Carving and tourism

Pergamon

AnnnlsojTourism Rerenrch, Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 898-918, 1997 0 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd All rights reserved. Printed in GI-eat Britain 0160.7383/97 $17.00+0.00

PII:SO160-7383(97)00052-2

CARVING AND TOURISM A Maori Perspective Chris Ryan Northern Territory University, Australia John Crotts Charleston College, USA Abstract:

Maori retained high levels of self determination under the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, although much of the subsequent history of the 19th century involved attempts both formal and informal by the colonial powers to subvert the Act. Therefore, while tourism has brought significant economic advantagrs for some tribes (iwi), and promises economic returns for others, Maori are insistent that they retain control over the process. The paper describes some of the significant impacts of tourism on Maori culture, but it is concluded that the truths of tourist impacts are plural, and can only be understood within an understanding of Maori cosmology. As such, Maori are adept at distinguishing between the signs and symbols of tourist artifacts. Keywords: Maori, impacts, culture, New Zealand, Maori tourism. 0 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd

R&sum& La sculpture

et le tourisme: unc perspective maorie. Les Maoris gardaient un haut niveau d’autonomie selon de Trait6 de Waitangi de 1840, quoique I’histoire postCrieure du dixneuvi?me si?cle est pleinc des efforts officiels et non-officiels des pouvoirs coloniaux pour renverser Ic traitt. Bien que le tourisme apporte des avantages Cconomiques considerables pour certaines tribus (hi) et promct dcs b6nCfices tconomiques pour d’autres, les Maoris tiennent h garder contrBle sur le processus. L’articlc d&it quelques impacts du tourisme sur la culture maorie, mais conclut que les vCritPs des impacts touristiques sont au pluriel et peuvent se comprrndre uniquement dans le contexte d’une connaissance de la cosmologie maorie. A ce titre, les Mao& sont experts g distinguer entre les signes et les symboles des objets fabriquCs touristiques. Mots-cl&: Maoris, impacts, culture, Nouvelle-Zclande, tourisme maori. 0 1997 Elsevirr Science Ltd

INTRODUCTION This paper looks at the relationship between tourism and Maori culture in New Zealand with specific reference to examples derived mainly from the Te Aruwa people. It briefly reviews relationships between tourism and indigenous peoples with reference to the general literature. Based on the premise that in part the response of Maori to tourism is dependent upon their view of relationships between peoples and nature, the article summarizes some components of their the Maori attitude to art is From this perspective, cosmology. considered, and how, in the case of Rotorua, tourist demand for art

Chris Ryan is Professor of Tourism Studies at Northern Territory University (Darwin NT 0909, Australia. Email [email protected]). He formerly taught at Nottingham Trent University, UK. John Crotts, Associate Professor and Director of the Hospitality and Tourism Management Program, College of Charleston, conducts research into tourist decision making and attitude formation, and his published work includes studies into the impact of crime upon tourism. 898

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has affected indigenous portrayal of their art forms. A number of contemporary issues are also considered with some reference to parallel examples from North American Indians. THE INDIGENOUS

OTHER

McGregor and McMath ( 1993) noted that historically Maori would have perceived the concept of distinctions among work, leisure, and tourism as a Pakeha (or European) notion. Indeed, their views are akin to those espoused by some postmodernists, in that they would reject the modern view of classification and categorization, and the primary place accorded to the rational and the denial of the irrational in favor of a more holistic, yet pluralistic world (Firat and Ventkatesh 1995). Cohen captured the use of the irrational and its relationship with tourism when he noted: . primitive society usually entertained an image of a limited “cosmos”, ideally co-terminous with its life-space, surrounded by a dangerous and threatening chaos. Insofar as the sacred centre was geographically located within the life-space, primitive man had no reason or desire to venture beyond its boundaries. It is only when a powerful mythological imagery locates the “real” centre in another place, beyond the limits of the empirical world, a “paradise” beyond the surrounding chaos, that “paradisiac cults” terminating in large scale voyages develop (1996:93). Cohen argued that modern tourism abandons the traditional cosmos and seeks that which is novel. Equally it might be said that modern myth is of a paradise where that which is natural resides, as against an empirical world where an emphasis upon the rational which denies the need for myth is itself found lacking. Hence tourists’ interest in the world of indigenous peoples can be explained as a search prompted by a desire for the new or a search for the “real”. From past studies of indigenous peoples elsewhere in the Pacific, a number of themes can be said to emerge. Tourism is either a blessing or a blight, a complex process of interaction within global processes and a means of obtaining legitimacy for social aspirations by both tourist and indigenous peoples. For example, Rossel was critical of the impact of tourism on cultural minorities: The tourism world pursues its objective-a profitable business-and does not bother about moral considerations. The tour operators’ brief is succinct: in its field of operation it is limited to providing means of access, satisfying the demands for comfort, security and the picturesque. The Other, that is to say, all that which is missing in our urban and industrial world, is presented by the publicity in caricature form.. , spectacularly.. or even as lies. The rest of the world is judged in purely western values (1988:4-5).

Yet Rossel concluded “. . . tourism is like Coca Cola: it is not a plague in itself, but if it is not handled carefully it can bring about irremediable damage” (1988: 19). For Rossel the interaction between the cultures of the hosts and tourists is a complex one. Syme, on the other hand, saw tourism as a new form of colonialism when, writing of the Cooks Islands, she concluded “Tourism is like a plague-it destroys people, their culture and heritage, and the environment.

