptions of Caucasian vitality2 : status, demography, and institutional support. Items from the instrument were factor analyzed. Although the items were expected to be consistent with the three variables of vitality (demography, institutional support, and status) and thus result in a three-factor solution, the analysis did not confirm the underlying structure. Moreover, consistent with previous research (e.g., Pittam, Gallois, & Willemyns, 1991), all items did not load on their intended factor and some items loaded on multiple factors. Because of these discrepancies, a decision was made to form a composite index of Asian Americans’ perceptions of Caucasian vitality (M = 5.46, SD = .57, ˛ = .79)—a procedure not uncommon in the literature (see Abrams, Barker, Giles, 2009; Giles et al., 2000). Table 2 reports the correlations of all the variables measured in the hypotheses. 2.2.5. Television-viewing amount To measure viewing amount, participants were asked to consider all of the television programming they watched regularly on network and cable television each night of the week including drama, sports, documentaries, news, and comedy. They were then asked to consider the length of the programs and calculate the number of hours of television watched per day. Values for each day of the week were totaled to form a composite measure of weekly and daily television-viewing amount. Participants reported watching an average of 2.02 hours of television a day (SD = 1.73). 2.2.6. Control variables Because demographic data have the potential to influence the relationships of interest (Allen, 2001), participant sex, age, mother’s and father’s level of education and type of work were measured. For instance, participants were instructed to indicate, “what kind of work does your mother do” and “what kind of work does your father do” from the following options: professional, manager, business owner; craftsperson, skilled worker, technician, supervisor; student; military; clerical, administrative, sales; unskilled worker; not working. 3. Results H1 proposed that Asian Americans would primarily select television for entertainment gratifications. Descriptive statistics indicated that selecting television for entertainment (M = 5.40, SD = 1.21) was most important to Asian Americans, followed by selecting television to escape/relieve boredom (M = 4.53, SD = 1.41), to learn (M = 4.25, SD = 1.25), then avoidance for ethnic identity (M = 3.34, SD = 1.63), and finally selecting for ethnic identity gratifications (M = 2.67, SD = 1.27). Friedman’s test on the medians confirmed that the differences between selecting for entertainment and selecting to escape/relieve boredom and to learn were significantly different. The difference between selecting television for ethnic identity gratifications and avoiding for ethnic identity gratifications was also significant. The differences between selecting to escape/relieve boredom and to learn were not significant. Based on the analyses, H1 was supported. H2 projected that Asian Americans would report viewing shows that are popular with the general public. To test this hypothesis, participants were asked to list up to three programs they regularly watch per day. Next, all entertainment programs were coded for the amount of instances listed by participants. The top ten entertainment shows, in order of most frequently viewed, were Friends; The Simpsons; Everybody Loves Raymond; Just Shoot Me and Seventh Heaven (tie); Will and Grace, Pokemon, and Seinfeld (tie); Dawson’s Creek, Drew Carey, Late Night with David Letterman, Mad TV, and Smallville (tie). Importantly, Friends was overwhelmingly listed by participants.3 Because this show was the top national television show during the time data was collected (Gorman, 2010), H2 was supported. H3 stated that there would be a positive relationship between Asian Americans’ level of ethnic identification and their ethnic identity gratifications selection and avoidance. Level of ethnic identity was related to selection of television to gratify

2 Data were collected on three ethnic groups, African Americans (M = 4.23, SD = .68, ˛ = .84), Hispanics (M = 4.07, SD = .67, ˛ = .83), and Caucasians. Only the Caucasian data are reported here. 3 Friends was in first-run and off-network syndication during the time of data collection.

