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Bear phalanx traumatically introduced into a living human: Prehistoric evidence
International Journal of Paleopathology 3 (2013) 48–53
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Case Study
Bear phalanx traumatically introduced into a living human: Prehistoric evidence夽 Gary D. Richards a,∗ , Hillary M. Ojeda b , Rebecca S. Jabbour c , Caitlin L. Ibarra d , Caroline F. Horton e a
Department of Biomedical Sciences, A. A. Dugoni School of Dentistry, University of the Pacific, 2155 Webster St., San Francisco, CA 94115, USA Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, 232 Kroeber Hall, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA c Department of Biology, Saint Mary’s College of California, Moraga, CA 94575, USA d Department of Anthropology, California State University East Bay, 3097 Meiklejohn Hall, Hayward, CA 94542, USA e Department of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilmore Drive, La Jolla, CA, USA b
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history: Received 20 July 2012 Received in revised form 2 January 2013 Accepted 4 January 2013 Keywords: Prehistoric trauma Shaman Bear doctor Societal roles Female healers
a b s t r a c t Traumatically induced skeletal injuries are common and can be ascribed to a normal range of events occurring in an individual’s lifetime. A subset of these trauma-induced injuries provides enhanced insight into cultural history. Such cases might include those referable to medico-surgical and religious/ritualistic practices. We describe prehistoric evidence and cultural implications of the traumatic insertion of an Ursus manual phalanx into the elbow of a living human. The injury healed and the phalanx remained in situ until death. The individual derives from the Ellis Landing shellmound and dates to a subphase of the Middle Period (≈500BC–300AD) in the California cultural sequence. The remains are of a 30–40 year-old female. Comparative data on arm morphology and pathological conditions present were collected (n = 159). Three Ursus subspecies (n = 15) were examined to identify the taxon represented by the phalanx. The described individual was probably wearing bear paw ornaments at the time she was crushed by a heavy object. During this event, a bear claw was driven into her cubital fossa, the basal phalangeal tubercle being impressed into the humerus. The wound healed completely. The presence of Ursus body parts indicates an elevated societal role for this female; most likely she was a shaman or healer. © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction Traumatically induced skeletal injuries are among the most common pathological conditions recorded in archeological remains (Grauer and Roberts, 1996; Ortner, 2003). Most such injuries can be ascribed to a normal range of events that occur during an individual’s lifetime. In contrast, a rare group of traumatic skeletal injuries provides a basis from which unexpected insights into cultural history can be derived. Such cases include those referable to medico-surgical and religious/ritualistic practices. The most wellknown instances of such traumatic injuries are the sincipital-T mutilation and surgical interventions, including trephination and other forms of cranial surgery (Ackerknecht, 1947; Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín, 1998; Manouvrier, 1903; Ortner, 2003; Richards, 1995; Stewart, 1957). In some of these cases recovered material culture can be directly tied to the observed trauma (e.g., trephining knives).
夽 Grant sponsor(s): Funding provided to HMO and CFH by the Undergraduate Student Opportunity Fund, University of California, Berkeley, CA. ∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 415 929 6573; fax: +1 415 749 3339. E-mail address: [email protected] (G.D. Richards). 1879-9817/$ – see front matter © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijpp.2013.01.001
Herein we describe an unusual case of the direct but coincidental association of material culture with a traumatic event. The individual was recovered in 1906–1907 during excavation of the Ellis Landing shellmound (CA-CCO-295) and is dated to a subphase of the Middle Period (≈500 BC–300 AD) in the Central California cultural sequence. This case comprises prehistoric evidence of the traumatic insertion of a claw (with distal phalanx) from the forelimb of a bear into the elbow region (cubital fossa) of a living human, followed by healing, as well as other related skeletal injuries. We also investigate the impact of the induced physical impairment on the individual and the cultural implications of this individual’s direct association with Ursus skeletal elements. 2. Materials The described individual (PHMA 12-2387) is housed in the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology (PHMA), University of California, Berkeley and derives from the Central California archeological site of CA-CCO-295, locally known as the Ellis Landing shellmound. Ellis Landing is one of a number of large shellmounds that formerly lined the shores of the San Francisco Bay (Luby et al., 2006; Moratto, 1984). The site was located on or adjacent to a salt marsh near Brooks Island on the eastern shore of the Bay (circa Richmond, CA: Fig. 1). Excavations of the mound by N.C. Nelson in
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associated with this linguistic group are now referred to as Ohlones. The shellmounds along the San Francisco Bay were inhabited by hunter-gatherers who focused on near shore marine resources. Proposed explanations for the shellmounds vary, ranging from simple living areas with cemeteries to regional ceremonial-burial centers (Lightfoot and Luby, 2002). Habitation at the Ellis Landing mound is typical, with periods of occupation followed by abandonment and re-habitation (Nelson, 1910). Given this pattern, it is suggested that the mound can be considered to have been continuously occupied over ≈2000 years (Lightfoot and Luby, 2002; Nelson, 1910; Schweikhardt et al., 2011). Nelson (1910) estimated that the original mound structure may have contained from 3000 to 10,000 burials. He also indicated that the vast majority of skeletons recovered were from either fetal or older adult individuals (Nelson, 1910). In keeping with other mounds around the San Francisco Bay, inferred social complexity was relatively limited, as judged from the artifactual component and comparisons to inland groups (Bickel, 1974; Hylkema, 2002; Nelson, 1910).
3. Methods Fig. 1. Map showing location of the archeological locality relative to the North American continent. Pull-out of Central California shows the greater San Francisco Bay Area. In smaller boxed area, the Ellis Landing mound (CA-CCO-295) is positioned within the near-shore deltaic region of the Bay.