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Rarotonga would be better off without the pilgrims and the temples of this religion” (1985:58). Contrarily, Ingie, an initiated man of the Innawonga Aboriginal people of Australia, wrote: We were asked to talk about the bad things tourism has done to us. At this stage there have not been any. We do have to watch the impact of increasing numbers of people imposing on our lives and our country. This is for us to manage in the future. . . . Our venture into tourism has become a strong and positive way of promoting reconciliation (1994: 148).

Additional to these opposing views of tourism lies an analysis of marginalization and liminal peoples; the interaction between dominant and subordinate, center and periphery, and the paradox of the power of the powerless. For some tourists do not quest after truth or authenticity, but consume experiences (Urry 1995). A consistent theme in the literature describing and analyzing the relationship between tourism and indigenous minority peoples is that tourism, while a potential source of economic wealth, can also be a force which undermines minority cultures through simplifying and packaging cultures into “30-minute” entertainments and cheap souvenirs (Belisle and Hoy 1980; Butler 1993; Smith 1989). This paper contends that the process of acculturation is complex, that concepts of cultural neocolonization are perhaps based upon simplistic notions of the culture of minority peoples and an underestimation of Maori to respond positively to, and influence in turn, the views of the Europeans. Selwyn commented that alienated tourists who seek solely to monitor is an screens’ cannot feel alienated” (1996:4). He oxymoron; “‘Monitoring argued that the interaction between host and guest is one where the tourist myth-making process requires attention to the natures of both tourists and the observed culture. Arguably at the heart of the matter lies the construct of power, its forms, and distribution. For Liazos, in another context, power is used by the dominant group to “perpetuate and enhance their own advantages through coercing and manipulating the rest of the populace” (1972:43). Dominelli, however, argued that there is a power within their power, the powerlessness, that “when the powerful exercise potential for the powerless to challenge its operations both centrally and peripherally exists, whilst at the same time, it produces a range of obstacles which frustrate organised challenges mounted by powerless groups” ( 1986:68). H ence tourism that peers at the exotic “Other” may be seen as a manipulation of that power. But the paradox is that tourism for Maori, as for other indigenous people, provides a means to achieve legitimacy in the struggle for political and economic recognition. For Maori, the provision of their own “tourism product” has been a means of acquiring legitimacy for some of their organizationsthus, for example, the New Zealand Tourism Board (NZTB) feels bound to consult Maori interests on at least some occasions. Historical Framework Like their counterparts in Australia and North America, of New Zealand have experienced a history of colonization,

the Maori mid- 19th

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century wars and the collapse of a traditional mode of life to become a minority people in what was once their land. In addition, disease also played a role. Partly because of missionary imposed standards, which required dwellings to be enclosed for reasons of privacy and decency, and a desire on the part of Maori to retain their large family groupings, diseases caught from Pakeha quickly spread, and by the time of the first Census of Population in 1858, the number of Maori had declined to a recorded figure of 56,049 from about 150,000 (Butterworth 1988:23). According to official data, Maori continued to suffer a fall in population to a low of 42,113 by 1896. Indeed, the population did not recover to its 1858 size until 1921, when it stood at 56,987. This period from 1858 to 1921 was a period of rebellion, defeats, and, for varying and contentious motivations, policies at a number of levels that together had the effect of undermining even further Maori language and culture. It would be, however, misleading to automatically assume that the colonial experience of Maori was identical to that of other colonized peoples. There were significant differences. After the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, which recognized Maori as equal constitutional partners, for several years Maori outnumbered British and other settlers. During this period, various tribes proved quick to learn from the Europeans, and were indeed a major economic force. Maori literacy rates were high. By 1858 there were 53 Maori-owned vessels registered at Auckland. In the Waikato there were ten mills worth over US$8,933 in 1853, with eight more being constructed (Butterworth 1988:23). Contemporary writers commented on the neatness of native villages and their success as horticulturalists. However, changing political policies commenced by Governor Grey in 1845 began to undermine their political independence, and a process of land sales without reference to chiefs was supported by both settlers and colonial government. The collapse of the New Zealand agricultural export industry to Australia after the end of the Gold Rush there, the subsequent move to sheep farming by settlers with a consequent increased demand for land for grazing, and the continued immigration from the “old world” were factors that contributed to the wars of the 186Os, and the subsequent demise of Maori economic power. This review illustrates that Maori, both politically and economically, were for the period of about 1769 to 1850 at least the equal, if not the superior, partner in the processes envisaged by the Treaty of Waitangi which recognized Maori self-determination. Hence, the subsequent loss of control over identity and culture is felt all the more keenly. In passing, it may be noted that Belich (1986) argues that the colonial forces did not win many battles in the wars of the 186Os, but while Maori certainly did not lose the military phase, their failure to secure victory, the need for sustained effort, and the continued divisions between the iui (tribes) assured the loss of the subsequent “peace”. Although the population has today recovered to 323,998 Maori or 435,619 of mixed ancestry, problems of this troubled period remain. For example, the 1991 census of the population indicate that 147,642 (45%) of the “sole Maori ethnic group” over the age of 15 are recorded