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ethnic identity (r = .30, p < .01), but ethnic identity was not related to gratifications avoidance (r = .06, p = .27). Therefore, H3 was partially supported. H4 proposed that there would be a positive relationship between Asian Americans who select television for entertainment and escape/boredom gratifications and perceptions of Caucasian vitality. Significant relationships were found between Asian Americans’ selection of television for entertainment (r = .23, p < .01), to escape/relieve boredom (r = .22, p < .01), and to learn (r = .18, p < .05), and Caucasian vitality. Results from a follow-up multiple regression F (10, 113) = 2.00, p < .05, controlling for participant sex and age, mother and father’s economic status and level of education, and average number of hours of television viewed a day, indicated that selecting television for entertainment (ˇ = .25, t = 2.60, p < .01) and to escape/relieve boredom (ˇ = .21, t = 2.14, p < .05) were significant predictors of Caucasian vitality. Based on the analyses, H4 was supported. 4. Discussion The purpose of this study was to explore Asian American television activity. Specifically, the study investigated what they watch, why they watch, and what is the relationship between why they watch and their perceptions of Caucasian vitality. The results indicate that similar to other ethnic groups, Asian Americans primarily use television for entertainment gratifications. Importantly, using television in relatively ritualistic ways, such as to be entertained or to escape/relieve boredom, was related to how Asian Americans perceived Caucasian dominance. The present investigation also was the first known exploration into whether Asian Americans use or avoid television for ethnic identity reasons. Although the data suggest neither form of television activity was important relative to other gratifications, selecting television for identity gratifications was significant to Asian Americans who highly identify with their ethnic group. Consistent with existing research, the results indicate that this sample of Asian Americans view less television than African Americans and Latinos (Abrams & Giles, 2007; Rivadeneyra & Ward, 2005), but about the same as Caucasians (Pingree et al., 2001). In support of the hypotheses, the data also indicate that Asian Americans overwhelmingly selected television for entertainment gratifications. The programs that were reported as most often viewed also support Asian Americans’ entertainment gratification. Although the top ten shows were provided, the top two shows, Friends and The Simpsons, were listed at least four times more than the third top-ranked show. While Friends and The Simpsons may have high entertainment value, which may be why they had high national ratings, each show has very little to offer Asian Americans in the way of ethnic identity gratification. Considering this, it is not surprising that selecting television to gratify their ethnic identity was least important to Asian Americans. Reasoning that television activity should be related to how Asian Americans perceive the dominant group, the final hypothesis proposed that selecting television for entertainment and to escape/relieve boredom would be positively related to Asian Americans’ perceptions of Caucasian vitality. The hypothesis was supported. Specifically, both variables were significant predictors of Asian Americans’ perceptions of Caucasian vitality. Selecting television for entertainment or to escape/relieve boredom are both ritualized forms of medium use. In other words, a television user who simply wants to be entertained is probably not too selective about the content as long as it is mildly engaging. The television user who wants to escape is arguably even less selective because the goal of escaping can be accomplished by almost any television program. Because Asian Americans reported primarily selecting television for entertainment or to escape/relieve boredom, which both require little cognitive effort as suggested by Windahl (1981), they may experience consequences. In this case, the consequence is the reinforcement of Caucasian dominance. For example, although The Simpsons is a cartoon, if there are no cues (e.g., skin color, accent, code switching) to provide the audience with a different reality, the voices of the main characters are likely to be processed as Caucasian. Of course, Friends, a show that centers on the relationships among six Caucasian twenty to thirty somethings clearly represents the dominant group. If Asian Americans are ritualistically watching television and are exposed to frequent and positive representations of Caucasians, the representations may function to reinforce Caucasian demography, status, and institutional support. In this way, television use may cultivate perceptions of the dominant group (Gerbner, 1990). Specifically, the shows that Asian Americans view may confirm Caucasian vitality. As predicted, level of ethnic identity was related to television selection to gratify ethnic identity. This finding confirms previous research on other ethnic minorities that has revealed that level of ethnic identity predicted ethnic identity television selection, but is inconsistent with findings that have found that level of ethnic identity was also related to television avoidance (Abrams & Giles, 2007). Interestingly, the image of Asian Americans as the “model minority” may be perceived as favorable (Peterson, 2007), and therefore, Asian Americans – even those who are highly identified – may not feel they need to actively avoid television images of their group. In other words, even though Asian Americans lack representation in television, when they are represented, they are portrayed as smart (Mastro & Stern, 2003). Still, in general, the results underscore ethnic identity as a significant variable for researchers studying social groups. To assume that all members of a particular social group have the same level of commitment to the group would be a mistake. In fact, the different levels of commitment individuals have to the group are likely to influence their media, and more general, group behavior (Reid & Hogg, 2008; Spears, Doosje, Ellemers, 1997). As Davis and Gandy (1999) explain, individuals who are invested in their group are likely to be more vigilant in examining media messages, favorable and unfavorable, about their group. On the other hand, individuals who do not closely identify with their group are probably not going to be as critical about media messages. The data revealed that selecting and avoiding television for ethnic identity gratifications were not the most important forms of television activity. Of course, the argument could be made that Asian Americans would like to select television to gratify their ethnic identity, but they may perceive that this option is simply not available. On the other hand, Asian