1906–1907 revealed a total midden depth of 10.6 m, with >4.9 m of the midden below the water level of the contiguous marsh at the time of excavation (Moratto, 1984; Nelson, 1910, 1909, 1907). A minimum of 160 burials was recovered from the stratified midden (Nelson, 1910, 1909, 1907). Nelson established an early and a late stratigraphic unit based on shell content and the texture and degree of compactness of the midden deposit. The PHMA individual was recovered from the edge of the mound ≈1.5 m below the mound’s surface, placing the burial at the level of ground water and within the lower stratigraphic unit (Nelson, 1910). As is typical for all shellmounds that once ringed the San Francisco Bay, individual burials yielded few associated artifacts. Bickel (1974) noted that these most likely represented personal items, as opposed to the more extensive grave offerings recovered from inland sites. The PHMA 12-2387 individual is not exceptional; recovered artifacts include only a bone awl and four abalone pendants. Of the pendants, three are long rectangles (≈10 mm × 40 mm) whereas the fourth has a curved, claw-like shape. These pendants may have formed a collar, a necklace, or a portion of one, with the central ‘claw-like’ pendant flanked by the rectangular ones. Such a configuration is similar to bear claw necklaces seen in various Native American groups. Artifacts recovered with the individual are consistent with those typically assigned to the Ellis Landing Facies (Elsasser, 1978; Moratto, 1984). Radiocarbon dates for individual burials are not available. Recently, C14 dating of charcoal, taken from shell samples collected in 1906–1908 by Nelson, has been completed (Schweikhardt et al., 2011). Unfortunately, the latter authors did not correlate these dates with the original stratigraphy defined by Nelson (1910). Given available data, we place PHMA 12-2387 between the lowest two dated levels. Radiocarbon age estimates for these levels are ≈1535 ± 35 and ≈3385 ± 35 years BP with 2 calibrated ranges of 1520–1352 and 3610–3406 years BP, respectively (Schweikhardt et al., 2011). Based on the individual’s burial position relative to these two samples, we suggest an age in excess of ≈2000 years BP. This age estimate would place the individual in the lower subphase of the Berkeley Pattern (500 BC–AD 300), the earliest division of the Middle Period (Hylkema, 2002). The Ellis Landing mound is situated within the historic boundaries of the Costanoan linguistic group (Levy, 1978). Historic tribes
The individual described herein is represented by a nearly complete skeleton (field burial #247). The bones are well preserved but retain a thin calcium carbonate covering. An age assessment of between 30 and 40 years is based on dental eruption (Ubelaker, 1984) and wear1 and general skeletal aging criteria (pubic symphysis morphology, epiphyseal and sutural closure, joint surface morphology: Krogman, 1978). The skeleton’s sex is determined to be female, based on pelvic features outlined in Bass (2005). On exposure the burial was found to be intact, laying on its right side with the legs and arms flexed. Unfortunately, photographs were not taken and diagrams of the burials comprise only simple drawings of skeletons on the site map (Nelson, 1910). We compared the PHMA 12-2387 arms to those of other individuals (pooled component sample, n = 159) to provide qualitative data on the normal ranges of bone and joint surface morphology and joint pathology. Computed tomography (CT) scans of the arms of PHMA 12-2387 were made on a GE Lightscribe scanner (helical scans, standard reconstruction kernel, 0.3 mm isotropic voxels). Isosurfaces were generated and bones and limbs were reconstructed with Amira 3D Visualization Software (v. 5.5). Crosssectional diameters of the humeri were measured on oblique orthoslices established at the maximum humeral midshaft and deltoid tuberosity diameters. Comparative humeral diameters for other Central California populations derive from Dittrick and Suchey (1986). The non-human phalanx is well preserved but retains adhering carbonates. The phalanx was compared to forelimb/hindlimb elements of various large taxa known to inhabit the San Francisco Bay region in prehistory. The comparative sample is housed in the Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, University of California, Berkeley. The phalanx is consistent with those from an Ursus forelimb (paw). Given this identification, we compared it to those from three subspecies of North American bears (Ursus americanus californiensis, U. arctos californicus, U. arctos horribilis: n = 15) to further distinguish the taxon represented. Unfortunately, U. americanus and U. arctos phalanges are morphologically similar, leading to an assignment of Ursus sp. indet. The ungual crest and unguis (keratinous sheath) normally present on Ursus phalanges (Yates and Sims, 2001) were
1 Five dental wear stages were employed in aging the PHMA skeletal collection. This system follows that of Brothwell (1981), although the ages assigned to each category differ. The age estimate based on dental wear derives from our comparative seriation of individuals deriving from archeological sites in Central California.
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from regional populations. Analysis of her skeleton demonstrates that she suffered a traumatic injury that involved the left cubital fossa region, both forearms, and the right shoulder girdle. 4.1. Right upper limb
Fig. 2. Ursus phalanges: (a) upper figure shows basic features of an intact bear claw (illustrated on a pedal claw), while the lower figure shows the Ursus manual phalanx recovered from the left cubital fossa of the female (PHMA 12-2387) from the Ellis Landing mound. (b) CT-based reconstructions of (top to bottom) a complete modern Ursus manual phalanx with keratinous sheath, the same phalanx with sheath removed, and the prehistoric Ursus phalanx.
presumably fragmented and lost at the time of insertion into the soft tissues of the human forelimb (Fig. 2). 4. Results The skeletal remains represent those of a large and strongly muscled middle-aged female (Fig. 3a and b). Humeral shaft diameters and muscle markings are robust but within the range of females
The right forearm is mostly complete and retains evidence of a bending fracture (sensu Ortner, 2003) of the ulna at midshaft (Fig. 3b). Whereas the fracture is consistent with a simple transverse separation of the shaft fragments, it appears that a triangular section may have dislodged at the fracture site. This triangular portion was either not recovered or had been resorbed. That a more complicated, or comminuted, fracture of the ulna may have occurred is indicated by the degree of separation of the bone ends at the fracture site (Fig. 3b). Interpretation of fracture severity is complicated by a subsequent nonunion of the shaft fragments. Formation of a nearthrosis is unlikely based on the fracture site morphology. The initial trauma and subsequent nonunion of the ulna appears to have contributed to degeneration of the proximal radioulnar joint. The left radial head and the radial notch of the ulna are both distorted. Articulation of the radius and ulna results in the radius very closely approximating the ulna; the radial tuberosity nearly touches the ulna (Fig. 3b). This would have restricted the range of motion at the elbow joint and pronation and supination of the forearm. Similar modifications of the radioulnar and radiohumeral joint resulting from forearm trauma are discussed in Judd (2008). The right clavicle retains evidence of a bending fracture as indicated by a remnant bony callus. Observations made on CT scans show the bone to be fully healed. The degree of healing is consistent with that observable in the other elements, suggesting that the fracturing might have occurred in the same event. 4.2. Left upper limb
Fig. 3. (a–d) Four views of articulated upper limb skeleton from PHMA 12-2387. In (a) top to bottom, left oblique, posterior, and right oblique views of upper limb with articulated bear phalanx; in (b) anterior view of articulated upper limb showing the fractured right ulna and crushing injury to the left cubital fossa; in pull-out (c) detailed view of left cubital fossa; in (d) left distal humerus showing articular facet for bear phalanx at 1.
The left upper limb is incomplete. The humerus is missing proximal to the proximal extent of the radial groove. The radius is nearly complete, lacking only the distal end. The distal one-third of the ulna shaft was lost post-depositionally (Fig. 3a and b). The left humeral shaft is unremarkable, with the exception of two areas above the distal articular surface. Anteriorly, the coronoid fossa is marked by a shallow, laterally directed ovate pit (≈5 mm × 18 mm × 16 mm). The medial edge of this pit is an articular surface (facet). The inferomedial edge of the facet extends inferiorly, nearly confluent with bony extensions from the trochlea. The posterior portion (floor) of the coronoid fossa is open, which may be due to a normally occurring variation (septal aperture) or may be due to fracturing and subsequent resorption of the bone comprising the coronoid fossa’s floor. The lateral aspect of the coronoid fossa is not an articular surface. The other region of premortem damaged occurs posteriorly where the lateral edge of the olecranon fossa is marked by a small, triangular depression. Osteophytes extend from this depression into the fossa, while others are connected to the articular surface. The distal articular surface of the humerus shows extensive osteoarthritic changes, including marginal lipping and exostoses, osteophyte formation, exposure of the subchondral bone, and mechanical polishing of the bone surface (eburnation: Fig. 3b and c). The radius is the least affected upper limb bone but does show significant osteoarthritic changes (marginal lipping and exostoses) in the radiohumeral and radioulnar articulations. The ulna shows evidence of a bending fracture that resulted in the trochlear notch fracturing across its middle, the thinnest point. The olecranon process was separated from the remaining ulna and was either resorbed or not collected at excavation. No evidence of a non-union is present on the remaining portion of the ulna. Damage to the
