- Email: [email protected]
Assessing the Effects of the Acting White Accusation Among Black Girls: Social Anxiety and Bullying Victimization
Assessing the Effects of the Acting White Accusation Among Black Girls: Social Anxiety and Bullying Victimization Martale Davis, M.A., Robert Stadulis, Ed.D., Angela Neal-Barnett, Ph.D.
Funding: This work was supported by the Graduate Under-researched Population. Award provided by the Applied Psychology Center, Kent State University, Kent, OH. Abstract: One of the most harmful accusations one Black adolescent can hurl at another is the acting White accusation (AWA). The AWA is an attack against an individual’s ethnic/racial identity and many have described it as a bullying experience. Those who experience the AWA frequently and are bothered by it might perceive the accusation as bullying for these reasons, and peer victimization has been associated with several negative outcomes including social anxiety. The present study examines the relationship between the acting White accusation, bullying victimization, and social anxiety. Thirty-one Black females between the ages of 10 and 18 years served as participants in the study. The findings indicated that all participants reported receiving the accusation at least once in their lifetime. The results also indicated that bother experienced when receiving the accusation was positively associated with social anxiety, while both bother and frequency of the accusation were positively associated with bullying victimization. These findings suggest that adolescents interpret the accusation as a negative evaluation. Additionally, the more an adolescent experiences the accusation and the more bothered he or she is by it, the more victimized they feel. Keywords: Black-African American-Acting white accusation-AdolescentsSocial anxiety-Bullying
Author affiliations: Martale Davis, Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, 144 Kent Hall, Kent, OH, 44242, USA; Robert Stadulis, Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, 144 Kent Hall, Kent, OH, 44242, USA; Angela Neal-Barnett, Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, 144 Kent Hall, Kent, OH, 44242, USA Correspondence. Martale Davis, M.A.,, email: [email protected] ª 2017 by the National Medical Association. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jnma.2017.06.016
INTRODUCTION
P
revious research has found that one source of anxiety most pertinent to Black adolescents is the accusation of acting White.1e3 The acting White accusation (AWA) arises when a Black adolescent’s ethnic/ racial identity (ERI) is perceived as being not Black enough by another Black adolescent or group of adolescents.2 The accusation may be experienced directly, “you are acting White,” or indirectly, “you talk like a White boy.” The indirect accusation is a more subtle form of the acting White accusation that circumvents explicitly stating someone acts White, yet accuses him or her of possessing characteristics similar to White individuals with statements such as “you dress like a White girl.” Regardless of whether it is direct or indirect, many accused adolescents experience the accusation as an attack on their ethnic/racial
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identity and thus experience distress in relation to this accusation.2,3
The AWA and bother Adolescents can experience psychological discomfort or feel bothered when receiving the accusation.2 Murray and colleagues examined the extent to which adolescent were bothered by the accusation and found that bother experienced after receiving the accusation was associated with anxiety.1 Bergin and Cooks found that high achieving Black adolescents in their study did not avoid academic achievement in order to avoid the acting White accusation, although they did experience some level of bother when they were accused of acting White.4 These findings suggest that bother is a concept experienced by many adolescents when accused of being a non-authentic member of their ethnic/racial group. Because bother experienced from the accusation is linked to psychological distress, it becomes a central component in understanding the impact of the acting White accusation.
The AWA, bullying victimization and social anxiety Bullying is defined as a form of aggression that is intended to harm or cause distress in the victim.5 Griffin and Gross differentiate between two forms of bullying: 1) the overt or direct form which includes physical aggression, and physical or verbal threat; and 2) the covert or indirect form which relates to exclusion, social rejection and rumor spreading.6 Black adults accused of acting White recall the accusation as a bullying experience.7 Jamelle Bouie, the chief political correspondent for Slate, reported having been accused of acting White during adolescence and stated the accusation was reserved for Black kids, academically successful or otherwise, who did not fit in with the main crowd.8 Thus the accusation can be considered a more covert form of bullying among adolescents. Bullying also has implications for the development of social anxiety, which is defined as a marked fear of one or more social situations, because it has social consequences that make it an impetus for social evaluation concerns.9 Bullying victimization has been associated with increased anxiety, shyness, withdrawnness, low self-
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THE ACTING WHITE ACCUSATION, SOCIAL ANXIETY, AND BULLYING
esteem, and poor social skills.10,11 Detweiler and colleagues cited a study conducted by La Greca and Harrison that found even non-violent, indirect harassment could result in social anxiety if accompanied by a poor quality of friendship with a best friend, which is likely for youth who experience peer rejection and neglect.9,12 Given the potential for adolescents to experience the AWA as a bullying experience or an attack against their identity, social anxiety could be an outcome for those who experience the accusation as peer victimization.