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as lacking any educational qualification, and of all who claim some Maori ancestry, the figure is 201,387 (46%). A total of 322,386 beneficiaries receive some form of income support from governmental bodies and are classified as having Maori ancestry. Maori are also significantly over-represented in statistics relating to crime, drinking, smoking and associated health problems, one-parent families, and teenage male suicides. There are divides between traditional Maori, secure in their roots with an iwi and marae (meeting house associated with an iwi), and urban Maori unable to speak the Maori language, and unable to identify their i~eli. However, this is not a uniform experience for Maoridom, and important caveats to this picture of social deprivation can be highlighted. Rotorua is an important tourism destination within New Zealand, with a history of touristic development that has existed for more than a century. Its tourism has been based upon two main themes: the volcanic nature of the area and its strong Maori culture. As a result of their initiatives that have capitalized upon tourist interest in Maoridom, the Maori of Rotorua as a whole enjoy a higher socioeconomic lifestyle than that just described. According to the 1991 census, 3,891 (29%) are employed full-time as compared with 31% for all of New Zealand’s adult population. As this statistic excludes the selfemployed, and many “Rotorua Maori” would describe themselves as self-employed, the employment differences between Maori in this area and the wider population are negligible. Average per capita income of Rotorua Maori is US$8,938 which is 8.5% less than the US$9,769 average for all New Zealanders. Regarding educational qualifications, 34% of the Rotorua Maori aged 15 and above lack educational qualifications which is only slightly higher than the 31% for the country as a whole. Significantly, the percentages of “Rotorua Maori” who hold university and technical degrees (e.g., technicians, nurses, etc.) virtually mirrors that of the New Zealand population at large. Two percent of the Rotorua Maori hold graduate degrees, 3% undergraduate degrees, and 29% technical trade certifications compared with an national mean of 2% graduate, 6% undergraduate, and 28% technical trade certifications. These proxy measures of socioeconomic conditions provide evidence that the iwi of Rotorua have achieved a standard of living higher than the average Maori and similar to the nation as a whole. It compares significantly with the unemployment rates of the Maori of Tai Taokerau (Northland). There Maori account for 28% of the population, but 50% have incomes of less than US$7,300. There, the unemployment rate for Maori is 31%. In North Hokianga, 73% are on benefit support. Maori tourism in Northland is embryonic, and the differences owe much to the varying success and history of tourism development between the two locations. In Rotorua, Maori have taken leading roles through asserting control of their own culture as a tourism product. These entrepreneurs have created a network of businesses through their iwi which has created employment, income, and an important sense of self-esteem which is recognized by the wider Pakeha society. However, the issue to be explored is not whether Maori have shown an ability to take control

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of their own businesses, but whether this control has been achieved at the sacrifice of some of their own cultural mores.

Maori Cosmology For Maori, as for many indigenous peoples, art is important as a permanent expression of the values that create a sense of belonging among them. For many centuries there were no written records and knowledge was transmitted through an oral tradition and the physical manifestations represented by art forms such as carving and weaving. It is not possible to understand Maori art forms without reference to their underlying cultural values-all form a holistic system which encompasses uniformity and difference. All Maori are recognizably Maori, even though they belong to different iwi, are part of related hapu (family units), belong towhanau (extended family groupings) and are, of course, individuals. This sense of difference within a recognition of patterns of similarity is strong in Maori artistic statements (described later). It is not possible to encapsulate a culture within a few paragraphs, but for the purpose of forming a context for subsequent discussion some of its key aspects can be described. There are distortions in any such review, as it simplifies and gives credence to that perceived as legitimate and reduces the importance of deviant thought. There are also nuances between iwi in many aspects, such as to the right of females to speak at hui (meetings). However, all things, both animate and inanimate, are imbued with mauri, an inter-connectedness of all being. It can be defined as a shared life-force, including inanimate objects, since such objects possess existence. Thus, it is mauri which binds together the tinana (body) and the wairua (soul or spirit) to form life. Death is the release of the bond formed by mauri (Barlow 1991; Patterson 1992). Hence, all natural things share a common whakapapa (genealogy). Thus, Maori do not own land, but belong to the land; they are part of the land and its mauri. Humans have a special responsibility to ensure that physical taonga (that which has or possesses special values and is highly prized) must be carefully sustained, and it is in this manner that Maori belong to the land as its guardians. Hence, in former times, a tree could not be felled without due recognition of the mauri held by the tree, and the shared wairuantanga (spirituality or spiritualness) was expressed through appropriate karakia (prayer and incantation). The consumption of place for hedonistic touristic purpose is not encountered in Maori cosmology, but the Western concept of place for re-creation in the sense of establishing a sense of being in community with nature would be understood. In personal relations what was distinct about each individual (and indeed thing), was its tapu. According to Walker, The social world was governed by the laws of tapu. It was believed that man consisted of three parts: tinana (body), wairua (spirit) and mauri (life). Bodily well being was dependent on support and protection of the mauri by the gods. Any transgression of the laws of tupu led to withdrawal of divine protection. The mawi was then exposed to the influence of malevolent

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spirits.. . Tupu was of three kinds: sacred, prohibited and unclean. Tupu in the unclean sense was associated with illness and death (1987:136-37).

