Attitudes of semi-literate and literate bank account holders to the use of automatic teller machines (ATMs)

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International Journal of Industrial Ergonomics 35 (2005) 115–130 www.elsevier.com/locate/ergon

Attitudes of semi-literate and literate bank account holders to the use of automatic teller machines (ATMs) Andrew Thatchera,, Farhaana Shaika, Claus Zimmermanb a

Psychology Department, University of the Witwatersrand, WITS 2050, South Africa b Absolute Systems, P.O. Box 652179, Benmore 2010, South Africa

Received 12 December 2002; received in revised form 5 May 2004; accepted 5 May 2004 Available online 15 September 2004

Abstract This study looks at the attitudes towards automatic teller machines (ATMs) and alternative ATM interfaces (a speech-based interface and an icon-based interface). The semi-literate sample of 62 black, urban, bank account holders is compared to a literate sample of 68 urban, bank account holders. Comparisons are made between the semi-literate and literate groups on ATM use, general attitudes towards ATMs, ATM problems, attitudes towards a speech-based ATM alternative interface and attitudes towards an icon-based alternative ATM interface. Generally, the literate sample had more negative attitudes towards ATM use and had experienced a greater number of problems with ATMs when compared to the semi-literate sample. Overall, both groups showed a tendency to prefer the icon-based alternative ATM interface to the speech-based alternative interface and the traditional text-based ATM interface. Relevance to Industry The study looks at the attitudes of potential users to alternative interface designs (speech-based interfaces and iconbased interfaces) for public-use technology such as ATMs. The results of the study should provide some valuable insights for designers of public-use technology by suggesting which alternative interface would be most preferred by potential users, particularly those users with only partial literacy levels. r 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. Keywords: ATMs; Interfaces; Literacy; Speech based; Icon based

1. Introduction Corresponding author. Tel.: +27-11-717-4533; fax: +27-

11-717-4559. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A. Thatcher), [email protected] (C. Zimmerman).

Automatic teller machines (ATMs) have been defined as public technology devices that are used in public places (Baber et al., 1998). For banking institutions the rapid development of automated

0169-8141/$ - see front matter r 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ergon.2004.05.008

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services is an economically sound policy, since a combination of falling machine costs and rising labour costs has meant that transactions through ATMs have become relatively cheaper compared to across-the-counter transactions. In fact, in Europe and North America the majority of cash withdrawal transactions are performed via an ATM. However, there is a danger that the rapid proliferation of new technology may not be geared to the genuine needs of the customer. An indication that this may be so is provided by evidence of resistance to the new technology by a significant proportion of customers, even in Europe and North America. This is supported by a number of studies (Burgoyne et al., 1992) where users of ATMs appear to predominantly comprise people in the younger age groups with a higher socioeconomic status (e.g. Rogers et al., 1996). Much of this research is however from the UK or the United States (US). 1.1. Accessibility and literacy The aim of public technology, such as ATMs, is to be broadly accessible to the general population. There are a number of documents in the ergonomics field that have attempted to provide guidelines on accessibility with computer systems (e.g. ISO TS 16071, ISO 20282 and HFES 200.2). The ANSI and the HFES consider accessibility in the HFES 200.2 document. In this document however, accessibility is only defined in terms of people with physical disabilities. The International Organisation for Standardisation (2003) also has a number of documents that look at technical standards and specifications for accessibility. In particular, the ISO TS 16071 standard provides guidelines specifically on designing software accessibility (such as the software interface of ATMs). These guidelines are admirable in their stated aims of making computer-related systems accessible to the widest range of users (in work, home and educational settings). The TS 16071 standards aim to cover a wide range of capability deficits including physical disabilities (blind, deaf, physical impairments), cognitive disabilities, temporary disabilities and the elderly. However, the TS 16071 guidelines also define accessibility needs

primarily in terms of physical disabilities and do not make mention of accessibility for those with poor educational attainment or low levels of literacy (unless one takes a rather liberal reading of a cognitive disability). By the admission of members of the working group establishing these guidelines, even the term ‘‘cognitive disability’’ is poorly defined (Gulliksen and Harker, 2004). It is implied that cognitive disabilities refer to cognitive impairments present at birth, or acquired through illness, accident, or age. Unfortunately, this does not really capture the essence of inaccessibility to technology due to literacy problems or poor education. Another International Organisation for Standardisation document, ISO WD 20282 (Ergonomic Guiding Principles), is currently under development. This document takes a much broader view of accessibility for consumer products and products used by the public (Gulliksen and Harker, 2004). The ISO WD 20282 calls for design guidance to include ‘‘intended users with special needs or with special skills or experience’’ (Bevan, 2001). It is implied that guidelines should be developed to include people with literacy deficiencies, although it is not clear whether these are mentioned specifically. When looking at accessibility and ATMs, a number of authors have investigated ATMs for people with physical disabilities, such as accessibility for the blind (Mankze et al., 1998) and the aged (Adams and Thieben, 1991). However, no studies have considered illiteracy or partial literacy as an accessibility problem when interacting with an ATM, yet ATMs usually utilise visual interfaces that rely on written instructions to users. Determining the level of literacy depends very much on how one defines literacy. Van Niekerk (1999) maintains that literacy has a variety of different meanings for different people and in different contexts. Traditionally, a literate person is defined as someone who can read and write (Chlebowska, 1990). This, of course, raises the issue of the level of the complexity required for reading and/or writing. UNESCO suggests that a literate person should be able to read and write a short statement on their everyday life to be considered literate (Chlebowska, 1990). However, by this definition many people who are regarded