Ethnic/racial identity Ethnic/racial identity (ERI) refers to one’s attitudes and behaviors that define the significance and meaning of ethnicity and race.13 The AWA is embedded in ERI given that it is implied that one is “not Black enough,” and is an attack against an individual’s ethnic/racial self-conception. Previous research indicates high ERI serves as a protective factor against psychological distress, suggesting that it could buffer the effects of the accusation. However, because the accusation is a threat to one’s identity, ERI may not serve the same function when receiving the accusation. Numerous studies suggest that high ERI serve as a buffer for psychopathology and academic difficulties.14e16 Mandara et al. found that racial identity was negatively correlated with anxiety in girls. In a similar study, results indicated that Blacks with lower levels of ethnic identity experienced greater amounts of both anxiety and depression.14,17 This is consistent with research that suggests higher levels of ethnic identity are associated with fewer symptoms of internalizing disorders.17e20
The present study The current study seeks to examine the relationship between the acting White accusation, bullying victimization, social anxiety, and ethnic/racial identity. A review of the literature suggests there has been no study that examines the relationship between these variables using a quantitative approach. Thus, this study is unique in its contribution to the literature. We predict the acting White accusation will be positively associated with social anxiety. The more bothered an adolescent feels when receiving the accusation, the more social anxiety they experience. Moreover, many individuals describe the accusation as a bullying experience when it has occurred during a critical time in adolescence. We also predict the acting White accusation will be positively associated with bullying victimization, in that the more bother an adolescent experiences the more bullying victimization they will experience. Lastly, research suggests high ethnic/racial identity serves as a protective factor against psychopathology. Given the accusation is embedded in ethnic/racial identity, we predict that the
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degree to which an individual defines him or herself with regards to race (Racial Centrality) and an individual’s evaluative judgments of his or her race (Private Regard) will be negatively associated with the accusation. Higher levels of ERI will be associated with lower levels of bother.
METHODS Participants Thirty-one (31) adolescent girls completed surveys for this study. All participants (100%) identified as African American/Black. The participants ranged in age from 10 to 18 years old (M ¼ 14, SD ¼ 2.1) and grade levels ranged from 5th-12th (mode ¼ 8th). All participants were recruited through a school-based summer program for Black adolescent girls who were from single-parent, lowincome ($15,000-$25,000/year) households. Volunteer participants were selected to be a part of the study only if they self-identified as African AmericanyBlack. Individuals from other ethnic/racial groups were excluded. The treatment of all participants met guidelines of the American Psychological Association (APA) standards. This study received prior approval from the Kent State University Institutional Review Board (IRB).
Procedure Participants completed several paper questionnaires on their own with a supervising research assistant available to answer questions that arose. The adolescents were told that they would be completing surveys relating to their experience of being a Black, adolescent girl. Parental and adolescent consent was required for participation in the study. The participants had 30 min to complete the measures, but most finished in less than 30 min. Once each participant completed their surveys they received a $10 gift card to Subway. IRB approval from Kent State University was obtained prior to any data collection.
Measures The Acting White Experiences Questionnaire (AWEQ).2 The AWEQ assesses the degree to which adolescents experience different aspects of the acting White accusation. The AWEQ assesses the frequency of indirect forms of the accusation such as “The kids around me say I talk proper” and the direct form “Have you ever been accused of acting White?” Participants respond to each item using a six-point Likert-type scale with responses that range from 1 “Never” to 6 “Almost all of the time.” The AWEQ also assesses the degree to which an individual is bothered by the accusation with the statement, “How bothered were you by this?” Responses can be indicated by five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 “Didn’t bother me at
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THE ACTING WHITE ACCUSATION, SOCIAL ANXIETY, AND BULLYING
all” to “Bothered me a whole lot.” The AWEQ was shown to be a valid and reliable measure in Black populations.1,2 For the current sample, the AWEQ was shown to have good reliability (a ¼ .87). The Multidimensional Anxiety Scale for Children 2nd Edition (MASC-2).21 The MASC-2 is a 50-item questionnaire that assesses symptoms related to anxiety disorders including social anxiety, general anxiety, and separation anxiety. The questionnaire contains items such as “I worry about other people laughing at me” and “I have trouble asking other kids to play with me.” Responses are indicated using a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 to 3 (0-Never, 1-rarely, 2-sometimes and 3-often). The social anxiety subscale was used to assess the presence of symptoms related to social anxiety. The MASC-2 was shown to be a valid and reliable measure for this population.21,22 For the current sample, the MASC-2 was shown to have excellent reliability (a ¼ .90). The Gatehouse Bullying Scale (GBS).23 The GBS is a 12-item measure designed to assess four forms of bullying victimization: teasing, rumor spreading, exclusion, and physical harm. The presence of bullying victimization is assessed with questions such as “Has anyone spread rumors about you recently?” and participants can respond either 0 “no” or 1 “yes.” Those who respond “yes” can indicate frequency of bullying (1 emost days, 2-about once a week, and 3 eless than once a week) and how upset they were (1- not at all, 2-a bit, and 3-I was quite upset). The measure consists of four subscales that correspond to each form of bullying and all four scales can be combined to create a composite score of bullying victimization. The GBS was shown to have good reliability in the current sample (a ¼ .83). The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI).24 The racial centrality and private regard subscales from the MIBI were used to assess ERI. Racial centrality assesses the degree to which an individual defines him or herself with regards to race, and how much race is a part of the self-concept. Items within this subscale include “In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image” and “I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people.” The private regard subscale assesses an individual’s evaluative judgments of his or her race. It reflects how positive or negative one feels towards the Black population and their membership in that group. The measure includes items such as “I feel good about Black people” and “I feel that Blacks have made major accomplishments and advancements.” Participants indicate their responses using a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 “strongly disagree” to 7 “strongly agree.” For the current sample, the MIBI was shown to have moderate reliability (a ¼ .67).
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Table 1. Frequency and bother intensity means for endorsed items on the AWEQ.