Maori societywas also bound together by complex tribal ties. Important in this sense of kinship was the mana that any individual, iwi, or hapu possessed. Mana can be understood as a complex notion involving both authority and function. For example, an individual could obtain mana tangata through the exercise of skills and the acquisition of knowledge of a particular activity, while a hapu or izoi might be regarded as traditionally possessing a mana in a specific art form such as carving or weaving. Maori culture thus required a recognition of mana and the commonality between host and guest. Hence, today tourists visiting a marae are expected to conform to Marae protocol, which requires a formal powhiri (welcome) or which ends by a hongi (the rubbing of noses), as a symbol of shared breath. It should not be thought that this is a romantic ideal portrayed solely for the tourist. The first author has been on a marae when family members unexpectedly came to visit, and apowhiri was held as a matter of course. However, the tourism product creates an unrealistic impression of the formal welcome in the reenactment of the were (challenge). In most instances visitors to a marae are known to the mernbers of the marae, and hence no challenge would be required. However, what is “romantic” is the notion that Maori reside only in marae; the reality of course is that most live in houses like the remainder of the New Zealand population. But the marae remains as the communal hub of an extended family life, and is the location for important family occasions such as funerals or even degree graduation ceremonies.

The Implications

for Art Forms

The conceptualization of universality has a number of immediate implications for artistic development. First, any artistic expression is thought of as being available through the presence of the mauri. This unique sense of cosmic energy serves to promote the idea of the interconnectedness of things, between past and present, between individual and iwi. Art thus does not simply serve decorative or aesthetic functions. Given this purpose of artistic expression, it is not surprising that Maori art tends to the symbolic rather than the representative, as it is seeking to express both a sense of continuity of identity among man, nature, and spirit, and make a statement about an individual’s tapu and mana. A third aspect is that Maori art is concerned with balance and tension, between symmetry and asymmetry. According to John Bevan Ford, the noted contemporary Maori artist and carver: [Maori art] helped define the group; humans evolved by and safeguarding the identity of individuals-art helped identities, and then talked about values. These values, groupings were further embedded into the art through structure (personal communication with the first author

working in groups to establish those be1ief.s and social its compositional in 198.5).

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The question of symmetry and asymmetry, of balance and tension, is found throughout much of Maori myth and legend, including the creation stories. Again, to quote Bevan Ford, “The asymmetry allowed subtleties of identity and values to enhance the principal forces of progression and social structure signalled by the symmetry”. One implication is that objects possess the capacity to further mana and tapu through association with people and events-initially from the artist and then the user and/or eventual owners and their activities. Thus, a work initially low in scale could, through time and association, gain the status of taonga. An additional implication of the cultural norms of Maori is that the objects used by the craftsperson and artist, by reason of their tapu, and their interconnectedness are not solely resources to be used. This means that in traditional Maori arts like weaving and carving, it is not a simple case of going out into the woods and felling a tree or picking flax. There are appropriate times and rituals that must be followed. From this description it would at first sight appear that the demands of tourism for spectacle, and for “instant items” as souvenirs would appear to be entirely inconsistent with the art forms of Maoridom and its associated culture. But, as in many cases, the truth is more complex, and as is consistent with Maori concepts of asymmetrywithin symmetry, so too tourism is a force that both ossifies and regenerates Maori culture. Reference was made to the catharsis endured by the Maori as a result of contact with Pakeha. Emily Schuster, chief instructor at the Aotearoa Maori Institute for Arts and Crafts for weaving, noted her grandmother had always said that Maori had survived two great periods of upheaval. The first was that of the great migrations which populated New Zealand-a move to a land with four seasons, a different flora and fauna which had to be incorporated into their systems of beliefs; and the second was the arrival of the Pakeha, and the subsequent threat to Maoridom’s very existence (personal communication with the first author). As a result of this second phase of catharsis it is often argued that much understanding of Maori art and its meaning has been lost. However, this is a view not shared by all Maori. Within this community as a whole, traditions and cultures were retained, and hence were available to later generations, while collections in museums have also had a role. Thus, a number of artists interviewed for the preparation of this article commented that only in the last decade or so, when it has been possible for them to visit collections of Maori artifacts and items held in locations like the British Museum, have they been able to appreciate the subtleties of the work of their ancestors. These visits have permitted them to reclaim part of their whakapapa and to exercise kaitiakitanga (spiritual guardianship). Any view which contends that tourism has a negative impact upon indigenous arts must ask whether the recipient community is alive, strong and vibrant, and secure in its own knowledge and culture. To argue that tourism has had solely negative impacts upon Maori culture is not sustainable for a number of reasons. First, the strength of a sense of Maori identity in the latter part of the 19th century in at

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least one part of New Zealand is, in fact, part of the history of the development of tourism in New Zealand. Second, it is difficult to argue that Maori art itself was in decline, and authorities disagree on what did in fact occur in the period between approximately 1800 and 1920. Simmons noted a decline in the moko, the art of tattoo on face and body: The decline of moko resulted from a lack of war, a general retreat into the rural areas that were largely out of contact with Europeans, and a religious and social atmosphere which did not favour continuation of the old ways. The simple fact of the abandonment of male tattooing is recorded; a less obvious factor is the artistic decline which preceded the abandonment (1983:242).