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posterior aspect of the olecranon fossa is consistent with the olecranon being driven superolaterally into the fossa, at which point it became locked into the olecranon fossa (Fig. 3a). This resulted in the ulna flexing at the midpoint of the trochlear notch, leading to a bending fracture. Subsequent to the trauma, movement of the olecranon process resulted in the humeral joint surface being extended into the olecranon fossa and in osteophyte formation. Further, the articular surface on the anterior portion of the trochlear notch completely degenerated with significant marginal lipping and osteophyte formation, exposure of the subchondral bone, and eburnation of the joint surfaces. The radial notch shows extensive osteoarthritis with marginal lipping and osteophyte formation (Fig. 3). The fracture through the olecranon process resulted in most of the insertion site for the m. triceps brachii being separated from the ulna (Fig. 3a), which would have severely limited forearm extension. Lacking its synergist, the m. biceps brachii would have caused unopposed forearm flexion. With fracturing and misalignment of the ulna, the arm and forearm became permanently flexed at an ≈45◦ angle, with extension and flexion of the lower arm limited to a few degrees (Fig. 3a and b). Pronation and supination of the forearm, although difficult, was less affected, as witnessed by the extent of joint modification and flattening at the forearm-to-humerus contact. Comparison of right and left cross-sectional diameters at the deltoid tuberosity show both humeri to be similar. Cross-sectional diameters at midshaft (right) and at the deltoid tuberosity (right and left) place this female in the upper portion of the range, within approximately two standard deviations from the mean, for humeral cross-sectional diameters relative to other prehistoric California adult females from either the Early or Middle/Late Periods (Dittrick and Suchey, 1986). Although measurements of cortical thickness were not made, it is notable that both humeri have cortices that are both relatively similar in thickness. There is no indication of cortical thinning due to disuse atrophy in either arm. 4.3. Left humerus-bear phalanx The oval-shaped depression in the coronoid fossa of the humerus matches exactly the palmar surface of the Ursus phalanx (Fig. 3c and d). When articulated, the phalanx leans slightly medially and its distal end is positioned along the lateral surface of the coronoid process. Based on the presence of an articular surface within the coronoid fossa and the extension of this surface from the fossa toward the distal humeral articular surfaces, it is clear that the phalanx continued to move relative to the humerus during healing (Fig. 3d). The range of motion was limited by the near fixation of the elbow joint. During insertion of the phalanx into the cubital fossa, damage to smaller tributaries to the basilic vein would have resulted. Having penetrated the skin/venous layer, the phalanx would have encountered the brachial artery and median nerve. The size and thickness of these neurovascular structures likely resulted in them being pushed aside, rather than crushed. However, given their positioning between the distal end of the m. biceps brachii and the medial border of m. brachialis, it is possible that some damage occurred and that they may have been compressed by the phalanx during forearm movements. 4.4. Trauma reconstruction Several scenarios were considered in attempting to account for the observed pattern of trauma. These included the possibility that this woman was a victim of interpersonal violence, that she had suffered a serious fall, or that she had fallen and was crushed by a heavy object. Interpersonal violence might include being attacked
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by a tribal member dressed in a bear doctor’s costume, a portion of which might have become embedded in her arm. The bear phalanx was driven from ≈5.0 to 7.0 mm into the dense cortex of the humeral shaft. This was only possible because the superoinferior phalangeal axis was aligned with a relatively flat portion of the cortex. A substantial amount of force would have been required to drive the phalanx into the humerus. An act of interpersonal violence could result in the observed forearm fractures but is unlikely to also account for the damage associated with the phalanx. The most parsimonious scenario is that this woman was crushed by a heavy object. We suggest that such an object fell toward her and, as she attempted to fend off the object, it resulted in the right ulnar fracture. The left ulna was likely fractured via hyperextension of the forearm during the fall. Unable to fully move away from the falling object her left upper limb became trapped under its weight, embedding the phalanx and crushing the elbow joint.
5. Discussion While many studies in paleopathology are directed toward investigations of community health or the investigation of specific diseases, this investigation represents one of a growing number of case studies or osteobiographies that provide insight concerning cultural contexts through the investigation of an individual. Here we present evidence of the direct incorporation of an Ursus paw element within a living human body. The bear claw (phalanx) was unquestionably introduced into the woman’s left cubital fossa during a traumatic event. That this event included being crushed by a heavy object is suggested by the total pattern of trauma expressed in the bones of the left arm. Fracturing of the right arm most likely occurred as the victim attempted to shield herself from the object. Coincident with this event we believe that bear claws, either attached to her clothing or, more probably, part of a necklace (Fig. 4), became positioned over her arm as she was forced backwards by the weight of the object. Subsequent to the trauma, the bear phalanx was not removed from the wound. Whether this was a deliberate choice or a result of the phalanx simply not having been observed in the wound is unclear. Among the Ojibwa tribe of the Northeastern United States and Canada, multiple shamans, inclusive of female bear doctors, claimed that lumps or bulges on their bodies were where their bear guardian sprit resided (Rockwell, 1991); possibly a similar situation arose in this case as there would have been a low, but distinct and mobile lump in the healed cubital fossa. Upon healing, the woman’s right arm would have been compromised by the non-union of the shaft and extensive arthritic changes to the elbow joint, while her left arm was permanently flexed at a 45◦ angle and capable of only minor flexion/extension and pronation/supination. That these injuries did not completely impair her activities is evidenced by the relatively robust nature of her skeleton, lack of disuse atrophy, and the extent and type of post-trauma joint destruction. The type of trauma documented here is not unusual in prehistoric remains, but the direct association of a female with Ursus skeletal elements, while not unheard of, is both rare and informative. It is well documented that the attitude exhibited toward bears by Native peoples in North American, Europe, and Asia is more or less unique relative to that exhibited toward other animals (Berres et al., 2004; Hallowell, 1926; Shepard and Sanders, 1985). Although animals are often considered to bridge the natural and supernatural worlds, only some animals can pass freely between these worlds (Rockwell, 1991). Bears appear to be universally considered ‘boundary-crossing’ beings. This concept may have its origins in observations of hibernating bears. Further, because bears exhibit a range of behaviors that are similar to those of humans (diet, use
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Fig. 4. (a–c) Photographs of (a) bear claw necklace from the Nez Perce tribe (c. 1900: Nez Perce National Historical Park NEPE1990); (b) unidentified member of the Sioux tribe in work entitled ‘Medicine Bear-Ma-To-Ican’ (c. 1872: National Archives and Records Administration, No. 519022); (c) Winnebago tribal member, from a photograph of ˜ tribe in Southern California (Sparkman, 1908). Archeological evidence the original artwork by Charles Deas (c. 1840). Similar bear claw necklaces are known from the Luiseno for the artifactual use of bear claws is known from the northern San Joaquin Valley in Central California. Schenck and Dawson (1929) recovered ten claws from a burial at CA-SJO-19 and another 14 claws from two or three burials at CA-SJO-6. These localities are located along the San Joaquin Delta which drains into the San Francisco Bay. Photographs in public domain at commons.wikimedia.org.
of herbs with medicinal qualities, orthograde postures, etc.) the division between the two becomes blurred. This combination of a range of relatively similar behaviors, the appearance of a return to life at the end of hibernation, and their use of medicinal plants provides the bases for conceiving of bears as powerful spiritual healers (Rockwell, 1991). Therefore, the direct association of this female with bear skeletal elements, in the form of bear claws, suggests that the bear was her guardian spirit and that she belonged to a special class within Native Californian society. The ethnographic record for Central Californian Natives indicates that women generally pursued domestic activities, such as basket-making, midwifery, and herbalism, relative to men (Gayton, 1976). However, one specialized activity open to females was shamanism (Barrett, 1917; Kroeber, 1976; Rockwell, 1991). Among the Pomo the same name was applied to both male and female practitioners and their training was the same (Barrett, 1917). Shamans often ranked second only to tribal leaders in authority and prestige, as they were an integral part of the political, economic, and legal institutions throughout the state (Gayton, 1976; Kroeber, 1976). Further, because shamans were visited by and converse with guardian spirits, they were considered the principal religious leaders. Whereas the activities of shamans varied across the state, they generally engaged in various types of curing, including the use of herbal medicines, sucking out disease objects, divination, and controlling particular guardian spirits (Kroeber, 1976). The role of shaman tended to be maintained in families, although this was not as rigidly adhered to as for the role of chief (Bean, 1976). This woman’s association with bear body parts suggests that the bear was her guardian spirit, but the exact nature of her relationship with bears remains uncertain. This is because inhabitants of this California region had various shamanistic specializations that could have included a spiritual relationship with bears. The best-documented of these specializations is the ‘bear doctor’ (Barrett, 1917; Gayton, 1976; Holliman, 2004; Kroeber, 1973, 1976; Rockwell, 1991). However, two somewhat distinct categories of bear doctor existed. Pomo bear doctors were the most specialized but their activities have come to define the work of bear doctors in this geographic region. Whereas all shamans were believed to possess both benevolent and malevolent natures, Pomo bear doctors were mostly males whose activities were highly secretive and malevolent (Callaghan, 1978; Kroeber, 1976). Further, Pomo bear doctors were unable to transform themselves into their guardian spirit, a distinction that Barrett (1917) believes separates doctors from shamans.