Items endorsed
Total Frequency Bother number mean (SD) mean (SD)
Talk proper
n ¼ 23
4.2 (1.5)
1.4 (0.8)
Want to make n ¼ 22 something of myself
3.6 (1.6)
2.1 (1.4)
Full of myself or bigheaded
n ¼ 17
3.4 (1.7)
1.4 (1.0)
Listen to White music
n ¼ 16
3.6 (1.8)
1.5 (1.2)
Accused of acting White
n ¼ 15
1.0 (0.0)a
2.3 (1.6)
Note. N ¼ 31. a Denotes yes/no response (1 ¼ yes, 2 ¼ no).
RESULTS All 31 participants (100%) indicated that they received the acting White accusation either directly, indirectly, or both. Results indicate 16 of 31 participants were accused indirectly only, one participant was accused only directly, and 14 of 31 were accused both directly and indirectly. The most commonly endorsed items on the questionnaire are listed in Table 1. The ranges and mean for each measure and subscales are summarized in Table 2. A series of linear regressions were conducted to assess the relationships between variables in this study. The first analysis examined the relationship between the bother
Table 2. Participant score range and mean of each measure.
Measure
Range
Mean (SD)
AWA Frequency
1.0-3.4
1.9 (0.7)
AWA Bother
1.0-3.6
1.6 (0.8)
Social Anxiety
35-75
45.8 (10.1)
Teasing
0-3
0.8 (1.2)
Rumor Spreading
0-3
0.6 (1.1)
Exclusion
0-3
0.9 (1.3)
Physical Harm
0-3
0.7 (1.2)
Composite Bullying Score
0-3
0.8 (0.8)
Racial Centrality
24-53
39.2 (7.2)
Private Regard
29-42
37.2 (4.4)
Note. N ¼ 31.
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composite variable and social anxiety. Results suggest bother was significantly associated with social anxiety, b ¼ .53, t(29) ¼ 3.37, p < .01. These findings indicate that higher levels of bother experienced when receiving the accusation were associated with higher levels of social anxiety. Furthermore, bother accounted for 28% of the variance in this model (R2 ¼ .28). It is possible that after receiving multiple forms of the accusation, one in particular could be more bothersome than others; thus a composite may not be an accurate representation of how bothered one is by the accusation. A second analysis was conducted to determine if the highest level of bother for each participant regardless of which accusation was received was associated with social anxiety. Examining the highest level of bother eliminates the possibility of lower bother scores attenuating the mean. Results indicate the highest bother score for each participant was significantly associated with social anxiety, b ¼ .55, t(29) ¼ 3.57, p < .01. This suggests higher bother scores were associated with higher levels of social anxiety. Bother accounted for 30% of the variance in this model (R2 ¼ .30). Given that many individuals describe the accusation as a bullying experience, a linear regression was conducted to explore the relationship between the two variables. Results indicate that bother was significantly associated with bullying victimization, b ¼ .47, t(29) ¼ 2.87, p < .01. This indicates that higher bother scores were associated with higher levels of bullying victimization. Moreover, bother accounted for 22% of the variance (R2 ¼ .22). It is possible that frequency of the accusation is associated with bullying victimization. If an adolescent encounters the accusation frequently, they may perceive this as a bullying experience. A linear regression was conducted to examine the relationship between the frequency of the accusation and bullying victimization. Results indicate that frequency was positively associated with bullying, b ¼ .36, t(29) ¼ 2.10, p < .05. This finding indicates that higher frequencies of the accusation were associated with more bullying experiences. Within in this model, frequency accounted for 13% of the variance (R2 ¼ .13). A multiple regression, with racial centrality and private regard as independent variables and bother as the dependent variable, was conducted to explore the relationship between ethnic/racial identity and the acting White accusation. Results suggest private regard and racial centrality were not significantly associated with bother when receiving the acting White accusation. Finally, a multiple regression model with social anxiety, bullying, racial centrality, and racial regard as independent
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variables and bother as the dependent variable was conducted. Results indicate social anxiety and bullying victimization accounted for 41% of the variance in this model (R2 ¼ .41). Social anxiety, b ¼ .42, t(26) ¼ 2.69, p .01, and bullying victimization, b ¼ .32, t(26) ¼ 2.02, p .05, were significantly associated with bother. The racial centrality and racial regard variables were not significantly related to bother.
DISCUSSION Many Black adolescents and adults who recount instances of being accused of acting White recall the negative impact it had on them in the past and present. Some individuals have described the accusation as a form of race-based or intra-racial bullying. Lacking in the research was the quantitative evidence to suggest that the accusation is a form of bullying that may have implications for mental health, specifically anxiety. It is important to highlight that all participants in this sample received the accusation at some point either directly, indirectly, or both, suggesting that it is highly relevant to this population. How often an adolescent receives the accusation and how bothered they are by it is important for understanding the psychological implications of the accusation. The results of this study indicate that the acting White accusation was significantly associated with social anxiety symptoms; higher levels of bother were associated with higher levels of social anxiety symptoms. These findings suggest that adolescents interpret the accusation as a negative evaluation, which could lead to fears or reluctance to interact with their Black peers. Anecdotal accounts support this assertion as one individual described rarely associating with Black Americans even in adulthood after being accused of acting White during adolescence.25 Neal-Barnett described the experience of a high school student who became anxious every time she encountered another Black student in the hallway.3 Similarly, NealBarnett discussed the case of an adult woman who would experience panic when approached by Black peers.26 The accusation was also significantly associated with bullying victimization, which could suggest the more an adolescent experiences the accusation and the more bothered he or she is by it, the more victimized they feel. However, because no causal relationship can be determined, the findings could indicate that those who are often victimized for a variety reasons experience the accusation more frequently and are more bothered. The latter explanation suggests that the nature of peer victimization causes more bother and higher frequency of receiving the accusation.