On the other hand, in Rotorua, both male and female Maori guides, and others, would often retain some moko as is evident from photographs of the period. Additionally, in discussions with carvers, weavers, and painters, one can only conclude that a confused pattern seemed to exist, with, in some times and places a decline, while in others, based perhaps upon individuals, ha@ or whanua traditional practice was continued. That this was the case is not surprising given the terrain of New Zealand, a retreat by some Maori into remote forest areas such as what is now the Whirinaki Forest Park, and the difficult state of communications and travel. For example, in the 3Os, what is now State Highway 1 across the Desert Road south of Taupo, would, in winter, often be a muddy morass. Clive Fugill, the master carver at the Maori Arts and Crafts Institute, was quick to point out to the first author that Maori were innovative and adaptable after contact with Europeans. He argued that from his inspection of carvings found in museums, and from his knowledge of being a carver and his feeling for wood and tools, he had no doubt that some work completed in the pre-Cook period must have used metal tools. There is some support for Fugill by Neich (1983) in his analysis of Ngati Tarawhai carvings. Certainly it appears that South Island Maori, in their carvings, were quick to use techniques learnt from the Pakeha whalers.

History, Tourism, and Maori Art It is important to have these perspectives when discussing current issues in Maori art and tourism because of the history of tourism in New Zealand and the sense of a continuity between past and present felt by Maori. An essential part of this history is the role of the iwi, Ngati Tarawhai, who have maintained a distinctive style of Maori carving from the pre-European times to the modern period (Pownall 1976). This iwi is one of the tribes of the Arawa Federation centered in Rotorua; an area to which many of them moved in order to trade with the Europeans who arrived in increasing numbers from the 1830s. In the land wars of 1860-1872, Ngati Tarawhai fought on the side of the European Government. After the completion of those wars, Rotorua confirmed itself as a major tourism attraction because of the thermal activity and the active geysers, funneroles, bubbling pools,

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and terraces stained various colors by the different minerals brought to the surface of the earth by underground volcanic action. Dewar (1993, 1995) d escribed the fame of the early Maori guides: Guide Sophia, Guide Kate, Guide Rangi MBE, and others. The volcanic explosion and destruction of Mount Tarawera in June 1886, and the subsequent development of tourism based on the village of Whakarewarewa, have remained key features of the current program and history still presented. Dewar (1995) noted that such guides existed on the social edge of both Pakeha and Maori worlds, and that indeed not all guides were of the quality of the aforementioned guides. Indeed, complaints about guides led to the New Zealand Department of Health and Tourism drawing up a code of conduct in 1907 and a guide licensing system in 1911. Later the Ohinemutu Development Trust, the New Zealand Maori Arts and Crafts Institute, and Waiariki Polytechnic established guiding courses, partly to meet native Maori concerns that Maori guides from iwi outside of Ohinemutu were not totally conversant with local indigenous history and legends (Aotearoa Maori Tourism Federation 1995: 14). With the growth of tourism Maori carvers were soon selling items to tourists, as well as to natives, and hence the transition to selling items of different sizes traditionally carved from different materials, was smoothly done with little concern. That there was such little concern was partly due to Maori concepts such as those discussed earlier. All was part of a whole. Additionally, the first author found in discussion with contemporary crafters and carvers, such as Fayne Robinson, that concern about aesthetic “quality” is not a component of their thinking as would be the case with their Pakeha counterparts. Each piece of work is seen as an expression of somebody’s tapu; it is an expression of their work, intent and circumstance, so why should one criticize, and what right has one to do so? Moreover, as already noted, originally an object such as a tiki (pendant) would have been given as a gift, thus obtaining tapu through the association with hospitality. Today, however, its purchase as a souvenir might be seen as a desire to engender an evocation of memory, or it might mean the giving of the purchase as a gift to another. Are these not a modern means of fulfilling the same process? The quality of the item, from a Maori cultural perspective, is not bound up alone with the aesthetics of the item. Thus, the “Western question” of whether an item possesses quality is not pertinent. The gift obtains tapu and mana not through an intrinsic value of being a piece of “art” but through its association with people, place, and events. Further, as it passes from one generation to another, it can acquire more mana through the telling of its story (Archey 1977). Hence, for contemporary Maori, the main issue is not one of the creation of “airport” art as a degraded style of carving, but the clear establishment of ownership of their art as a part of their culture. However, no history of Maori art, and in particular that of carving in Rotorua, can pass without reference to Augustus Hamilton, director of the Colonial Museum in Wellington at the turn of the century, and C. E. Nelson, the Manager of one Rotorua’s hotels. According to Neich,

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Between them, these two men set up an orthodox doctrine of what “unchanging traditional Maori culture” should be like. Furthermore, they had the economic power and influence to enforce this orthodoxy on the Ngati Tarawhai carvers. At this time other European experts were constructing an orthodox account of the traditional Maori discovery and settlement of NewZea1and.A basic tenet ofboth these orthodoxies was that Maori culture had virtually remained unchanged throughout a long history and was only then becoming decadent as a result of European contact (1983:255-57).