The second category of bear doctor, possibly more appropriately referred to as ‘bear shamans’, existed among the Miwok and Yuki, tribes that were contiguous with the Pomo. These individuals were believed to not only possess the power of the bear, but were able to transform themselves into their guardian spirit (Barrett, 1917). Among the Lake Miwok, women ‘bear doctors’ channeled the benevolent power of the bear spirit to rapidly traverse large areas while gathering food and shells (Callaghan, 1978). Among the Yuki, male and female ‘bear doctors’ were many times publicly recognized as benefactors and healers, as opposed to the highly secretive and malevolent nature of the Pomo bear doctors (Barrett, 1917). Although we have attempted to separate the activities of bear doctors from those of shamans, we have been unable to document that such a clear distinction existed in Central California. The activities of bear doctors/shamans in this region appear to have been intertwined. Based on available data, we suggest that this woman was a shaman whose efforts were directed toward healing the sick. For a healing shaman in Central California, having a bear guardian spirit is complicated by the extreme spiritual power represented and its association with the universally feared bear doctors. This suggestion is furthered when one considers that many shamans were killed by relatives of the sick who believed that the pain/sickness may be caused by the shaman; therefore, people might be reluctant to engage a shaman who seemed particularly powerful, dangerous, and who could return from the dead. Alternatively, the feared and revered status of a bear guardian spirit in combination with a generally positive healing regime may have acted in combination to provide this woman a high level of status and protection. The latter case would present a situation not unlike that documented in eastern woodland, prairie, and certain southwestern tribes. In these instances, bear shamans were considered to be the most powerful healers, and their activities were generally not malevolent (Rockwell, 1991). Their ability to cure was directly related to the perceived curing and healing powers of bears. This specific class of bear shamans does not appear in the ethnographic record for Central California, although its presence is suggested in ethnographic accounts of the Yuki. Given the widespread presence in other native populations of healing bear doctors/shamans who lacked malevolent natures, it is quite possible that we are seeing evidence for this phenomenon at Ellis Landing. The incident leading to the injuries suffered by this woman may have been a simple accident. Alternatively, it may have occurred during the extreme physically punishing nature of the later stages
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of her initiation as a fully qualified shaman (Callaghan, 1978; Kroeber, 1976). In ethnographic accounts, Lake Miwok novice shamans demonstrated their readiness to practice by stopping a large rock that was sent rolling down a hill (Callaghan, 1978). In other cases, a novice might either practice lifting and throwing logs as preparation for ‘throwing people’ or may be placed in a hollow log and sent rolling down a hill (Kroeber, 1976). In either of these scenarios, the trauma may have resulted from falling and being crushed by a boulder or having her upper limbs fractured and crushed by a log. In all three cases, the object (log or rock) was of sufficient diameter and weight to compress the phalanx deep into the cortex of the humerus and fracture/crush the olecranon process. Based on available prehistoric skeletal analyses, cultural evidence, and historic period ethnographies, we conclude that the remains considered herein are those of an adult female whose relationship with bears and activities as a shaman resulted in an elevated social ranking. We consider her to have been a healer, as opposed to a generally malevolent bear doctor, who was well practiced in the arts of healing. The latter is evidenced by her advanced age, in a population whose members generally died in their later twenties or early thirties, and by surviving in a society that frequently killed shamans who either failed to heal a patient or were believed to have been the source of a pain or disease. That she would not have been a bear doctor who attacked and killed other humans in the manner of a bear as seen in the Pomo, is also supported by the deformities present in her arms. A further testimony to her elevated social status is revealed by a series of abalone pendants that were recovered with the remains. Abalone pendants were found in very small numbers during the extensive excavations at Ellis Landing, and ornaments of all types are extremely rare (Nelson, 1910). The fact that no ornaments made from bears were placed with the burial suggests that such items as bear claw necklaces were retained (inherited) or possibly buried separately (Bean and Theodoratus, 1978; Rockwell, 1991). Hundreds of generations separate peoples present in the lower levels of the Ellis Landing shellmound from those whose cultural history was recorded at the turn of the twentieth century. However, assessment of this individual provides a reasonably secure basis from which to extend behaviors practiced by Native Californians at the time of European contact deep into the ethnographic past and to document continuity in the status and roles of women in this geographic region for at least 2000 years. Acknowledgements We thank the staff of the Radiology Department of the California Pacific Medical Center, Pacific Heights Campus, San Francisco, CA for their help in acquiring computed tomography images of this individual; the Department of Biomedical Sciences, A.A. Dugoni School of Dentistry, San Francisco, CA for access to cadavers; the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, CA for access to collections; and Dr. Chris Conroy, Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, University of California, Berkeley, CA for access to collections and continued support of our research. We also thank the Human Evolution Research Center, University of California, Berkeley, CA for research space and access to collections. We also acknowledge the administrators of the Undergraduate Student Opportunity Fund, University of California, Berkeley for their continued support of student research. References Ackerknecht, E.H., 1947. Primitive surgery. American Anthropologist 49, 25–45. Aufderheide, A.C., Rodríguez-Martín, C., 1998. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Human Paleopathology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
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Brothwell, D.R., 1981. Digging Up Bones. Cornell University Press, New York. Callaghan, C.A., 1978. Lake Miwok. In: Heizer, R.F. (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians. California, vol. 8. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC, pp. 264–273. Dittrick, J., Suchey, J.M., 1986. Sex determination of prehistoric Central California skeletal remains using discriminant analysis of the femur and humerus. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 70, 3–9. Elsasser, A.B., 1978. Development of regional prehistoric cultures. In: Heizer, R.F. (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians. California, vol. 8. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, pp. 37–57. Gayton, A.H., 1976. Yokuts-Mono chiefs and shamans. In: Bean, L.J., Blackburn, T.C. (Eds.), Native Californians: A Theoretical Retrospective. Ballena Press, New Mexico, pp. 175–224. Grauer, A.L., Roberts, C.A., 1996. Paleoepidemiology, healing, and possible treatment of trauma in the medieval cemetery population of St. Helen-on-the-Walls, York, England. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 100, 531–544. Hallowell, I., 1926. Bear ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. American Anthropologist 28, 1–175. Holliman, S.E., 2004. Bear shamanism and social control in native California societies. California Archaeology Newsletter 38, 26–31. Hylkema, M.G., 2002. Tidal marsh, oak woodland, and cultural florescence in the Southern San Francisco Bay region. In: Erlandson, J.M., Jones, T.L. (Eds.), Catalysts to Complexity: Late Holocene Societies of the California Coast. Perspectives Calif Arch, vol. 6, pp. 233–262. Judd, M.A., 2008. The parry problem. Journal of Archaeological Science 35, 1658–1666. Kroeber, A.L., 1973. Elements of culture in native California. In: Heizer, R.F., Whipple, M.A. (Eds.), The California Indians: A Source Book. Univ California Press, Berkeley. Kroeber, A.L., 1976. Handbook of the Indians of California. Dover, New York. Krogman, W.M., 1978. The Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine. C.C. Thomas, Springfield. Levy, R., 1978. Coastanoan. In: Heizer, R.F. (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians. California, vol. 8. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, pp. 485–495. Lightfoot, K.G., Luby, E.M., 2002. Late Holocene in the San Francisco Bay Area. In: Erlandson, J.M., Jones, T.L. (Eds.), Catalysts to Complexity: Late Holocene Societies of the California Coast. Perspectives Calif Arch, vol. 6, pp. 263–281. Luby, M., Clayton, D.D., Lightfoot, K.G., 2006. Shellmounds and mounded landscapes in the San Francisco Bay area: an integrated approach. The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology 1, 191–214. Manouvrier, L., 1903. Les marques sincipitales des cranes néolithiques considerées comme reliant la chirugie classique ancienne á la chirugie préhistorique. Bulletin et Memoires de la Societe d’Anthropologie de Paris 4, 494–498. Moratto, M.J., 1984. California Archaeology. Academic Press, Orlando. Nelson, N.C., 1907. San Francisco Bay Mounds. Berkeley: Univ Calif Archaeol Survey, Manuscript No. 349. Nelson, N.C., 1909. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay region. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 7, 309–356. Nelson, N.C., 1910. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, Berkeley. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 7, 357–426. Ortner, D.J., 2003. Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains. Academic Press, New York. Richards, G.D., 1995. Earliest cranial surgery in North America. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 98, 203–209. Rockwell, D., 1991. Giving Voice to Bear: North American Indian Rituals, Myths, and Images of the Bear. Roberts Rinehart, Niwot. Schenck, W.E., Dawson,.J., 1929. Archaeology of the northern San Joaquin Valley. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 25, 289–413. Schweikhardt, P., Ingram, B.L., Lightfoot, K., Luby, E., 2011. Geochemical methods for inferring seasonal occupation of an estuarine shellmound: a case study from San Francisco Bay. Journal of Archaeological Science 38, 2301–2312. Shepard, P., Sanders, B., 1985. The Scared Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth, and Literature. Viking Penguin, New York. ˜ Indians. University of California Sparkman, P.S., 1908. The culture of the Luiseno Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 8, 187–234. Stewart, T.D., 1957. Stone Age Skull Surgery: A General Review, With Emphasis on the New World. Ann Rep Board Regents Smithsonian Inst, pp. 469–491. Ubelaker, D., 1984. Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis, and Interpretation. Taraxacum, Washington. Yates, B.C., Sims, C., 2001. Bear Claws – Real and Fake: Identification Notes for Wildlife Law Enforcement M-01-2. Nat Fish Wildlife Forensics Lab, Ashland, OR.