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THE ACTING WHITE ACCUSATION, SOCIAL ANXIETY, AND BULLYING
Future studies should consider exploring further implications of the accusation given that it is linked to bullying victimization. Bogart et al. found that past and present bullying victimization was associated with poorer mental and physical health.27 It is plausible to hypothesize that constant bullying in the form of the accusation could lead to poorer health outcomes for adolescents. Results also indicate that bullying and social anxiety accounted for 41% of the variance in bother. This finding suggest that social anxiety and bullying victimization are critical components of bother. Given that the accusation is embedded in ERI, a surprising finding was that neither racial centrality nor private regard was significantly associated with the accusation. It was hypothesized that higher ethnic identity would serve as a buffer for the accusation. However, because most participants fell within higher ranges of ERI, the lack of significance can be due to the limited variability within this sample. Additionally, the centrality and private regard subscales were shown to have only moderate reliability in this sample, which could have contributed to the lack of significance. Finally, it should be noted that the small sample size may have affected the findings relative to these subscales due to a lack of power.
Limitations
explore quantitatively the relationship between the acting White accusation, bullying victimization, social anxiety, and ERI. Given that this study is the first, the findings have major implications for how the accusation is conceptualized in research and how clinicians, teachers, administrators, and counselors proceed when working with Black youth who have experienced the accusation.
REFERENCES 1. Murray, M. S., Neal-Barnett, A., Demmings, J. L., & Stadulis, R. E. (2012). The acting white accusation, racial identity, and anxiety in African American adolescents. J Anxiety Disord, 26(4), 526e531. 2. Neal-Barnett, A., Stadulis, R., Singer, N., Murray, M., & Demmings, J. (2010). Assessing the effects of experiencing the acting white accusation. Urban Rev, 42(2), 102e122. 3. Neal-Barnett, A. (2001). Being black: new thoughts on the old phenomenon of acting white. In A. Neal-Barnett, J. M. Contreras, & K. A. Kerns (Eds.), Forging Links: African American Children: Clinical Developmental Perspectives ( 75e87). Westport, CT: Praeger. 4. Bergin, D. A., & Cooks, H. C. (2002). High school students of color talk about accusations of “acting white”. Urban Rev, 34(2), 113e134. 5. Rigby, K. (2002). New Perspectives on Bullying. Jessica Kingsley
There are several limitations that must be considered for this analysis. The present study consists only of female participants. Future studies should explore the link between the acting White accusation and bullying victimization in a sample including males. Also, participants were primarily from predominantly Black neighborhoods and low-income, single-parent households. This may have implications for the frequency and amount of bother experienced when receiving the accusation. For example, those from two-income households and higher socioeconomic statuses (SES) may receive the accusation at higher frequencies than those from a low SES, single-parent homes, given that the accusation has been associated with high SES. Additionally, this study was designed to address the acting White accusation within the lives of Black adolescents. Therefore, these findings may not generalize to other ethnic-racial groups. Future studies should expand on these findings using a larger sample size that includes individuals from various socioeconomic statuses, different family compositions, and in other ethnic-racial groups. Lastly, the lack of a significant relationship between bother from being accused of acting White and ethnic/racial identity may be the result of an inadequacy of the MIBI (only moderate reliability). To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is the first to
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Publishers. 6. Griffin, R. S., & Gross, A. M. (2004). Childhood bullying: current empirical findings and future directions for research. Aggress violent Behav, 9(4), 379e400. 7. Harris J. “The write-or die chick: 20 years after the bullying stops.” Essence. http://www.essence.com/2012/11/01/write-or-diechick-20-years-after-bullying-stops. Published November 1, 2012. Accessed 4 October 2015. 8. Bouie J. “Acting white,’ just standard bullying, racialized.” The American Prospect. http://prospect.org/article/acting-whitejust-standard-bullying. Published July 7, 2010. Accessed 6 October 2015. 9. Detweiler, M. F., Comer, J. S., & Albano, A. M. (2010). Social anxiety in children and adolescents: biological, developmental, and social considerations. In Social Anxiety: Clinical, Developmental, and Social Perspectives ( 223e270). 10. Graham, S., Bellmore, A. D., & Mize, J. (2006). Peer victimization, aggression, and their co-occurrence in middle school: pathways to adjustment problems. J Abnorm Child Psychol, 34(3), 349e364. 11. Haynie, D. L., Nansel, T., Eitel, P., et al. (2001). Bullies, victims, and bully/victims: distinct groups of at-risk youth. J Early Adolesc, 21(1), 29e49. 12. La Greca, A. M., & Harrison, H. M. (2005). Adolescent peer relations, friendships, and romantic relationships: do they predict
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ideation in college students. Cult Divers Ethn Minority Psychol,
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13. Neblett, E. W., Rivas-Drake, D., & Umaña-Taylor, A. J. (2012). The
20. Yip, T., Seaton, E. K., & Sellers, R. M. (2006). African American
promise of racial and ethnic protective factors in promoting
racial identity across the lifespan: identity status, identity content, and depressive symptoms. Child Dev, 77(5), 1504e1517.
ethnic minority youth development. Child Dev Perspect, 6(3), 295e303.