Their economic power was asserted through the arrangement of international exhibitions, the selling of pieces to overseas museums, and, from 1904-1910, the setting up of a tourism model village. The result was the possible establishment of Ngati Tarawhai, in European eyes and the view of the tourism industry, as the norm for Maori carving. This obviously fails to take into account significant differences between iwi. To take one specific example, there are certain stylistic differences inpoupou (panel) between the Northland style with high head domes and the Taranaki style with wide faces and little decoration on the torso. While this view of an “accepted” art contains a recipe for the creation of “formula art”, and indeed such art can be seen in different souvenir shops, this would again be only a partial description. Ryan ( 199 1: 139-40) commented that there are many examples of tourism creating hybrid forms of art and development as cultures learn from each other; and this also occurred at Rotorua. Maori artists turned more secular, utilized perspectives, and became more aware of their uniqueness as artists. On the other hand, such an approach absorbs European notions of aesthetics, while many tourists continued to be unaware of why abstraction occurs, and were influenced in their purchases by notions of decoration. One such influence was that Maori art began to lose its tension of asymmetry and symmetry. Both informants, Schuster and Bevan Ford, independently made the same comment that older work contained within its geometrical patterns an “off balance”; a subtlety based on the Maori world view, while, over time, there appeared a uniformity based upon European perspectives of order and balance. Interestingly enough, parallel counter-influences can be observed in Plains Indians cultures, where a contemporary weaver, like Lena Curtiss, feels more able to create abstract, asymmetrical raised outline designs based upon Navajo art, through very different to its original patterns of symmetry (Web 1993). But both Curtiss and Bevan Ford are able to make clear their individual voice within the traditions of a style and to sell their work to collectors and tourists. Moreover, European influences did lead to Maori art becoming more colorful in some areas. Post-1900 taaniko (weaving) tends to be more colorful (Mead 1968), and of course this greater use of color is evident in the bodices of Maori women performing poi dances for tourists. Maori are not alone in this adaptation of European colors, and parallels can be drawn with North American Indian peoples’ experiences. For example, just as Te Awara iwi art was propagated by Hamilton and Nelson, so too Navajo silver work was encouraged by a patron: the Fred Harvey Company (Heard Museum of Native Culture and Art 1995). S’l1 ver working was originally unknown to the LNavajo

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prior to 1850. After 1868, when the Navajo returned from the 4-year internment at Bosque Redondo, silver work was commenced as Indian artists developed traditional designs in this new medium. From 1899 the Fred Harvey Company supplied sheet metal and pre-cut polished turquoise to smiths through the trading posts, and in return the smiths sold cheaply produced souvenir jewelry for tourists. In the early 1900s the company was commissioning “Indian style” machinemade jewelry, and styles changed to the current preferences of highly polished work. The utilization of new media by Maori artists can be seen in the case of many such contemporary artists who use Maori themes in their work which is sold to tourists as well as domestic purchasers. For example, artist Denise Tohiariki has established Ariki Pottery and sells through outlets in the Manawatu and elsewhere. Her sense of being Maori informs her designs. It conforms with the definition of authenticity used by the Aotearoa Maori Tourism Federation in that it is conceived from the mind of a Maori, executed by a Maori, and is the work of someone with Maori tapuna (ancestry), but her work is in fired clay: a material not historically used by Maori. Indeed, tourism has aided in the mergence of a contemporary local art form. Contemporary artists like Robert Jahake, Selwyn Muru Paenga, Ralph Hotere, and John Bevan Ford have found their work to be readily acceptable to overseas tourists and collectors visiting galleries and museums.

Contemporary Problems One possible reason why Maori artists were able to retain an individuality when confronted by tourism a century ago was because the ability to produce many hundreds of similar objects was limited. The then existing level of technology simply did not permit it. Today this is no longer true. Additionally, it is much easier to trade, and one facet that has caused concern to Roanna Bennett, Chief Executive Officer of the Aotearoa Maori Tourism Federation, is the reports of imported jade to be used in carving tiki (pendants). The pounamu (greenstone) predominantly used by Maori is extremely hard, and indeed is capable of cutting glass, whereas the imported material is much softer. It is of interest to note that increasingly it is the dark greenstone (karaka) which is being perceived as the authentic material in representation of tiki in tourism brochures, whereas in fact there are different forms of greenstone available. For example, in New Zealand it is possible to obtain kahurangi (a greenish-yellow stone sometimes called “the garment of heaven”), inanga (a whitish greenstone likened to the color of live whitebait), hauhunga (like dewdrops reflecting green), kokotangiwai (a blue green sheen reminiscent of the tui bird’s breast), and kazuakawa (the lighter green of the pepperplant). Nonetheless, in 1996, a major Rotorua greenstone retail outlet began explicitly advertising different types of greenstone to educate tourists. On the other hand, in a Korean oriented tourism souvenir outlet in Queenstown, the first author found,

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in 1996, golf putters being sold with, as a feature, karaka heads. Given the cultural significance of greenstone (it was much sought after by Maori in the pre-contact period), this latter case is an example of the very insensitivity of which Maori complain. Maori actually own comparatively few souvenir shops, especially outside of areas like Rotorua, and one concern that is expressed is the importation of “Maori style” mass-produced imports. Currently the authors have no data relating to the volume of such imports, but interviewees indicated that they knew of such material being sold, and certainlywould be able to identify it easily due to its workmanship. The Aotearoa Maori Tourism Federation has produced two reports which have drawn attention to the problems of Maori losing control over their own culture as expressed through the sale of souvenirs, and in 1995 concluded that: To retain the dignity of Iwi and the integrity of the New Zealand tourism industry a concerted effort must be made by all key stakeholders-Iwi, Industry and Government-to (1) acknowledge the role ofthe tangata whenua within each region; and (2) to develop and enforce standards of authenticity of Maori tourism products (1995:ZO).