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by UNESCO as ‘‘literate’’ may be unable to read a bank statement or even a newspaper. Attempts to define literacy often set the standard in relation to the number of years of formal schooling. Of course there are quite a few problems with such a definition. Firstly, literacy is a highly perishable skill unless continuously practiced, and people may have obtained their formal educational qualifications many years previously. Secondly, there are rarely any consistent standards relating educational level and literacy ability. There may be large differences between educational authorities, examination boards, schools (e.g. rural an urban), and teacher ability (to name but a few). Other definitions prefer to identify literacy in terms of the way it can be used, or functional literacy. Hannon (1995) notes that the written language has gained new importance with the proliferation of information technology. Such technology requires users to read written instructions off the interface and frequently to input instructions (such as entering the amount of money one wishes to withdraw) through the computer keyboard. Hannon (1995) also stresses that literacy cannot be a goal in itself, but has to be directed towards some economic, political or personal progress. Against this backdrop, ATMs are denied to a large proportion of the population, forcing these people to make costly ‘‘across-the-counter’’ transactions where they will probably require assistance in filling out transaction forms (Rogers et al., 1996). One might therefore argue that it is necessary for ATM users to develop a functional literacy towards ATMs in order to meet their economic and personal needs. Establishing the literacy rate for South Africa depends largely on the definition that one uses for literacy. Some estimates suggest that the literacy rate in South Africa may be as low as 46%. By the UNESCO definition the literacy rate is somewhere around 82%. Using formal educational level, only 6% of the adult population (i.e. people over the age of 20) have had 12 or more years of schooling (i.e. have at least matriculated from high school), 50% have fewer than 9 years of schooling and 15% have never been to school at all (Rule, 2003). Given the problems with using educational level as the standard for determining literacy levels it has been suggested that this figure may over-represent

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the true illiteracy rate. Based on the standards of formal schooling in South Africa Van Niekerk (1999), suggests that there may be as many as 13 million adults in need of literacy skills in South Africa (31% of the total population). Unfortunately, there are no similar figures for ATM literacy.

1.2. Research with respect to ATM use (and nonuse) There have been a number of large-scale surveys conducted on samples regarding ATM use and non-use (El-Haddad and Almahmeed, 1992; Rogers et al., 1996). Comparisons between users and non-users have found that there were no differences in the amount of banking activities performed between these two groups, but that ATM users can be described as being younger, having higher occupational status (skilled or professional occupations), being significantly more educated, healthier (according to general self-ratings) and having higher incomes than non-users. There is a possibility, however, that these findings could have been confounded by the fact that people with higher incomes live in areas where they would be more likely to have convenient access to ATMs; therefore, these respondents would use them more often. ATM users also tended to have more computer experience and were more willing to use other types of technology, such as microwaves, videocassette recorders and answering machines. By inference then, non-users are older, less familiar with technology in general, have far less formal education (unemployed or unskilled occupations) and thus might require more intuitive user interfaces as well as instructions about how to use ATMs (El-Haddad and Almahmeed, 1992; Rogers et al., 1996). Based on this, an appropriate design strategy for ATMs would be to de-emphasise their technological nature in order to persuade more people to use them. According to Rogers et al. (1996) the most frequent ATM transaction was for withdrawals, with people rarely making payments. There were significant age differences for withdrawal, balance enquiries and transfers between accounts. Young and middle-aged adults used

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ATMs for the above-mentioned transactions more frequently than did older adults. Despite the success and widespread use of ATMs, a significant proportion of bank customers cannot or will not use them, or experience difficulties in their interactions (Hone et al., 1998). According to Burgoyne et al (1992), ergonomic problems were not a major deterrent to using ATMs. The major deterrents were more psychological and pragmatic (i.e. convenience was not a sufficient justification for the perceived risks associated with ATMs). These deterrents included the general types of problems encountered by users, the bases of people’s mistrust of ‘‘machines’’ and computer technology, and the more specific ergonomic problems associated with features of the human–machine interface. The two major difficulties regarding ATM usage that arose in Rogers et al.’ (1996) study were the inconvenience of having to wait in line to use the machine and poor visibility of the screen. Designers may therefore want to improve the visibility of the screen as well as speed up the service process or provide more ATMs. Other difficulties that emerged from the study were putting the card in the wrong way, forgetting the PIN number, difficulty reaching the slots, the ATM running out of money and understanding how to do what needs to be done on the ATM. The most frequently ranked complaints about ATMs in a Kuwaiti sample (El-Haddad and Almahmeed, 1992) were ATM breakdowns, improper maintenance and lighting and inconvenient locations. The majority of these problems can be corrected by a combination of design changes and ATM training. 1.3. Alternate ATM interfaces Baecker and Buxton (1987) point out that the interface that the system presents to the user is often the most important factor in determining the success or failure of that system. Unfortunately, angry and frustrated users are the norm rather than the exception. Novice users feel frustrated, insecure and even frightened when they have to deal with a system whose behaviour is incomprehensible, mysterious and intimidating. Studies