21. March, J. (2013). Multidimensional Anxiety Scale for Children
14. Mandara, J., Gaylord-Harden, N. K., Richards, M. H., & Rags-
(2nd ed.). Cheektowaga, NY: Multi-Health System Inc.
dale, B. L. (2009). The effects of changes in racial identity and self-esteem on changes in African American adolescents’ mental health. Child Dev, 80(6), 1660e1675.
22. Fraccaro, R. L., Stelnicki, A. M., & Nordstokke, D. W. (2015). Test review: Multidimensional Anxiety Scale for Children by J.S. March. Can J School Psychol, 30(1), 70e77.
15. Settles, I. H., Navarrete, C. D., Pagano, S. J., Abdou, C. M., & Sidanius, J. (2010). Racial identity and depression among African American women. Cult Divers Ethn Minority Psychol, 16(2),
23. Bond, L., Wolfe, S., Tollit, M., Butler, H., & Patton, G. (2007). A comparison of the gatehouse bullying scale and the peer relations questionnaire for students in secondary school. J Sch Health, 77(2), 75e79.
248. 16. Yasui, M., Dorham, C. L., & Dishion, T. J. (2004). Ethnic identity and psychological adjustment: a validity analysis for European American and African American adolescents. J Adolesc Res, 19(6), 807e825. 17. Williams, M. T., Chapman, L. K., Wong, J., & Turkheimer, E. (2012). The role of ethnic identity in symptoms of anxiety and depression in African Americans. Psychiatry Res, 199(1), 31e36.
24. Sellers, R. M., Rowley, S. A., Chavous, T. M., Shelton, J. N., & Smith, M. A. (1997). Multidimensional inventory of black identity: a preliminary investigation of reliability and construct validity. J Pers Soc Psychol, 73(4), 805. 25. Smith J. “CNN Story.” Received by Angela Neal-Barnett, February 27, 2007.
18. Pyant, C. T., & Yanico, B. J. (1991). Relationship of racial identity
26. Neal-Barnett, A. (2003). Soothe Your Nerves: The Black Wom-
and gender-role attitudes to black women’s psychological well-being. J Couns Psychol, 38(3), 315.
an’s Guide to Understanding and Overcoming Anxiety, Panic,
19. Walker, R. L., Wingate, L. R., Obasi, E. M., & Joiner, T. E., Jr.
27. Bogart, L. M., Elliott, M. N., Klein, D. J., et al. (2014). Peer
(2008). An empirical investigation of acculturative stress and ethnic identity as moderators for depression and suicidal
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and Fear. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster. victimization in fifth grade and health in tenth grade. Pediatrics, 133(3), 440e447.
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Funding: This work was supported by the Graduate Under-researched Population. Award provided by the Applied Psychology Center, Kent State University, Kent, OH. Abstract: One of the most harmful accusations one Black adolescent can hurl at another is the acting White accusation (AWA). The AWA is an attack against an individual’s ethnic/racial identity and many have described it as a bullying experience. Those who experience the AWA frequently and are bothered by it might perceive the accusation as bullying for these reasons, and peer victimization has been associated with several negative outcomes including social anxiety. The present study examines the relationship between the acting White accusation, bullying victimization, and social anxiety. Thirty-one Black females between the ages of 10 and 18 years served as participants in the study. The findings indicated that all participants reported receiving the accusation at least once in their lifetime. The results also indicated that bother experienced when receiving the accusation was positively associated with social anxiety, while both bother and frequency of the accusation were positively associated with bullying victimization. These findings suggest that adolescents interpret the accusation as a negative evaluation. Additionally, the more an adolescent experiences the accusation and the more bothered he or she is by it, the more victimized they feel. Keywords: Black-African American-Acting white accusation-AdolescentsSocial anxiety-Bullying
Author affiliations: Martale Davis, Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, 144 Kent Hall, Kent, OH, 44242, USA; Robert Stadulis, Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, 144 Kent Hall, Kent, OH, 44242, USA; Angela Neal-Barnett, Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, 144 Kent Hall, Kent, OH, 44242, USA Correspondence. Martale Davis, M.A.,, email: [email protected] ª 2017 by the National Medical Association. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jnma.2017.06.016
INTRODUCTION
P
revious research has found that one source of anxiety most pertinent to Black adolescents is the accusation of acting White.1e3 The acting White accusation (AWA) arises when a Black adolescent’s ethnic/ racial identity (ERI) is perceived as being not Black enough by another Black adolescent or group of adolescents.2 The accusation may be experienced directly, “you are acting White,” or indirectly, “you talk like a White boy.” The indirect accusation is a more subtle form of the acting White accusation that circumvents explicitly stating someone acts White, yet accuses him or her of possessing characteristics similar to White individuals with statements such as “you dress like a White girl.” Regardless of whether it is direct or indirect, many accused adolescents experience the accusation as an attack on their ethnic/racial
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identity and thus experience distress in relation to this accusation.2,3
The AWA and bother Adolescents can experience psychological discomfort or feel bothered when receiving the accusation.2 Murray and colleagues examined the extent to which adolescent were bothered by the accusation and found that bother experienced after receiving the accusation was associated with anxiety.1 Bergin and Cooks found that high achieving Black adolescents in their study did not avoid academic achievement in order to avoid the acting White accusation, although they did experience some level of bother when they were accused of acting White.4 These findings suggest that bother is a concept experienced by many adolescents when accused of being a non-authentic member of their ethnic/racial group. Because bother experienced from the accusation is linked to psychological distress, it becomes a central component in understanding the impact of the acting White accusation.