Individual craftspeople and artists are already moving to a process of certification of their work, not unlike the certificates of guarantees offered by the Indian Arts and Crafts Association (IACA) of Albuquerque. This New Mexico example is important as it is the model upon which the Aotearoa Maori Tourism Federation has based its campaign of authenticity marking (IACA 1997). Currently the authentication that is being undertaken relates to the more expensive items, not the typical, cheaper, tourist souvenirs. Many souvenirs are smaller, cheaper, and much cruder in design. In a “window shopping” exhibition in Rotorua in July 1995, the first author was easily able to find examples of carvings that were taken from a machined mold, and whose only claim to being “hand-worked” would have been a few rather inexpert chisel marks. On the other hand, discussions with weavers in the Manawatu, the sought region of the Rangitane iwi, revealed that they deliberately symmetry as an expression of a higher technical skill in their own Maori artists, like their Indian hand-worked pieces. Nonetheless, counterparts, also wish to reinforce their concepts of authenticity and ownership, and many Maori artists will gladly inform buyers about tribal affiliation as a further means of establishing what is authentic about Maori art. Their concern over ownership of their art is understandable given past practices of the use of Maori symbols. In the exhibition, Hei Tiki (Manawatu Art Gallery 1995) examples were shown not only of cheap plastic tiki (which are still available), but also of nappies or diapers with tiki designs. This juxtaposition of sacred symbol and receptacles of urine and feces is an anathema to Maori given their cultural norms. Within such a short review of Maori art and its relationship to tourism, it has been impossible to convey the full complexity of the art forms, and no mention has been made of the performing arts and the possible stereotyping of Maori that results from such enter-

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tainments. However, although through necessity the review has been selective in the art forms and souvenirs that it describes, it is hoped that the relationship of art and culture as part of an holistic living entity has been conveyed. It can be stated that what separates Maort and similar Native American societies from mass culture is that many indigenous peoples have managed to preserve a sense of spirituality in their daily lives. Through oral traditions, ceremonies, crafts, and other art forms as expressions of spirituality, the old ways are passed to the young, and the spiritual values that have kept their cultures viable are celebrated. When indigenous people produce art in response to tourism demand, a certain amount of change in the art form and people who sell them is inevitable. Commercially produced paints and machineassisted production techniques may be employed to produce souvenirs since they are easier to work with and craft a product within the typical tourists’ ability and willingness to pay. Such a movement away from time-honored traditions may be seen by outsiders as a tradition gone astray. However, change is nothing new to indigenous people, and their ability to adapt has made them what they are today. For Maori, authenticity is simply defined as their having the right to control access to their heritage (Barnett 1996). Living cultures do not stagnate and art as an expression of culture must be provided the opportunity to experiment and change accordingly. The Maori have evolved their art like many tribes in North America. For example, Navajo weavings were originally designed as blankets. Between 1870 to 1910, weavers recognized their value among non-Indian collectors and the art form evolved from a blanket to a floor rug. A second major transition during the 70s saw Navajo weaving evolve from a floor rug to a fine art. Though the current art form bears no similarities with the original, the use of the art form as an expression of spirituality and culture remains deeply embedded. From this discussion of the relationship between art, tourism, and the role of art in the ethical and belief structures of native peoples, several points arise. First, the question of control of Maori art is a deep-seated matter and the issue goes to the core of relationships between Pukeha and Maori. The 1840 Treaty of Waitangi, in the Maori version, stated that: “. . . ki nga tangata katoa o Nu Tirani te tino rangatiratanga o o ratou wenua o ratou kainga me o ratou taonga katoa” ( . . . the people are confirmed as having unqualified exercise of chieftainship over their lands, villages, and all their treasures or taorzga). To Maori, this is a confirmation of not only ownership of land, but of culture. This interpretation of the Treaty is vital as it gives them a constitutional right of control. They also have a right of self-determination under those articles of the United Nations which pertain to the rights of indigenous peoples. At first sight there appear to be problems from a Pakeha perspective. Conventi~)nally Western thought has developed based on concepts of an open exchange of knowledge, ideas, and artifacts. Maori society did not develop in this way: certain types of knowledge were exclusive to those who had a proven right to access the knowledge. These values of differential access to knowledge often pose problems for those

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responsible for tourism pIarming -a difficulty that is expressed by, for example, the regional plan of the Manawatu-Wan~~nui Regional Council: The protection of sites of cultural significance, including Waahi Tapu sites, is an issue for the Plan.. . The exact location of sites is generally known to very few, and it is not practical to expect these to be made public. It is necessary for land owners and developers to be sensitive to this issue and seek advice from the right people early in the process. One way this can be done is through the provision of “silent files”, held either by the Council, or hupu and i~,i themselves ( 1995: 15).

Demands for control are consistent with Maori world views; but arguably they are also consistent with the Western view of ownership of culturally significant icons emerging today. The implications of this for tourism are manifest. From this Maori perspective Air New Zealand has no right to use the “koru” (a shark symbol) as its logo, Pakeha operators have no right to take tourists to places of significance for Maori. In practice, however, many Maori acknowledge a need for partnership, even while seeking a retention of control. Control need not mean a denial of use to Pakefza if done through schemes of partnership and cooperation. It must also be noted that exclusivity of use of designs and logos of cultural significance is also practised in the western world-Coca Cola and Disney for example zealously guard their symbols, and who would deny that cultural significance is involved in, what, for example, Hollinshead (1997) has called “Distory” (Ryan 1998).