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International Journal of Paleopathology journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijpp
Case Study
Bear phalanx traumatically introduced into a living human: Prehistoric evidence夽 Gary D. Richards a,∗ , Hillary M. Ojeda b , Rebecca S. Jabbour c , Caitlin L. Ibarra d , Caroline F. Horton e a
Department of Biomedical Sciences, A. A. Dugoni School of Dentistry, University of the Pacific, 2155 Webster St., San Francisco, CA 94115, USA Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, 232 Kroeber Hall, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA c Department of Biology, Saint Mary’s College of California, Moraga, CA 94575, USA d Department of Anthropology, California State University East Bay, 3097 Meiklejohn Hall, Hayward, CA 94542, USA e Department of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilmore Drive, La Jolla, CA, USA b
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history: Received 20 July 2012 Received in revised form 2 January 2013 Accepted 4 January 2013 Keywords: Prehistoric trauma Shaman Bear doctor Societal roles Female healers
a b s t r a c t Traumatically induced skeletal injuries are common and can be ascribed to a normal range of events occurring in an individual’s lifetime. A subset of these trauma-induced injuries provides enhanced insight into cultural history. Such cases might include those referable to medico-surgical and religious/ritualistic practices. We describe prehistoric evidence and cultural implications of the traumatic insertion of an Ursus manual phalanx into the elbow of a living human. The injury healed and the phalanx remained in situ until death. The individual derives from the Ellis Landing shellmound and dates to a subphase of the Middle Period (≈500BC–300AD) in the California cultural sequence. The remains are of a 30–40 year-old female. Comparative data on arm morphology and pathological conditions present were collected (n = 159). Three Ursus subspecies (n = 15) were examined to identify the taxon represented by the phalanx. The described individual was probably wearing bear paw ornaments at the time she was crushed by a heavy object. During this event, a bear claw was driven into her cubital fossa, the basal phalangeal tubercle being impressed into the humerus. The wound healed completely. The presence of Ursus body parts indicates an elevated societal role for this female; most likely she was a shaman or healer. © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction Traumatically induced skeletal injuries are among the most common pathological conditions recorded in archeological remains (Grauer and Roberts, 1996; Ortner, 2003). Most such injuries can be ascribed to a normal range of events that occur during an individual’s lifetime. In contrast, a rare group of traumatic skeletal injuries provides a basis from which unexpected insights into cultural history can be derived. Such cases include those referable to medico-surgical and religious/ritualistic practices. The most wellknown instances of such traumatic injuries are the sincipital-T mutilation and surgical interventions, including trephination and other forms of cranial surgery (Ackerknecht, 1947; Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín, 1998; Manouvrier, 1903; Ortner, 2003; Richards, 1995; Stewart, 1957). In some of these cases recovered material culture can be directly tied to the observed trauma (e.g., trephining knives).
夽 Grant sponsor(s): Funding provided to HMO and CFH by the Undergraduate Student Opportunity Fund, University of California, Berkeley, CA. ∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 415 929 6573; fax: +1 415 749 3339. E-mail address: [email protected] (G.D. Richards). 1879-9817/$ – see front matter © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijpp.2013.01.001
Herein we describe an unusual case of the direct but coincidental association of material culture with a traumatic event. The individual was recovered in 1906–1907 during excavation of the Ellis Landing shellmound (CA-CCO-295) and is dated to a subphase of the Middle Period (≈500 BC–300 AD) in the Central California cultural sequence. This case comprises prehistoric evidence of the traumatic insertion of a claw (with distal phalanx) from the forelimb of a bear into the elbow region (cubital fossa) of a living human, followed by healing, as well as other related skeletal injuries. We also investigate the impact of the induced physical impairment on the individual and the cultural implications of this individual’s direct association with Ursus skeletal elements. 2. Materials The described individual (PHMA 12-2387) is housed in the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology (PHMA), University of California, Berkeley and derives from the Central California archeological site of CA-CCO-295, locally known as the Ellis Landing shellmound. Ellis Landing is one of a number of large shellmounds that formerly lined the shores of the San Francisco Bay (Luby et al., 2006; Moratto, 1984). The site was located on or adjacent to a salt marsh near Brooks Island on the eastern shore of the Bay (circa Richmond, CA: Fig. 1). Excavations of the mound by N.C. Nelson in
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associated with this linguistic group are now referred to as Ohlones. The shellmounds along the San Francisco Bay were inhabited by hunter-gatherers who focused on near shore marine resources. Proposed explanations for the shellmounds vary, ranging from simple living areas with cemeteries to regional ceremonial-burial centers (Lightfoot and Luby, 2002). Habitation at the Ellis Landing mound is typical, with periods of occupation followed by abandonment and re-habitation (Nelson, 1910). Given this pattern, it is suggested that the mound can be considered to have been continuously occupied over ≈2000 years (Lightfoot and Luby, 2002; Nelson, 1910; Schweikhardt et al., 2011). Nelson (1910) estimated that the original mound structure may have contained from 3000 to 10,000 burials. He also indicated that the vast majority of skeletons recovered were from either fetal or older adult individuals (Nelson, 1910). In keeping with other mounds around the San Francisco Bay, inferred social complexity was relatively limited, as judged from the artifactual component and comparisons to inland groups (Bickel, 1974; Hylkema, 2002; Nelson, 1910).
3. Methods Fig. 1. Map showing location of the archeological locality relative to the North American continent. Pull-out of Central California shows the greater San Francisco Bay Area. In smaller boxed area, the Ellis Landing mound (CA-CCO-295) is positioned within the near-shore deltaic region of the Bay.