conducted by El-Haddad and Almahmeed (1992), Hone et al. (1998) and Rogers et al. (1996) have corroborated Baecker and Buxton’s (1987) contention, suggesting that current ATM interfaces are not being utilised as fully as they should. Therefore, there is certainly incentive to explore alternate ATM interfaces, which may perhaps have a greater success. Interaction with ATM interfaces has previously been looked at from a number of different perspectives including, age factors (Rogers et al., 1996), other demographic variables (such as sex, race, marital status, income, health, profession, language, number of people in home, disability status, dwelling type and education), usability by special populations, such as the visually impaired, (Mankze et al., 1998), the use of different modalities (e.g. voice activation; Hone et al., 1998) and attitudes (including security issues and attitudes towards computer technology; Pepermans et al., 1996). It appears that potential users (particularly those with minimal education and literacy) may be too embarrassed to use ATMs for fear of making mistakes and causing unnecessary delays and queues. Hone et al. (1998), investigated voice recognition as an alternative interface for banking transactions. Hone et al.’s (1998) research indicated that voice recognition systems might be a viable alternative to text-based ATMs. Their investigations were however, primarily aimed at visually impaired bank account holders, since their investigation was carried out in the UK and the US (with a high percentage of functional literacy in the population). They did, however, suggest that speech-based interfaces could possibly also be applied to illiterate adults. According to Baecker and Buxton (1987), well-designed audio cues may be easier to learn than certain other forms of formal communication such as visual icons. However, in a country with many different languages, one would have to design speech interfaces that would recognise these different languages as well as dialects and accents. South Africans have 11 official languages as well as numerous indigenous languages and dialects, and a number of commonly spoken European languages such as French and Portuguese.

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A number of other alternatives to interface design also exist. In highly literate regions of the world, the most common means of making the ATM interface accessible is through the provision of instructions and menus in different languages (Dix et al., 1998). This is not a viable alternative for South Africa, since even home language literacy may be as low as 46%, so provision of the ATM interface will still only benefit those people with basic literacy in their home language. Again, one would have to ask the question of which language or dialect given the large numbers of languages spoken in South Africa. A further option is to develop an icon-based visual interface. An icon-based visual interface is another alternative that negates the need for written and reading literacy, but raises the question of visual literacy and the interpretability of visual icons. Human–computer interaction literature (e.g. Dix et al., 1998) suggests icon-based interfaces as an alternative to speech recognition interfaces for illiterate populations. In iconic interfaces user instructions and feedback are expressed in graphical symbols or pictograms instead of words (Baecker and Buxton, 1987). An icon is a graphical symbol that is usually simple, concrete and self-explanatory (Wood and Wood, 1987). In computer systems, icons usually refer to any small pictorial symbol used to represent an object or an action (Horton, 1994). The advantages and disadvantages are covered in more depth in Gittins (1986) and Rogers (1989). To summarise, icons are particularly useful when a large amount of information has to be conveyed to a wide array of people in a limited amount of time or space (Maguire, 1985). While icons do require the user to have some visual skills they do not require higher-level literacy skills. It is therefore expected that icon-based interfaces could successfully reach a wider user group than text-based interfaces. In fact, it is conceivable that icons may be designed to represent many words, thereby reducing the amount of space required to convey a complex message. It is therefore not a coincidence that icons are typically found in many internationally recognised computer systems. Icons generally lead to faster recognition and assist in the rapid learning of a new system (Wiedenbeck,

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1999). On the down side, the users’ understanding of an icon may be adversely affected by a number of factors. These factors include the legibility of the icon, the abstractness of the concept being displayed, lack of standardisation, the social and environmental context (including user characteristics such as culture). For example, there is growing evidence to suggest that the same icon may have different interpretations depending on individual and group factors such as culture (e.g. Choong and Salvendy, 1998; Lin, 1999; Piamonte et al., 2001). Of course, culture is also a difficult concept to define. It is probably safe to say that it is a usability requirement to design and test the interpretations of icons with the intended user population. There are a number of characteristics that affect the usability of icons. Concrete icons that represent clear and simple actions or obvious objects are easier to interpret than abstract icons that represent complex concepts or actions (e.g. Byrne, 1993). The effectiveness is also affected by how much meaning the icons have for the particular user; the greater the meaningfulness of an icon to a user, the higher the likelihood that the icon would be understood, independent from its complexity or abstractness (e.g. McDougall et al., 1999). Icon usability is also affected by the semantic distance between the pictorial representation and the action or object that it is representing (McDougall et al., 1999). Semantic distance in itself is a difficult concept to measure. In principle, the closer the match between the object or action and its pictorial representation, the shorter the semantic distance. Finally, icon usability is affected by the familiarity of the representation to the user. McDougall et al. (1999) suggest that the semantic distance reduces as familiarity and experience with an icon increases. This research investigates comparative attitudes towards ATMs for groups of semi-literates (i.e. partial literacy similar to the UNESCO definition) and literates (those who are able to function at a higher level of literacy). Additionally, this research looks at how ATM interfaces can be better adapted to include more of the semi-literate population. Most of the research mentioned, as well as the present one, serves as a springboard for

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future research on the development of training programs and design recommendations for the developers and users of ATMs. It must however, be remembered that most previous studies have been conducted in the UK or the US; therefore, these may not necessarily be reflective of the type of results that would be yielded by this study in an Industrially Developing Country. Due to the fact that South Africa has a different population, with particular literacy needs, the aim of this study is to identify which of the factors discovered in the other studies are salient to the South African context. Improvements to the personal and interactive nature of ATMs might result in the use of ATMs by non-users as well as increased use by users, claim Rogers et al. (1996). As is often the case, design improvements made with special populations in mind will improve the overall functionality of the system for all users.