The AWA, bullying victimization and social anxiety Bullying is defined as a form of aggression that is intended to harm or cause distress in the victim.5 Griffin and Gross differentiate between two forms of bullying: 1) the overt or direct form which includes physical aggression, and physical or verbal threat; and 2) the covert or indirect form which relates to exclusion, social rejection and rumor spreading.6 Black adults accused of acting White recall the accusation as a bullying experience.7 Jamelle Bouie, the chief political correspondent for Slate, reported having been accused of acting White during adolescence and stated the accusation was reserved for Black kids, academically successful or otherwise, who did not fit in with the main crowd.8 Thus the accusation can be considered a more covert form of bullying among adolescents. Bullying also has implications for the development of social anxiety, which is defined as a marked fear of one or more social situations, because it has social consequences that make it an impetus for social evaluation concerns.9 Bullying victimization has been associated with increased anxiety, shyness, withdrawnness, low self-
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esteem, and poor social skills.10,11 Detweiler and colleagues cited a study conducted by La Greca and Harrison that found even non-violent, indirect harassment could result in social anxiety if accompanied by a poor quality of friendship with a best friend, which is likely for youth who experience peer rejection and neglect.9,12 Given the potential for adolescents to experience the AWA as a bullying experience or an attack against their identity, social anxiety could be an outcome for those who experience the accusation as peer victimization.
Ethnic/racial identity Ethnic/racial identity (ERI) refers to one’s attitudes and behaviors that define the significance and meaning of ethnicity and race.13 The AWA is embedded in ERI given that it is implied that one is “not Black enough,” and is an attack against an individual’s ethnic/racial self-conception. Previous research indicates high ERI serves as a protective factor against psychological distress, suggesting that it could buffer the effects of the accusation. However, because the accusation is a threat to one’s identity, ERI may not serve the same function when receiving the accusation. Numerous studies suggest that high ERI serve as a buffer for psychopathology and academic difficulties.14e16 Mandara et al. found that racial identity was negatively correlated with anxiety in girls. In a similar study, results indicated that Blacks with lower levels of ethnic identity experienced greater amounts of both anxiety and depression.14,17 This is consistent with research that suggests higher levels of ethnic identity are associated with fewer symptoms of internalizing disorders.17e20
The present study The current study seeks to examine the relationship between the acting White accusation, bullying victimization, social anxiety, and ethnic/racial identity. A review of the literature suggests there has been no study that examines the relationship between these variables using a quantitative approach. Thus, this study is unique in its contribution to the literature. We predict the acting White accusation will be positively associated with social anxiety. The more bothered an adolescent feels when receiving the accusation, the more social anxiety they experience. Moreover, many individuals describe the accusation as a bullying experience when it has occurred during a critical time in adolescence. We also predict the acting White accusation will be positively associated with bullying victimization, in that the more bother an adolescent experiences the more bullying victimization they will experience. Lastly, research suggests high ethnic/racial identity serves as a protective factor against psychopathology. Given the accusation is embedded in ethnic/racial identity, we predict that the
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degree to which an individual defines him or herself with regards to race (Racial Centrality) and an individual’s evaluative judgments of his or her race (Private Regard) will be negatively associated with the accusation. Higher levels of ERI will be associated with lower levels of bother.
METHODS Participants Thirty-one (31) adolescent girls completed surveys for this study. All participants (100%) identified as African American/Black. The participants ranged in age from 10 to 18 years old (M ¼ 14, SD ¼ 2.1) and grade levels ranged from 5th-12th (mode ¼ 8th). All participants were recruited through a school-based summer program for Black adolescent girls who were from single-parent, lowincome ($15,000-$25,000/year) households. Volunteer participants were selected to be a part of the study only if they self-identified as African AmericanyBlack. Individuals from other ethnic/racial groups were excluded. The treatment of all participants met guidelines of the American Psychological Association (APA) standards. This study received prior approval from the Kent State University Institutional Review Board (IRB).
Procedure Participants completed several paper questionnaires on their own with a supervising research assistant available to answer questions that arose. The adolescents were told that they would be completing surveys relating to their experience of being a Black, adolescent girl. Parental and adolescent consent was required for participation in the study. The participants had 30 min to complete the measures, but most finished in less than 30 min. Once each participant completed their surveys they received a $10 gift card to Subway. IRB approval from Kent State University was obtained prior to any data collection.