1906–1907 revealed a total midden depth of 10.6 m, with >4.9 m of the midden below the water level of the contiguous marsh at the time of excavation (Moratto, 1984; Nelson, 1910, 1909, 1907). A minimum of 160 burials was recovered from the stratified midden (Nelson, 1910, 1909, 1907). Nelson established an early and a late stratigraphic unit based on shell content and the texture and degree of compactness of the midden deposit. The PHMA individual was recovered from the edge of the mound ≈1.5 m below the mound’s surface, placing the burial at the level of ground water and within the lower stratigraphic unit (Nelson, 1910). As is typical for all shellmounds that once ringed the San Francisco Bay, individual burials yielded few associated artifacts. Bickel (1974) noted that these most likely represented personal items, as opposed to the more extensive grave offerings recovered from inland sites. The PHMA 12-2387 individual is not exceptional; recovered artifacts include only a bone awl and four abalone pendants. Of the pendants, three are long rectangles (≈10 mm × 40 mm) whereas the fourth has a curved, claw-like shape. These pendants may have formed a collar, a necklace, or a portion of one, with the central ‘claw-like’ pendant flanked by the rectangular ones. Such a configuration is similar to bear claw necklaces seen in various Native American groups. Artifacts recovered with the individual are consistent with those typically assigned to the Ellis Landing Facies (Elsasser, 1978; Moratto, 1984). Radiocarbon dates for individual burials are not available. Recently, C14 dating of charcoal, taken from shell samples collected in 1906–1908 by Nelson, has been completed (Schweikhardt et al., 2011). Unfortunately, the latter authors did not correlate these dates with the original stratigraphy defined by Nelson (1910). Given available data, we place PHMA 12-2387 between the lowest two dated levels. Radiocarbon age estimates for these levels are ≈1535 ± 35 and ≈3385 ± 35 years BP with 2 calibrated ranges of 1520–1352 and 3610–3406 years BP, respectively (Schweikhardt et al., 2011). Based on the individual’s burial position relative to these two samples, we suggest an age in excess of ≈2000 years BP. This age estimate would place the individual in the lower subphase of the Berkeley Pattern (500 BC–AD 300), the earliest division of the Middle Period (Hylkema, 2002). The Ellis Landing mound is situated within the historic boundaries of the Costanoan linguistic group (Levy, 1978). Historic tribes
The individual described herein is represented by a nearly complete skeleton (field burial #247). The bones are well preserved but retain a thin calcium carbonate covering. An age assessment of between 30 and 40 years is based on dental eruption (Ubelaker, 1984) and wear1 and general skeletal aging criteria (pubic symphysis morphology, epiphyseal and sutural closure, joint surface morphology: Krogman, 1978). The skeleton’s sex is determined to be female, based on pelvic features outlined in Bass (2005). On exposure the burial was found to be intact, laying on its right side with the legs and arms flexed. Unfortunately, photographs were not taken and diagrams of the burials comprise only simple drawings of skeletons on the site map (Nelson, 1910). We compared the PHMA 12-2387 arms to those of other individuals (pooled component sample, n = 159) to provide qualitative data on the normal ranges of bone and joint surface morphology and joint pathology. Computed tomography (CT) scans of the arms of PHMA 12-2387 were made on a GE Lightscribe scanner (helical scans, standard reconstruction kernel, 0.3 mm isotropic voxels). Isosurfaces were generated and bones and limbs were reconstructed with Amira 3D Visualization Software (v. 5.5). Crosssectional diameters of the humeri were measured on oblique orthoslices established at the maximum humeral midshaft and deltoid tuberosity diameters. Comparative humeral diameters for other Central California populations derive from Dittrick and Suchey (1986). The non-human phalanx is well preserved but retains adhering carbonates. The phalanx was compared to forelimb/hindlimb elements of various large taxa known to inhabit the San Francisco Bay region in prehistory. The comparative sample is housed in the Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, University of California, Berkeley. The phalanx is consistent with those from an Ursus forelimb (paw). Given this identification, we compared it to those from three subspecies of North American bears (Ursus americanus californiensis, U. arctos californicus, U. arctos horribilis: n = 15) to further distinguish the taxon represented. Unfortunately, U. americanus and U. arctos phalanges are morphologically similar, leading to an assignment of Ursus sp. indet. The ungual crest and unguis (keratinous sheath) normally present on Ursus phalanges (Yates and Sims, 2001) were
1 Five dental wear stages were employed in aging the PHMA skeletal collection. This system follows that of Brothwell (1981), although the ages assigned to each category differ. The age estimate based on dental wear derives from our comparative seriation of individuals deriving from archeological sites in Central California.
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from regional populations. Analysis of her skeleton demonstrates that she suffered a traumatic injury that involved the left cubital fossa region, both forearms, and the right shoulder girdle. 4.1. Right upper limb
Fig. 2. Ursus phalanges: (a) upper figure shows basic features of an intact bear claw (illustrated on a pedal claw), while the lower figure shows the Ursus manual phalanx recovered from the left cubital fossa of the female (PHMA 12-2387) from the Ellis Landing mound. (b) CT-based reconstructions of (top to bottom) a complete modern Ursus manual phalanx with keratinous sheath, the same phalanx with sheath removed, and the prehistoric Ursus phalanx.
presumably fragmented and lost at the time of insertion into the soft tissues of the human forelimb (Fig. 2). 4. Results The skeletal remains represent those of a large and strongly muscled middle-aged female (Fig. 3a and b). Humeral shaft diameters and muscle markings are robust but within the range of females
The right forearm is mostly complete and retains evidence of a bending fracture (sensu Ortner, 2003) of the ulna at midshaft (Fig. 3b). Whereas the fracture is consistent with a simple transverse separation of the shaft fragments, it appears that a triangular section may have dislodged at the fracture site. This triangular portion was either not recovered or had been resorbed. That a more complicated, or comminuted, fracture of the ulna may have occurred is indicated by the degree of separation of the bone ends at the fracture site (Fig. 3b). Interpretation of fracture severity is complicated by a subsequent nonunion of the shaft fragments. Formation of a nearthrosis is unlikely based on the fracture site morphology. The initial trauma and subsequent nonunion of the ulna appears to have contributed to degeneration of the proximal radioulnar joint. The left radial head and the radial notch of the ulna are both distorted. Articulation of the radius and ulna results in the radius very closely approximating the ulna; the radial tuberosity nearly touches the ulna (Fig. 3b). This would have restricted the range of motion at the elbow joint and pronation and supination of the forearm. Similar modifications of the radioulnar and radiohumeral joint resulting from forearm trauma are discussed in Judd (2008). The right clavicle retains evidence of a bending fracture as indicated by a remnant bony callus. Observations made on CT scans show the bone to be fully healed. The degree of healing is consistent with that observable in the other elements, suggesting that the fracturing might have occurred in the same event. 4.2. Left upper limb
Fig. 3. (a–d) Four views of articulated upper limb skeleton from PHMA 12-2387. In (a) top to bottom, left oblique, posterior, and right oblique views of upper limb with articulated bear phalanx; in (b) anterior view of articulated upper limb showing the fractured right ulna and crushing injury to the left cubital fossa; in pull-out (c) detailed view of left cubital fossa; in (d) left distal humerus showing articular facet for bear phalanx at 1.