2. Methodology A cross-sectional, non-experimental, ex post facto design was used to investigate attitudes towards ATMs and alternative ATM interfaces. Questionnaires, using a combination of open- and close-ended questions, were used to collect data from respondents. This is a very exploratory study since no research in this area exists for the South African context. 2.1. Sample Data were collected from two different samples. A ‘‘semi-literate’’ group obtained from urban, adult literacy centres and a ‘‘literate’’ group taken from undergraduate psychology classes. Both these samples were non-probability, convenience or volunteer samples. There was also an element of purposive sampling, since only bank account holders were approached to answer the questionnaire. The semi-literate sample was defined according to the South African National Qualifications Framework (NQF). Within this framework, the first level of education (NQF level 1) is equivalent to approximately 9 years of formal education (van

Niekerk, 1999). However, for many adults in South Africa formal education was systematically denied on racial grounds. In an effort to redress these imbalances, Adult Basic Education (ABE) programmes were introduced to try and bring as many adults as possible up to the equivalent of NQF level 1 without the necessity of 9 years of formal education. In ABE courses at NQF level 1 learners are taught the fundamental learning areas of language and numeracy, as well as a number of additional learning areas, including entrepreneurship, human and social sciences, and natural sciences. For this study ABE up to NQF level 1 constituted the inclusion criterion as ‘‘semi-literate’’ in this study. Given the earlier discussion on functional literacy, it would have been preferable to define literacy in terms of language fit between the user and the language use on the ATM interface instead of years of formal education. However, this would mean devising and then using an ATM literacy scale. Such a scale has not yet been developed. In October 2001, questionnaires were administered to learners at an adult literacy centre in central Johannesburg. Given the nature of the sample, the questionnaires were administered in a one-on-one, interview-type basis to respondents since (even with NQF level 1 literacy skills) the respondents may have had difficulty answering the questionnaires on their own. From the 450 total learners at this adult literacy centre, the researchers were given access to 300 learners who were currently completing modules within NQF level 1 (other learners were completing modules at a higher level). A further 150 of these learners were excluded because they did not have bank accounts. Volunteers were recruited from these 150 learners. In total, 62 usable questionnaires were obtained. Learners in these lower literacy level classes were somewhat suspicious of answering questions about their bank accounts and banking behaviour. Subsequently, this may have contributed to the 49% response rate. From the 62 respondents in the semi-literate group, 49 were ATM users and 14 were ATM non-users. This group was composed of 21 males and 41 females. The mean age of respondents in this group was 32.4 years, ranging from 19 to 63 years old. The majority of this group

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had never used computers. More than half the sample earned between R500 and R2000. In March 2002, questionnaires were administered to a sample of first year psychology students. This group would be at least at the NQF level 4, with a minimum of 12 years of formal education. Again, it is acknowledged that using formal years of education only approximates literacy, but it is our contention that the literacy levels of this group (NQF level 4) should be markedly higher than the group with NQF level 1. A total of 145 questionnaires were distributed of which 68 were usable, giving a response rate of 47%. Eleven were male and 57 were female. As in the semiliterate group, this breakdown is not entirely representative of the composition of the target population. Except for one individual all the respondents were single with no children. Five respondents had jobs, all the others were full-time students. The mean age of the literate group was 18.5 with ages ranging from 17 to 29, with the majority of the respondents being 18 or 19. None of the respondents in this group were breadwinners. While this group was used for contrast purposes this does not necessarily mean that the two samples are directly comparable. A demographic comparison is given in Table 1. It is obvious from Table 1 that the two groups are widely different in terms of many of the demographic variables. The semi-literate group is older, consists entirely of Black respondents, many of whom had never used a computer before, and whose home language was not English. On the other hand, the literate group was much younger, where both White and Black, used a computer regularly, and many of the people in this group had a home language that was most likely to be English. Also, the literate group had used a wider range of different technologies (e.g. fax machines, video cameras, microwaves, telephone answering machines, photocopiers, mobile phones, televisions, etc.) than the semi-literate group. From this demographic information, it is clear that the literate and semi-literate groups are likely to be from widely different socio-economic backgrounds. Given the difficulty in obtaining access to bank account holders, particularly bank account holders with a low level of literacy, these two

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Table 1 Demographic comparisons Semi-literate group

Literate group

Male Female Black

21 41 62

11 57 31

White Home language Zulu Sotho Xhosa Tswana Pedi English Other

0

36

18 2 10 23 8 0 10

4 2 1 3 1 51 6

Income/month oR500 R500-R999 R1000-R1999 R2000-R4999 4R5000 Single Married Divorced

14 24 14 9 0 43 13 2

49 12 3 3 1 66 1 0

38 5 7

1 1 22

Use of a computer Never Once or twice a year Once a month to once a week Daily Used an ATM Never used an ATM