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Americans may be gratifying their ethnic identity in ways that do not involve television, which may explain why Asian Americans are not watching television as much as some ethnic groups. An alternative explanation is that Asian Americans are spending their time with other forms of entertainment media. For example, if Asian Americans are not watching much television, they may be using other media or technology, such as surfing the Internet or playing video games. Knowledge of such behavior may illuminate whether Asian Americans are endorsing the media stereotype of the group being adept with technology (Mastro & Stern, 2003). With this in mind, future researchers interested in understanding Asian American media habits should expand their range of media to include other forms of technology. For instance, Knobloch-Westerwick and Coates (2006) report that unlike other ethnic minority groups who prefer magazines that target their group, Asian Americans prefer mainstream magazines like Fortune, Businessweek, and Fast Company. These magazines noticeably confirm the stereotype about Asian Americans being “smart” or business savvy. These preferences shed light on the perhaps nonrecursive relationship between media and social groups (Gandy & Matabane, 1989). That is, media may shape perceptions of Asian Americans, but at the same time, Asian Americans may be influencing the images media develop of the group. Naturally, the present study has some limitations. For example, while the study considered level of ethnic identity as a factor when considering television use, and all participants reported being United States citizens, it did not account for how long participants and their families have lived in the United States. Family generation and degree of cultural orientation may have an impact on several of the variables and relationships examined (Phinney, 2003; Tsai, Ying, & Lee, 2000). For instance, both level of ethnic identity and television activity could be influenced by whether someone is a first- or second-generation Asian American. Arguably, levels of ethnic identity might decline after a family has been in the United States for two or three generations. If ethnic identity is not important to individuals, then they may be less likely to select or avoid television for ethnic identity gratifications. Another limitation is the homogenization of the participants. In other words, the present study has combined people of many East Asian and Southeast Asian ethnic backgrounds. This is not to suggest that each of these ethnic groups does not have their own culture, rituals, or identity. Instead, the focus and methodology of the study takes into account that in the United States, individuals are often grouped into one overarching category; e.g., Asian American, Hispanic American, European American. Still, researchers would be remiss if the separate ethnic identities of each of the groups represented were not recognized and acknowledged. As stated, the present study is the first known exploration of Asian American television habits. Moreover, the study has linked specific television uses to how Asian Americans perceive the dominant group’s vitality. While the study makes some important inroads in understanding how perceptions of the social hierarchy are formed, the present data are correlational. With this in mind, researchers should consider conducting experimental work to isolate the causal nature of the relationships between media use and social perceptions. For instance, it may be that Asian Americans’ vitality perceptions of Caucasians have an effect on Asian Americans’ level of ethnic identity. Similarly, scholars should examine Asian Americans’ perceptions of Asian American vitality. While the present study adds to the growing body of literature indicating that media activity is related to perceptions of outgroups (Abrams, 2008; Gandy & Baron, 1998; Mastro, 2003; Tan et al., 2000; Vergeer et al., 2000), the role of television use on Asian American vitality remains unknown. In fact, because little empirical work has focused on Asian Americans, their perceptions of their own group’s position in the social hierarchy, separate from the media’s role, is largely absent in the literature. By examining television activity, studies such as the present one may provide insight into how groups construct their perceptions of vitality. Media effects scholars, especially cultivation theorists (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002), have argued that media has the power to shape, change, or reinforce perceptions of the social world. By examining the intergroup context, researchers can begin to understand the critical role of media in how those perceptions are formed (Reid, Giles, & Abrams 2004). That said, currently most of the research investigating media and intergroup relations has come from media scholars and has addressed issues of power (e.g., Mastro, 2003). Importantly, intercultural researchers have much to contribute to the dialogue. For instance, the literature indicates that cultural groups also use media to learn about other cultural groups (e.g., Fujioka, 1999). With this in mind, media may offer an opportunity for vicarious intercultural contact, and in turn, influence intercultural competence. Similarly, as a result of exposure to different cultural groups, media may reduce intercultural anxiety. In this way, media attenuate or possibly improve intercultural relations. At the same time, media may play a role in adverse intercultural relations. For instance, some cultural groups may experience a degree of rejection if their group is not represented. Hopefully, the present study will prompt intercultural researchers to contribute to the dialogue about understanding the pervasive and powerful role media play in any cultural group’s life. Their expertise can help shed some light on the importance of media to inter- and intra-cultural relations.

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