The left upper limb is incomplete. The humerus is missing proximal to the proximal extent of the radial groove. The radius is nearly complete, lacking only the distal end. The distal one-third of the ulna shaft was lost post-depositionally (Fig. 3a and b). The left humeral shaft is unremarkable, with the exception of two areas above the distal articular surface. Anteriorly, the coronoid fossa is marked by a shallow, laterally directed ovate pit (≈5 mm × 18 mm × 16 mm). The medial edge of this pit is an articular surface (facet). The inferomedial edge of the facet extends inferiorly, nearly confluent with bony extensions from the trochlea. The posterior portion (floor) of the coronoid fossa is open, which may be due to a normally occurring variation (septal aperture) or may be due to fracturing and subsequent resorption of the bone comprising the coronoid fossa’s floor. The lateral aspect of the coronoid fossa is not an articular surface. The other region of premortem damaged occurs posteriorly where the lateral edge of the olecranon fossa is marked by a small, triangular depression. Osteophytes extend from this depression into the fossa, while others are connected to the articular surface. The distal articular surface of the humerus shows extensive osteoarthritic changes, including marginal lipping and exostoses, osteophyte formation, exposure of the subchondral bone, and mechanical polishing of the bone surface (eburnation: Fig. 3b and c). The radius is the least affected upper limb bone but does show significant osteoarthritic changes (marginal lipping and exostoses) in the radiohumeral and radioulnar articulations. The ulna shows evidence of a bending fracture that resulted in the trochlear notch fracturing across its middle, the thinnest point. The olecranon process was separated from the remaining ulna and was either resorbed or not collected at excavation. No evidence of a non-union is present on the remaining portion of the ulna. Damage to the
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posterior aspect of the olecranon fossa is consistent with the olecranon being driven superolaterally into the fossa, at which point it became locked into the olecranon fossa (Fig. 3a). This resulted in the ulna flexing at the midpoint of the trochlear notch, leading to a bending fracture. Subsequent to the trauma, movement of the olecranon process resulted in the humeral joint surface being extended into the olecranon fossa and in osteophyte formation. Further, the articular surface on the anterior portion of the trochlear notch completely degenerated with significant marginal lipping and osteophyte formation, exposure of the subchondral bone, and eburnation of the joint surfaces. The radial notch shows extensive osteoarthritis with marginal lipping and osteophyte formation (Fig. 3). The fracture through the olecranon process resulted in most of the insertion site for the m. triceps brachii being separated from the ulna (Fig. 3a), which would have severely limited forearm extension. Lacking its synergist, the m. biceps brachii would have caused unopposed forearm flexion. With fracturing and misalignment of the ulna, the arm and forearm became permanently flexed at an ≈45◦ angle, with extension and flexion of the lower arm limited to a few degrees (Fig. 3a and b). Pronation and supination of the forearm, although difficult, was less affected, as witnessed by the extent of joint modification and flattening at the forearm-to-humerus contact. Comparison of right and left cross-sectional diameters at the deltoid tuberosity show both humeri to be similar. Cross-sectional diameters at midshaft (right) and at the deltoid tuberosity (right and left) place this female in the upper portion of the range, within approximately two standard deviations from the mean, for humeral cross-sectional diameters relative to other prehistoric California adult females from either the Early or Middle/Late Periods (Dittrick and Suchey, 1986). Although measurements of cortical thickness were not made, it is notable that both humeri have cortices that are both relatively similar in thickness. There is no indication of cortical thinning due to disuse atrophy in either arm. 4.3. Left humerus-bear phalanx The oval-shaped depression in the coronoid fossa of the humerus matches exactly the palmar surface of the Ursus phalanx (Fig. 3c and d). When articulated, the phalanx leans slightly medially and its distal end is positioned along the lateral surface of the coronoid process. Based on the presence of an articular surface within the coronoid fossa and the extension of this surface from the fossa toward the distal humeral articular surfaces, it is clear that the phalanx continued to move relative to the humerus during healing (Fig. 3d). The range of motion was limited by the near fixation of the elbow joint. During insertion of the phalanx into the cubital fossa, damage to smaller tributaries to the basilic vein would have resulted. Having penetrated the skin/venous layer, the phalanx would have encountered the brachial artery and median nerve. The size and thickness of these neurovascular structures likely resulted in them being pushed aside, rather than crushed. However, given their positioning between the distal end of the m. biceps brachii and the medial border of m. brachialis, it is possible that some damage occurred and that they may have been compressed by the phalanx during forearm movements. 4.4. Trauma reconstruction Several scenarios were considered in attempting to account for the observed pattern of trauma. These included the possibility that this woman was a victim of interpersonal violence, that she had suffered a serious fall, or that she had fallen and was crushed by a heavy object. Interpersonal violence might include being attacked
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by a tribal member dressed in a bear doctor’s costume, a portion of which might have become embedded in her arm. The bear phalanx was driven from ≈5.0 to 7.0 mm into the dense cortex of the humeral shaft. This was only possible because the superoinferior phalangeal axis was aligned with a relatively flat portion of the cortex. A substantial amount of force would have been required to drive the phalanx into the humerus. An act of interpersonal violence could result in the observed forearm fractures but is unlikely to also account for the damage associated with the phalanx. The most parsimonious scenario is that this woman was crushed by a heavy object. We suggest that such an object fell toward her and, as she attempted to fend off the object, it resulted in the right ulnar fracture. The left ulna was likely fractured via hyperextension of the forearm during the fall. Unable to fully move away from the falling object her left upper limb became trapped under its weight, embedding the phalanx and crushing the elbow joint.
5. Discussion While many studies in paleopathology are directed toward investigations of community health or the investigation of specific diseases, this investigation represents one of a growing number of case studies or osteobiographies that provide insight concerning cultural contexts through the investigation of an individual. Here we present evidence of the direct incorporation of an Ursus paw element within a living human body. The bear claw (phalanx) was unquestionably introduced into the woman’s left cubital fossa during a traumatic event. That this event included being crushed by a heavy object is suggested by the total pattern of trauma expressed in the bones of the left arm. Fracturing of the right arm most likely occurred as the victim attempted to shield herself from the object. Coincident with this event we believe that bear claws, either attached to her clothing or, more probably, part of a necklace (Fig. 4), became positioned over her arm as she was forced backwards by the weight of the object. Subsequent to the trauma, the bear phalanx was not removed from the wound. Whether this was a deliberate choice or a result of the phalanx simply not having been observed in the wound is unclear. Among the Ojibwa tribe of the Northeastern United States and Canada, multiple shamans, inclusive of female bear doctors, claimed that lumps or bulges on their bodies were where their bear guardian sprit resided (Rockwell, 1991); possibly a similar situation arose in this case as there would have been a low, but distinct and mobile lump in the healed cubital fossa. Upon healing, the woman’s right arm would have been compromised by the non-union of the shaft and extensive arthritic changes to the elbow joint, while her left arm was permanently flexed at a 45◦ angle and capable of only minor flexion/extension and pronation/supination. That these injuries did not completely impair her activities is evidenced by the relatively robust nature of her skeleton, lack of disuse atrophy, and the extent and type of post-trauma joint destruction. The type of trauma documented here is not unusual in prehistoric remains, but the direct association of a female with Ursus skeletal elements, while not unheard of, is both rare and informative. It is well documented that the attitude exhibited toward bears by Native peoples in North American, Europe, and Asia is more or less unique relative to that exhibited toward other animals (Berres et al., 2004; Hallowell, 1926; Shepard and Sanders, 1985). Although animals are often considered to bridge the natural and supernatural worlds, only some animals can pass freely between these worlds (Rockwell, 1991). Bears appear to be universally considered ‘boundary-crossing’ beings. This concept may have its origins in observations of hibernating bears. Further, because bears exhibit a range of behaviors that are similar to those of humans (diet, use
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Fig. 4. (a–c) Photographs of (a) bear claw necklace from the Nez Perce tribe (c. 1900: Nez Perce National Historical Park NEPE1990); (b) unidentified member of the Sioux tribe in work entitled ‘Medicine Bear-Ma-To-Ican’ (c. 1872: National Archives and Records Administration, No. 519022); (c) Winnebago tribal member, from a photograph of ˜ tribe in Southern California (Sparkman, 1908). Archeological evidence the original artwork by Charles Deas (c. 1840). Similar bear claw necklaces are known from the Luiseno for the artifactual use of bear claws is known from the northern San Joaquin Valley in Central California. Schenck and Dawson (1929) recovered ten claws from a burial at CA-SJO-19 and another 14 claws from two or three burials at CA-SJO-6. These localities are located along the San Joaquin Delta which drains into the San Francisco Bay. Photographs in public domain at commons.wikimedia.org.