Age

12 49 13 Mean Min

Max

44 63 5 Mean Min Max

32.4

63

18.5

19

17

29

groups were convenience samples. It is evident that these demographic differences are certainly an artefact of this sampling method. These two groups are used for contrast purposes even though it is acknowledged that they are not matched. 2.2. Procedure A questionnaire was designed specifically for this study since there was no existing questionnaire. This was achieved by adapting a questionnaire used in a study by Rogers et al. (1997). Some

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questions were included directly from Rogers et al. (1997), others were adapted and new questions were added. Additionally, the researcher also included open-ended questions around alternate ATM interfaces and how willing individuals would be to use them. The questionnaire was then piloted on a separate sample of 10 semi-literate bank account holders at an ABE class attached to the University. Respondents in this sample were told to indicate to the researchers if they did not understand or were unsure about any question. Also, the questionnaire was sent to colleagues in the field to read over and ensure that the questions made sense and were not repetitive. As a result of this pilot testing, some repetitive questions were left out and the language was simplified from the original draft questionnaire. Given that it was likely that the semi-literate group would struggle to read and understand the questions in the questionnaire, it was necessary to conduct a structured interview with this group. Therefore, for the administration of the questionnaire to the semi-literate group, volunteer undergraduate third year psychology students who could speak an African language were recruited to help with the administration. A workshop was held to train them in interview administration techniques as well as to ensure that they understood each of the questions on the questionnaire. In essence, while this was a questionnaire administration, it could also be considered as a structured interview, since the questionnaire was administered individually. May (1997) also refers to this as the face-to-face interview. The face-toface interviews were conducted with volunteer respondents at the ABE centre recruited before and after classes. For the literate group, questionnaires were distributed in two first year classes. Respondents returned the questionnaires to the researchers in a sealed envelope that was distributed with the questionnaires. As with the demographics of these two groups, it is obvious that the sampling procedures for gathering the data are not matched. For the literate group it was possible to allow the respondents to complete the questionnaires on their own, whereas with the semi-literate group the respondents needed assistance with reading and

responding to the questions. Every effort was made to ensure that the interviewers remained neutral when asking the questions but it is also possible that having an interviewer present when answering the questions may have contributed to the suspicion of some of the potential respondents. 2.3. Instrument The questionnaire consisted of an explanatory covering letter from the researcher explaining the objectives of the research and encouraging participation, while at the same time emphasizing the voluntary nature of the study, and ensuring complete anonymity and confidentiality to all respondents. This covering letter was read out to those respondents in the semi-literate group. The questionnaire consisted of three sections. Section A consisted of questions on demographic characteristics and on technology use. At the end of Section A, respondents were asked whether they used ATMs currently. Those who answered ‘‘no’’ were classified as ATM non-users and answered Section C, while those who answered ‘‘yes’’ were classified as ATM users and answered Section B. Section B consisted of questions on general ATM use, problems encountered with ATMs and general attitudes towards ATMs. Next, alternate ATM interfaces (in the form of speech-based ATMs and icon-based ATMs) were explained in a brief paragraph and questions about whether respondents would be interested in using them and the anticipated advantages and disadvantages regarding their use were asked. To tap into the issues around safety, privacy, convenience, perceived reliability and training, respondents were required to respond to 14 statements on a fivepoint Likert-type scale ranging from ‘‘strongly agree’’ to ‘‘strongly disagree’’. The barriers to ATM usage in South Africa for ATM users, were assessed through listing a number of common problems and asking respondents to rate how often they encountered these problems on a fivepoint scale ranging from never to always. Section C was for ATM non-users. They were asked what would encourage them to use ATMs and reasons why they choose not to use ATMs. Enablers to ATM usage as perceived by ATM

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non-users were also been tapped into indirectly through asking them to rate a series of statements on a Likert-type scale, ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. These statements related to barriers to ATM use, which if overcome would act as enablers to ATM use. A list of possible reasons for non-use of ATMs was given and respondents were asked to rate these on a scale from ‘‘strongly agree’’ to ‘‘strongly disagree’’. Reasons were also provided regarding why they do not use ATMs. They were also given a similar section on alternate ATM interfaces asking them whether it would encourage them to use ATMs and the reasons behind their choices.

3. Results 3.1. ATM use and attitudes towards ATMs The first important result in comparing the two groups was that there are a greater proportion of semi-literate respondents (21%) who did not use an ATM compared to the literate respondents (7%). As can been seen in Fig. 1, when the respondents who did use an ATM were compared, the literate group had been using an ATM for longer than the semi-literate group. More of the literate group had used an ATM for longer periods of time (greater than 1 year) than the semi-literate group. In addition, Fig. 2 shows that the literate group used an ATM card more frequently than the semi-literate group. The majority of the literate group use an ATM more than once a month while

40 35 Percent

30 25 20 15 10 5 0 < 6 Months

< 1 Year

Literate

1-5 Years

5-10 Years > 10 Years

Semi-Literate

Fig. 1. Length of ATM use.