Measures The Acting White Experiences Questionnaire (AWEQ).2 The AWEQ assesses the degree to which adolescents experience different aspects of the acting White accusation. The AWEQ assesses the frequency of indirect forms of the accusation such as “The kids around me say I talk proper” and the direct form “Have you ever been accused of acting White?” Participants respond to each item using a six-point Likert-type scale with responses that range from 1 “Never” to 6 “Almost all of the time.” The AWEQ also assesses the degree to which an individual is bothered by the accusation with the statement, “How bothered were you by this?” Responses can be indicated by five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 “Didn’t bother me at
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all” to “Bothered me a whole lot.” The AWEQ was shown to be a valid and reliable measure in Black populations.1,2 For the current sample, the AWEQ was shown to have good reliability (a ¼ .87). The Multidimensional Anxiety Scale for Children 2nd Edition (MASC-2).21 The MASC-2 is a 50-item questionnaire that assesses symptoms related to anxiety disorders including social anxiety, general anxiety, and separation anxiety. The questionnaire contains items such as “I worry about other people laughing at me” and “I have trouble asking other kids to play with me.” Responses are indicated using a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 to 3 (0-Never, 1-rarely, 2-sometimes and 3-often). The social anxiety subscale was used to assess the presence of symptoms related to social anxiety. The MASC-2 was shown to be a valid and reliable measure for this population.21,22 For the current sample, the MASC-2 was shown to have excellent reliability (a ¼ .90). The Gatehouse Bullying Scale (GBS).23 The GBS is a 12-item measure designed to assess four forms of bullying victimization: teasing, rumor spreading, exclusion, and physical harm. The presence of bullying victimization is assessed with questions such as “Has anyone spread rumors about you recently?” and participants can respond either 0 “no” or 1 “yes.” Those who respond “yes” can indicate frequency of bullying (1 emost days, 2-about once a week, and 3 eless than once a week) and how upset they were (1- not at all, 2-a bit, and 3-I was quite upset). The measure consists of four subscales that correspond to each form of bullying and all four scales can be combined to create a composite score of bullying victimization. The GBS was shown to have good reliability in the current sample (a ¼ .83). The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI).24 The racial centrality and private regard subscales from the MIBI were used to assess ERI. Racial centrality assesses the degree to which an individual defines him or herself with regards to race, and how much race is a part of the self-concept. Items within this subscale include “In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image” and “I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people.” The private regard subscale assesses an individual’s evaluative judgments of his or her race. It reflects how positive or negative one feels towards the Black population and their membership in that group. The measure includes items such as “I feel good about Black people” and “I feel that Blacks have made major accomplishments and advancements.” Participants indicate their responses using a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 “strongly disagree” to 7 “strongly agree.” For the current sample, the MIBI was shown to have moderate reliability (a ¼ .67).
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Table 1. Frequency and bother intensity means for endorsed items on the AWEQ.
Items endorsed
Total Frequency Bother number mean (SD) mean (SD)
Talk proper
n ¼ 23
4.2 (1.5)
1.4 (0.8)
Want to make n ¼ 22 something of myself
3.6 (1.6)
2.1 (1.4)
Full of myself or bigheaded
n ¼ 17
3.4 (1.7)
1.4 (1.0)
Listen to White music
n ¼ 16
3.6 (1.8)
1.5 (1.2)
Accused of acting White
n ¼ 15
1.0 (0.0)a
2.3 (1.6)
Note. N ¼ 31. a Denotes yes/no response (1 ¼ yes, 2 ¼ no).
RESULTS All 31 participants (100%) indicated that they received the acting White accusation either directly, indirectly, or both. Results indicate 16 of 31 participants were accused indirectly only, one participant was accused only directly, and 14 of 31 were accused both directly and indirectly. The most commonly endorsed items on the questionnaire are listed in Table 1. The ranges and mean for each measure and subscales are summarized in Table 2. A series of linear regressions were conducted to assess the relationships between variables in this study. The first analysis examined the relationship between the bother
Table 2. Participant score range and mean of each measure.
Measure
Range
Mean (SD)
AWA Frequency
1.0-3.4
1.9 (0.7)
AWA Bother
1.0-3.6
1.6 (0.8)
Social Anxiety
35-75
45.8 (10.1)
Teasing
0-3
0.8 (1.2)
Rumor Spreading
0-3
0.6 (1.1)
Exclusion
0-3
0.9 (1.3)
Physical Harm
0-3
0.7 (1.2)
Composite Bullying Score
0-3
0.8 (0.8)
Racial Centrality
24-53
39.2 (7.2)
Private Regard
29-42
37.2 (4.4)
Note. N ¼ 31.
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composite variable and social anxiety. Results suggest bother was significantly associated with social anxiety, b ¼ .53, t(29) ¼ 3.37, p < .01. These findings indicate that higher levels of bother experienced when receiving the accusation were associated with higher levels of social anxiety. Furthermore, bother accounted for 28% of the variance in this model (R2 ¼ .28). It is possible that after receiving multiple forms of the accusation, one in particular could be more bothersome than others; thus a composite may not be an accurate representation of how bothered one is by the accusation. A second analysis was conducted to determine if the highest level of bother for each participant regardless of which accusation was received was associated with social anxiety. Examining the highest level of bother eliminates the possibility of lower bother scores attenuating the mean. Results indicate the highest bother score for each participant was significantly associated with social anxiety, b ¼ .55, t(29) ¼ 3.57, p < .01. This suggests higher bother scores were associated with higher levels of social anxiety. Bother accounted for 30% of the variance in this model (R2 ¼ .30). Given that many individuals describe the accusation as a bullying experience, a linear regression was conducted to explore the relationship between the two variables. Results indicate that bother was significantly associated with bullying victimization, b ¼ .47, t(29) ¼ 2.87, p < .01. This indicates that higher bother scores were associated with higher levels of bullying victimization. Moreover, bother accounted for 22% of the variance (R2 ¼ .22). It is possible that frequency of the accusation is associated with bullying victimization. If an adolescent encounters the accusation frequently, they may perceive this as a bullying experience. A linear regression was conducted to examine the relationship between the frequency of the accusation and bullying victimization. Results indicate that frequency was positively associated with bullying, b ¼ .36, t(29) ¼ 2.10, p < .05. This finding indicates that higher frequencies of the accusation were associated with more bullying experiences. Within in this model, frequency accounted for 13% of the variance (R2 ¼ .13). A multiple regression, with racial centrality and private regard as independent variables and bother as the dependent variable, was conducted to explore the relationship between ethnic/racial identity and the acting White accusation. Results suggest private regard and racial centrality were not significantly associated with bother when receiving the acting White accusation. Finally, a multiple regression model with social anxiety, bullying, racial centrality, and racial regard as independent
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variables and bother as the dependent variable was conducted. Results indicate social anxiety and bullying victimization accounted for 41% of the variance in this model (R2 ¼ .41). Social anxiety, b ¼ .42, t(26) ¼ 2.69, p .01, and bullying victimization, b ¼ .32, t(26) ¼ 2.02, p .05, were significantly associated with bother. The racial centrality and racial regard variables were not significantly related to bother.