of herbs with medicinal qualities, orthograde postures, etc.) the division between the two becomes blurred. This combination of a range of relatively similar behaviors, the appearance of a return to life at the end of hibernation, and their use of medicinal plants provides the bases for conceiving of bears as powerful spiritual healers (Rockwell, 1991). Therefore, the direct association of this female with bear skeletal elements, in the form of bear claws, suggests that the bear was her guardian spirit and that she belonged to a special class within Native Californian society. The ethnographic record for Central Californian Natives indicates that women generally pursued domestic activities, such as basket-making, midwifery, and herbalism, relative to men (Gayton, 1976). However, one specialized activity open to females was shamanism (Barrett, 1917; Kroeber, 1976; Rockwell, 1991). Among the Pomo the same name was applied to both male and female practitioners and their training was the same (Barrett, 1917). Shamans often ranked second only to tribal leaders in authority and prestige, as they were an integral part of the political, economic, and legal institutions throughout the state (Gayton, 1976; Kroeber, 1976). Further, because shamans were visited by and converse with guardian spirits, they were considered the principal religious leaders. Whereas the activities of shamans varied across the state, they generally engaged in various types of curing, including the use of herbal medicines, sucking out disease objects, divination, and controlling particular guardian spirits (Kroeber, 1976). The role of shaman tended to be maintained in families, although this was not as rigidly adhered to as for the role of chief (Bean, 1976). This woman’s association with bear body parts suggests that the bear was her guardian spirit, but the exact nature of her relationship with bears remains uncertain. This is because inhabitants of this California region had various shamanistic specializations that could have included a spiritual relationship with bears. The best-documented of these specializations is the ‘bear doctor’ (Barrett, 1917; Gayton, 1976; Holliman, 2004; Kroeber, 1973, 1976; Rockwell, 1991). However, two somewhat distinct categories of bear doctor existed. Pomo bear doctors were the most specialized but their activities have come to define the work of bear doctors in this geographic region. Whereas all shamans were believed to possess both benevolent and malevolent natures, Pomo bear doctors were mostly males whose activities were highly secretive and malevolent (Callaghan, 1978; Kroeber, 1976). Further, Pomo bear doctors were unable to transform themselves into their guardian spirit, a distinction that Barrett (1917) believes separates doctors from shamans.
The second category of bear doctor, possibly more appropriately referred to as ‘bear shamans’, existed among the Miwok and Yuki, tribes that were contiguous with the Pomo. These individuals were believed to not only possess the power of the bear, but were able to transform themselves into their guardian spirit (Barrett, 1917). Among the Lake Miwok, women ‘bear doctors’ channeled the benevolent power of the bear spirit to rapidly traverse large areas while gathering food and shells (Callaghan, 1978). Among the Yuki, male and female ‘bear doctors’ were many times publicly recognized as benefactors and healers, as opposed to the highly secretive and malevolent nature of the Pomo bear doctors (Barrett, 1917). Although we have attempted to separate the activities of bear doctors from those of shamans, we have been unable to document that such a clear distinction existed in Central California. The activities of bear doctors/shamans in this region appear to have been intertwined. Based on available data, we suggest that this woman was a shaman whose efforts were directed toward healing the sick. For a healing shaman in Central California, having a bear guardian spirit is complicated by the extreme spiritual power represented and its association with the universally feared bear doctors. This suggestion is furthered when one considers that many shamans were killed by relatives of the sick who believed that the pain/sickness may be caused by the shaman; therefore, people might be reluctant to engage a shaman who seemed particularly powerful, dangerous, and who could return from the dead. Alternatively, the feared and revered status of a bear guardian spirit in combination with a generally positive healing regime may have acted in combination to provide this woman a high level of status and protection. The latter case would present a situation not unlike that documented in eastern woodland, prairie, and certain southwestern tribes. In these instances, bear shamans were considered to be the most powerful healers, and their activities were generally not malevolent (Rockwell, 1991). Their ability to cure was directly related to the perceived curing and healing powers of bears. This specific class of bear shamans does not appear in the ethnographic record for Central California, although its presence is suggested in ethnographic accounts of the Yuki. Given the widespread presence in other native populations of healing bear doctors/shamans who lacked malevolent natures, it is quite possible that we are seeing evidence for this phenomenon at Ellis Landing. The incident leading to the injuries suffered by this woman may have been a simple accident. Alternatively, it may have occurred during the extreme physically punishing nature of the later stages
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of her initiation as a fully qualified shaman (Callaghan, 1978; Kroeber, 1976). In ethnographic accounts, Lake Miwok novice shamans demonstrated their readiness to practice by stopping a large rock that was sent rolling down a hill (Callaghan, 1978). In other cases, a novice might either practice lifting and throwing logs as preparation for ‘throwing people’ or may be placed in a hollow log and sent rolling down a hill (Kroeber, 1976). In either of these scenarios, the trauma may have resulted from falling and being crushed by a boulder or having her upper limbs fractured and crushed by a log. In all three cases, the object (log or rock) was of sufficient diameter and weight to compress the phalanx deep into the cortex of the humerus and fracture/crush the olecranon process. Based on available prehistoric skeletal analyses, cultural evidence, and historic period ethnographies, we conclude that the remains considered herein are those of an adult female whose relationship with bears and activities as a shaman resulted in an elevated social ranking. We consider her to have been a healer, as opposed to a generally malevolent bear doctor, who was well practiced in the arts of healing. The latter is evidenced by her advanced age, in a population whose members generally died in their later twenties or early thirties, and by surviving in a society that frequently killed shamans who either failed to heal a patient or were believed to have been the source of a pain or disease. That she would not have been a bear doctor who attacked and killed other humans in the manner of a bear as seen in the Pomo, is also supported by the deformities present in her arms. A further testimony to her elevated social status is revealed by a series of abalone pendants that were recovered with the remains. Abalone pendants were found in very small numbers during the extensive excavations at Ellis Landing, and ornaments of all types are extremely rare (Nelson, 1910). The fact that no ornaments made from bears were placed with the burial suggests that such items as bear claw necklaces were retained (inherited) or possibly buried separately (Bean and Theodoratus, 1978; Rockwell, 1991). Hundreds of generations separate peoples present in the lower levels of the Ellis Landing shellmound from those whose cultural history was recorded at the turn of the twentieth century. However, assessment of this individual provides a reasonably secure basis from which to extend behaviors practiced by Native Californians at the time of European contact deep into the ethnographic past and to document continuity in the status and roles of women in this geographic region for at least 2000 years. Acknowledgements We thank the staff of the Radiology Department of the California Pacific Medical Center, Pacific Heights Campus, San Francisco, CA for their help in acquiring computed tomography images of this individual; the Department of Biomedical Sciences, A.A. Dugoni School of Dentistry, San Francisco, CA for access to cadavers; the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, CA for access to collections; and Dr. Chris Conroy, Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, University of California, Berkeley, CA for access to collections and continued support of our research. We also thank the Human Evolution Research Center, University of California, Berkeley, CA for research space and access to collections. We also acknowledge the administrators of the Undergraduate Student Opportunity Fund, University of California, Berkeley for their continued support of student research. References Ackerknecht, E.H., 1947. Primitive surgery. American Anthropologist 49, 25–45. Aufderheide, A.C., Rodríguez-Martín, C., 1998. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Human Paleopathology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
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