Percent

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123

45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Once a Year

Twice a Year

Once a Month

Literate

Twice a Month

Once a Week

More Often

Semi-Literate

Fig. 2. Frequency of ATM use.

the opposite is true for the semi-literate group. The most common ATM transactions for both groups were the cash withdrawal, followed by balance enquiries, cheque and cash deposits, and debit order payments respectively. As can be expected, in each case, the literate group conducted the transactions slightly more often than the semiliterate group. Table 2 shows the differences between the semiliterate and literate groups with regards to the frequency of problems experienced with ATM use. The higher the mean score on the five-point rating scale, the more frequently the particular problem was experienced by the particular group. It is interesting to note from Table 2 that in most cases, the semi-literate group had experienced fewer problems with ATM use than the literate group. There were statistically significant differences between the groups with screen visibility problems, card insertion problems, not knowing if the ATM is functional, the speed of ATM operation and the availability of ATMs. In each of these cases, the literate group experienced problems more frequently than the ATM semi-literate group. Of course, given the data from Fig. 2 it is quite possible that the ATM literate group simply encountered more problems because they used an ATM more frequently. General attitudes towards ATM use are presented in Table 3. The majority of questions are scored such that a lower score indicates a more positive attitude towards ATMs. The three questions that are in bold-italics are those questions that are negatively worded. In these questions a

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Table 2 Problems experienced with ATMs Experienced problem

M semi-literate group

M literate group

t-statistic

p-value

1. Having to wait in long queues at ATM 2. Inconvenient physical location of ATM 3. Inserting card incorrectly 4. ATM working too slowly 5. Not knowing if the ATM is operating 6. Forgetting PIN 7. Unclear instructions on ATM 8. ATM not able to print slips 9. Unclear information provided on ATM 10. Not being able to see the screen well 11. ATM running out of money 12. ATM not releasing card 13. Difficult reaching the card slot 14. Theft of a card at an ATM machine

3.02 2.02 2.04 1.75 1.94 1.67 2.08 2.15 1.80 1.53 1.84 1.69 1.22 1.22

3.35 2.84 2.66 2.62 2.48 2.44 2.37 2.19 2.02 1.94 1.73 1.51 1.13 1.19


1.49
3.59
2.93
4.12
2.31
1.38
1.01
.13
1.18
2.05 .61 1.12 .90 .31

.14 .00** .00** .00** .02* .17 .32 .90 .24 .04* .54 .27 .37 .76

Key: 1=Never; 2=Rarely; 3=Sometimes; 4=Often; 5=Always. * Statistically significant at po.05 level. ** Statistically significant at po.01 level.

Table 3 General attitudes towards ATM use Attitude towards ATM use

M semi-literate group

M literate group

t-statistic

p-value

1. I feel comfortable depositing money or cheques into an ATM 2. I am satisfied with the safety of ATMs 3. ATMs offer all the banking services I need 4. I am satisfied with the privacy of ATMs 5. I can easily find an ATM when I need one 6. The bank provided me with enough information to use an ATM 7. I believe that ATMs are more reliable than bank tellers 8. I trust the accuracy of ATMs 9. I prefer using an ATM than going into a bank 10. The bank should offer training or practice in ATM use 11. I find the 24 h service availability convenient 12. I only use the ATM when I am with someone 13. I think ATMs are difficult to use

3.39 2.84 2.69 2.20 1.98 2.30 2.47 2.26 2.16 1.79 2.15 4.21 4.33

3.64 3.38 3.33 3.35 3.24 3.06 2.89 2.65 2.44 3.52 1.52 4.63 4.76


.72
1.95
2.11
4.49
4.75
2.67
1.49
1.49
.96
6.05 2.19
1.34
1.51

.47 .05 .04* .00* .00* .01* .14 .14 .34 .00* .00* .18 .13

Key: 1=Strongly agree; 6=Strongly disagree. * =statistically significant at po .05 level. The three questions that are in bold-italics are those questions that are negatively worded. In these questions a higher score indicates a more positive attitude towards ATMs.

higher score indicates a more positive attitude towards ATMs. The results from Table 3 show that the semiliterate group felt that the banks should offer

training or practice in ATM use (statistically different to the literate group). On most of the other questions, the semi-literate group had more positive attitudes towards ATM use than the

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literate group. The literate group felt that the ATMs were not conveniently available on a 24 h basis, that banks did not provide enough information on how to use an ATM properly, they could not find an ATM easily when they needed one and did not offer all the banking services that they needed. Each of these attitudes were significantly lower than the semi-literate group. This appears to indicate that the literate group had higher expectations about the usefulness and convenience of ATMs and were disappointed that their actual use of ATM did not meet these expectations. Conversely, the semi-literate group had fewer positive expectations about ATMs and were satisfied that they were able to meet these lower expectations. 3.2. Attitudes towards alternative ATM interfaces To overcome literacy problems and provide illiterate and semi-literate account holders greater opportunities to use an ATM, attitudes and expectations towards speech-based and icon-based interfaces were explored. The results reported here explore users’ attitudes towards these alternate interfaces if they were to be developed. The interfaces have not yet actually been developed to show to the respondents. Instead, brief descriptions of each of the alternate interfaces were given and then respondents were asked to express their willingness to use such a technology if it were to be developed. There are quite clear differences in Table 4 between the semi-literate and the literate groups with regards to their attitudes towards the use of