DISCUSSION Many Black adolescents and adults who recount instances of being accused of acting White recall the negative impact it had on them in the past and present. Some individuals have described the accusation as a form of race-based or intra-racial bullying. Lacking in the research was the quantitative evidence to suggest that the accusation is a form of bullying that may have implications for mental health, specifically anxiety. It is important to highlight that all participants in this sample received the accusation at some point either directly, indirectly, or both, suggesting that it is highly relevant to this population. How often an adolescent receives the accusation and how bothered they are by it is important for understanding the psychological implications of the accusation. The results of this study indicate that the acting White accusation was significantly associated with social anxiety symptoms; higher levels of bother were associated with higher levels of social anxiety symptoms. These findings suggest that adolescents interpret the accusation as a negative evaluation, which could lead to fears or reluctance to interact with their Black peers. Anecdotal accounts support this assertion as one individual described rarely associating with Black Americans even in adulthood after being accused of acting White during adolescence.25 Neal-Barnett described the experience of a high school student who became anxious every time she encountered another Black student in the hallway.3 Similarly, NealBarnett discussed the case of an adult woman who would experience panic when approached by Black peers.26 The accusation was also significantly associated with bullying victimization, which could suggest the more an adolescent experiences the accusation and the more bothered he or she is by it, the more victimized they feel. However, because no causal relationship can be determined, the findings could indicate that those who are often victimized for a variety reasons experience the accusation more frequently and are more bothered. The latter explanation suggests that the nature of peer victimization causes more bother and higher frequency of receiving the accusation.
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Future studies should consider exploring further implications of the accusation given that it is linked to bullying victimization. Bogart et al. found that past and present bullying victimization was associated with poorer mental and physical health.27 It is plausible to hypothesize that constant bullying in the form of the accusation could lead to poorer health outcomes for adolescents. Results also indicate that bullying and social anxiety accounted for 41% of the variance in bother. This finding suggest that social anxiety and bullying victimization are critical components of bother. Given that the accusation is embedded in ERI, a surprising finding was that neither racial centrality nor private regard was significantly associated with the accusation. It was hypothesized that higher ethnic identity would serve as a buffer for the accusation. However, because most participants fell within higher ranges of ERI, the lack of significance can be due to the limited variability within this sample. Additionally, the centrality and private regard subscales were shown to have only moderate reliability in this sample, which could have contributed to the lack of significance. Finally, it should be noted that the small sample size may have affected the findings relative to these subscales due to a lack of power.
Limitations
explore quantitatively the relationship between the acting White accusation, bullying victimization, social anxiety, and ERI. Given that this study is the first, the findings have major implications for how the accusation is conceptualized in research and how clinicians, teachers, administrators, and counselors proceed when working with Black youth who have experienced the accusation.
REFERENCES 1. Murray, M. S., Neal-Barnett, A., Demmings, J. L., & Stadulis, R. E. (2012). The acting white accusation, racial identity, and anxiety in African American adolescents. J Anxiety Disord, 26(4), 526e531. 2. Neal-Barnett, A., Stadulis, R., Singer, N., Murray, M., & Demmings, J. (2010). Assessing the effects of experiencing the acting white accusation. Urban Rev, 42(2), 102e122. 3. Neal-Barnett, A. (2001). Being black: new thoughts on the old phenomenon of acting white. In A. Neal-Barnett, J. M. Contreras, & K. A. Kerns (Eds.), Forging Links: African American Children: Clinical Developmental Perspectives ( 75e87). Westport, CT: Praeger. 4. Bergin, D. A., & Cooks, H. C. (2002). High school students of color talk about accusations of “acting white”. Urban Rev, 34(2), 113e134. 5. Rigby, K. (2002). New Perspectives on Bullying. Jessica Kingsley
There are several limitations that must be considered for this analysis. The present study consists only of female participants. Future studies should explore the link between the acting White accusation and bullying victimization in a sample including males. Also, participants were primarily from predominantly Black neighborhoods and low-income, single-parent households. This may have implications for the frequency and amount of bother experienced when receiving the accusation. For example, those from two-income households and higher socioeconomic statuses (SES) may receive the accusation at higher frequencies than those from a low SES, single-parent homes, given that the accusation has been associated with high SES. Additionally, this study was designed to address the acting White accusation within the lives of Black adolescents. Therefore, these findings may not generalize to other ethnic-racial groups. Future studies should expand on these findings using a larger sample size that includes individuals from various socioeconomic statuses, different family compositions, and in other ethnic-racial groups. Lastly, the lack of a significant relationship between bother from being accused of acting White and ethnic/racial identity may be the result of an inadequacy of the MIBI (only moderate reliability). To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is the first to
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