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speech-based ATM interfaces. The semi-literate group would be most accommodating to the use of speech-based ATM interfaces whereas the literate group would be worried about other people overhearing their interaction with the ATM. In the open-ended questions, the semi-literate group felt that speech-based interfaces would be easier, faster and more understandable for everyone, while the literate group felt that speech-based interfaces would be intrusive, unsafe and would lack privacy. The semi-literate group did express concerns that the ATM interface would be impersonal and not be able to understand individuals. The semi-literate group is split on whether they would prefer a speech-based ATM interface rather than the traditional text-based ATM interface. The literate group is fairly adamant that they would prefer text-based interfaces since this was the interface with which they were more familiar and this interface affords more privacy and safety since no one would be able to overhear the transaction. Both groups felt that the safety and overhearing problems could be overcome by having a private booth/room for the ATM transactions. There are also marked differences between the semi-literate and literate groups with regard to their attitudes towards icon-based ATM interfaces, especially when compared to their attitudes towards speech-based interfaces (see Table 5). The semi-literate and literate groups would both want to use icon-based interfaces. However, in the openended questions, the semi-literate group felt that pictures would be more understandable than

Table 4 General attitudes towards speech-based ATM interfaces Speech-based interface

Want to use speech-based Interface Worried about others overhearing Would a booth alleviate the overhearing problem

Prefer speech-based over text-based interface

Semi-literate group

Literate group

Yes

No

Yes

No

45 33 52

15 27 8

16 65 49

50 3 19

Speech

Text

Speech

Text

31

31

10

56

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Table 5 General Attitudes towards icon-based ATM interfaces Icon-based interface

Semi-literate group

Literate group

Yes

No

Yes

No

15

43

25

Text

Icon

Text

25

24

39

Want to use icon-based interface 46 Icon Prefer icon-based over text-based 34 interface

words whereas the literate group felt that different people would interpret pictures differently. Both groups felt that an icon-based interface would be beneficial because it would provide access to ATMs for those with less education and would overcome language problems inherent in textbased or speech-based interfaces. However, the literate group expressed concern that icons could be confusing and easily misinterpreted. Finally, whereas the semi-literate group would prefer to use an icon-based ATM interface, the literate group would prefer to stay with the traditional text-based ATM interface although this different was not as obvious as with the attitudes towards the speech-based interface. The semi-literate group felt that the icon-based ATM interface would allow better access for the uneducated and the literate group felt that they were either more familiar with text-based interfaces or otherwise felt that icon-based interfaces may offer an easier and faster alternative to text-based interfaces.

4. Discussion 4.1. ATM difficulties and attitudes towards ATM use According to the literature on technology use and attitudes towards that technology (e.g. Crable et al., 1994; Maurer, 1994), one interpretation would be the expectation that users with less experience with ATMs would experience more problems and would therefore have more negative

attitudes towards ATMs. This is certainly an expectation that one might hold regarding complex technology requiring a great deal of experience and training before one could use it properly. This expectation might not hold for public-use technology that should be designed in such a way that it is usable with minimal experience and training. Indeed, the results from Tables 2 and 3 show that respondents in the semi-literate group who had less prior experience with ATMs (had been using ATMs for shorter periods of time, currently use ATMs less frequently and use fewer ATM functions than the younger, more educated literate respondents) still expressed fewer problems with ATMs and had a more positive attitude towards ATMs on many of the attitudinal questions. Conversely, the literate respondents had increased exposure to ATMs and thus it is more likely for respondents in the literate group to encounter problems and hence have more negative attitudes towards ATMs. From Table 2, it is clear that the problems faced by the literate group point to basic usability issues in the design of ATMs (i.e. the screen not being properly visible, the card insert slot being inconsistent, not knowing if the ATM is operational, and the ATM working too slowly). It is interesting to note that the two most common problems experienced by both groups in this study (e.g. having to wait in long queues and inserting the card incorrectly) were also common ATM user difficulties identified by Rogers and Fisk (1997). Table 2 shows that the most common problem occurring for both groups was waiting in long queues. When coupled with the most frequently occurring problem for both groups, inconvenient physical location of ATMs, this might point to an availability and convenience problem for both groups related to the geographical distribution of ATMs. Additionally, it has been observed that software design can also slow down transaction time (Zimmermann and Bridger, 2000). The access problems may be the result of a combination of software design, physical location and human behaviour factors. Users do not tend to give up their place in a queue easily and often do not change queues or their choice of ATM very easily. This is informally observed behaviour, often

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witnessed in rush hour traffic where some queues are longer than others and drivers tend to be averse to risking using the other lane that might offer a chance to accomplish the goal quicker. Kahneman and Tversky (1984) refer to this as lossaversive or risk-aversive behaviour, sometimes unreasonably loss-aversive (e.g. Slovic, 1987). In the ATM case this means users may be averse to the risks of finding another ATM in another location. This hypothesis might further be supported by the literate users’ opinions that they cannot always find an ATM when they need one (Table 2). Apart from the feeling that banks should offer training on ATM use, the semi-literate groups’ attitudes towards ATMs were more positive than the literate group. One possible reason for this, mentioned above, is that the frustrations of using an ATM may lead to more negative attitudes. The literate group essentially had two sets of concerns with ATM use. In the first set, the literate group was concerned about the safety, security and privacy of ATMs. In the second set, the literate group were concerned about the convenience of ATMs (e.g. were not conveniently located, did not offer 24 h convenience and did not offer the range of transactions required). It is really this second set of concerns that distinguishes the semi-literate group from the literate group. Respondents in the literate group have received a higher level of formal education and are therefore more likely to find themselves in higher-paying jobs (once they have finished their university education). On the other hand, respondents in the semi-literate group have received less formal education, are in lowpaying jobs and have had less exposure to alternative technologies (such as computers). Respondents in the literate group therefore have greater expectations about the convenience and functionality of ATMs, whereas respondents in the semi-literate group are more likely to be accepting the simplicity of the current access to ATMs. 4.2. Attitudes towards alternative ATM interfaces Attitudes towards speech-based ATM interfaces have been explored by other authors in relation to blind users (Hone et al., 1998; Mankze et al.,

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1998). Nowhere in the published literature have the attitudes of semi-literate or illiterate respondents towards speech-based ATM interfaces been explored. The results from Table 4 show that even with the introduction of private booths to alleviate privacy problems, respondents in the semi-literate group would be fairly ambivalent towards speechbased ATM interfaces (with 31 respondents preferring text-based interfaces and 31 respondents preferring speech-based ATM interfaces). The literate respondents clearly preferred textbased ATM interfaces over speech-based ATM interfaces (with 56 of the 66 respondents who responded were in favour of text-based ATM interfaces). The reasons cited by the respondents for favouring text-based interfaces were that speech-based interfaces lacked privacy, they were unlikely to understand the many different languages, dialects and accents of users and would therefore prefer to stay with an interface with which they were more familiar. Some of the respondents in the semi-literate group (particular those who were not ATM users) felt that speechbased ATMs would make ATMs faster and more easily available to a wider portion of the population. Technology for directional sound exists that does not necessitate a special enclosure, meaning that users are more able to scan their environment for security hazards. This may alleviate the need for special booths for ATM users. It is also possibly more realistic for ATMs to be used to instruct users and give information (e.g. balances) with some degree of privacy. Most user interactions could be performed using the ATM machine instead of being verbalised. This type of privacy may alter attitudes to speech-based interfaces. No published studies have investigated attitudes towards icon-based ATM interfaces. In fact, it appears that there has been little published research that has looked at users attitudes towards any icon-based interfaces. The research that has been conducted has found that attitudes towards icon-based interfaces (ease of use and usefulness) were significantly higher than text-based interfaces (Wiedenbeck, 1999; Wiedenbeck and Davis, 1997) although these were computer applications rather than ATMs. The results from this study in Table 5

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indicate that the majority of respondents in the semi-literate and literate groups would consider using an icon-based ATM interface. It is also clear that more respondents in the semi-literate group would prefer to use an icon-based ATM interface over a text-based ATM interface. The literate group was not as enthusiastic about an icon-based ATM interface, but the reaction of this group towards this type of alternative ATM interface was not as overwhelming as with the speech-based interface. This is possibly due to the fact that there are already many iconic elements currently present in many ATM interfaces. Using a full icon-based interface would probably not be too foreign to the majority of ATM users. Both groups felt that an icon-based interface would provide people with very little formal education access to ATMs. Both groups did warn, however, that icons would be susceptible to interpretation, which implies that a great deal of care should be taken to ensure that an icon-based interface is appropriately interpreted by all users. 4.3. Limitations, directions for future research One should be careful when interpreting the differences between the semi-literate and literate groups. These groups are not directly comparable since the literate group was a sample of first-year psychology students and the semi-literate group was a sample taken from adult literacy centres. The semi-literate group consists of older adults, most of whom are in formal employment (either full-time or part-time) and many of whom have to take care of families. In the literate sample, only a small number of the students were employed on a part-time basis, and none of these respondents had to provide an income for other members of their family. These two groups have quite different financial obligations to themselves and other members of their family and we can therefore expect them to have different expectations and usage characteristics when it comes to ATMs. In addition, the sample sizes are quite small (N ¼ 62 for the semi-literate sample; N ¼ 68 for the literate sample) with a limited degree of generalisability. The sample consists of very few respondents who are ATM non-users and no respondents who are

functionally illiterate. The sample was also limited to an urban environment and may not necessarily be reflective of the attitudes and opinions of ATM users and non-users in other parts of the country. Finally, it is obvious that the respondents did not have any opportunity to actually interact with these hypothetical alternative interfaces. The respondents were essentially required to imagine what the alternative interface might look like. It is quite possible that different respondents would form quite different mental conceptualisations of these hypothetical interfaces based on their prior experiences with other similar interfaces. One would also expect the literate group to be more resistant to change. After all, they were being asked to hypothesise about changing an interface that currently operates quite efficiently for them (despite their more negative attitudes towards ATMs). It is therefore not unreasonable to assume that they would be more resistant to alternative ATM interface than the ATM semiliterate group. It is quite clear that future investigations should involve larger and more representative samples. In particular, given the nature of the problems under investigation in this study it would be necessary to establish proper comparison groups including a sample of functionally illiterate bank account holders, literate bank account holders who are currently employed and bank account holders from rural areas. This would mean devising a measure to assess ATM literacy. Future investigations would also benefit from looking at attitudes of perceived ease of use and perceived usefulness (Davis, 1989) towards the alternative interfaces once suitable prototypes have been developed and once respondents have had a reasonable chance to interact with them. Despite the limitations and suggestions for future research work, it is relatively clear that the preferred alternative (i.e. the least resistance) interface would be an icon-based ATM interface. However, a great deal of effort must still be applied to the development of icons that are unambiguously interpreted by all users (and especially those illiterate users who cannot fall back on text interpretations) and that can best represent the transaction concepts.

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Acknowledgements The financial assistance of the National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa towards the completion of this research is hereby acknowledged.

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