Maori are pursuing many approaches to tourism. For example, there is the cooperative approach with Pa&ha tourism operators. One such example is that of Trek Whiranaki which involves trekking through the bush of podacarp rainforests east of Rotorua with Maori guides and stays at a Marae. Also, there are Maori initiated products where tourists stay for a week on a Marae as “guests”. Some Northland iwi offer such stays where guests are expected to comply with Maori protocol. Barnet t ( 1996) notes the existence of I59 Maori tourism enterprises in New Zealand in 1996. This first issue leads to a second, which is how to ensure that iz& derive benefit from tourism. The type of initiatives just mentioned are important, for they represent a self-contained tourism system which utilizes existing capital structures. Many tribal peoples are not in a position to finance capital-intensive resources represented by hotel, motel, and restaurant facilities, and the support infrastructure. Even if such investments can be negotiated, visitor spending at these businesses will have only a limited impact since the profits will revert to the lending corporation and seldom be retained by the iwi itself. Further, to undertake such investments can be regarded as a dilution of the product that many tourists would want to experience. Given that native peoples possess a clear monopoly of the attractions that can make a tour of value to tourists, the power imbalance in negotiating with tour wholesalers should favor iwi. Maori need to carefully exercise their power in forming strategic alliances with tour wholesalers in forming exclusive buyer-seller agreements, and fortunately today networks exist that can support tribal peoples in such

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negotiations, as evidenced by the organizations present at Te Putanga Mai, the conference and trade convention held at Auckland in March 1996. It must be recognized that this proposition runs contrary to conventional practices in the travel trade. In settings of over supply, typically tour wholesalers will exercise the use of power by pitting suppliers against one another in a negotiating process to achieve favorable price and service concessions. However, in a setting of limited supply, as represented by the culture of distinctive cultures, the balance of power falls to the supplier. Further, by limiting tourist access to tribal assets, kaumata (tribal elders) are in a better position to negotiate more favorable terms with tour operators who wish to do business with them. Forming cooperative alliances with tour operators can produce more value by ensuring that tours pay a fair market value for access to the cultural resources as well as provide opportunities for tribal businesses (i.e., caterers, vendors) who normally could not compete with Pakeha counterparts. A third issue relates to tourist behavior. Tourists do not possess an inalienable right of access to Maori land and marae, and occasionally tourists do behave inappropriately. Such behavior can take the form of taking pictures of ceremonies without permission, the consumption of alcohol, and the ignoring of protocol. Most iwi operations like that of the Tamaki whanau (family) at Rotorua provide rules of conduct to visitors to remind visitors that these ceremonies are cultural events, not simply tourism attractions. The communication of these rules can become part of the tourism product. For example, the Maori drivers of Tamaki Tours pick up guests from the hotels, and involve them in a role play whereby they arrive at the marae in a waka (canoe, or in this case a mini-bus), each waka having its chief, who has to comply with accepted protocol. A fourth issue is the preservation of meaning of artifacts and performances. Tribal art is highly revered. These art forms may take years to master and their economic value can be considerable. However, when they become part of a tourism system, there is a perception that “production shortcuts” are undertaken to meet the price thresholds of tourists which can lead to the cultural bastardization of the art form. As has been argued in the case of Maori culture at Rotorua, the issue is far more complex; but nonetheless there remains a marketing issue of how to sustain the integrity and price of souvenirs. One problem is just how ready are tourists to pay high prices. There is evidence that some are both willing and able to pay them. Informants Clive Fugill, Rini Rokx, and John Bevan Ford were able to provide evidence of tourists paying several thousands of dollars for art works that represented the time and experience of the artist. However, such sales are a result of a tourist appreciation (if not understanding) of the culture they are viewing in that the work “says something to them”, and may occur long after the visit (personal communization with Fugill). Such appreciation by tourists is not encouraged by displays of “cheap” art and quick, hurried performances, and hence the demand by Maori to control the way in which they are represented has economic advantages as well as ensuring authenticity of experience.

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It must also be recognized that tribal peoples are sophisticated users of the symbolic, and can differentiate between signs and symbols (Cohen 1993). Ben-Amos comments that tourist art “operates as a minimal system which must make meanings as accessible as possible across visual boundary lines.. . ” (quoted in Graburn 1976:25). For commentators like Simpson (1993), tourist art reduces at a semantic level traditional forms, expands neo-traditional motifs, and uses the communicative logos of ad.junct value systems to create market appeal, but the semiotics of the original work remains clear to the weavers, sculptors, and the others for whom, within their societies, the work represents a continuance of past tradition. Tourism art is the sign of a different culture, not its symbol. However, in the case of Maori art, “authenticity” is not a theoretical concept by which the status of any craft object can be unequivocally, “. . . objectively evaluated” (Cohen 1993: 160). Tribal peoples are capable of adapting existing and borrowed signs into a framework of their own, reinforcing those symbols they wish to persevere with, even while adapting and creating new methods of production to create signs with market value. Theirs are living cultures retaining an integrity that meets their needs (whether it be the need for economic sustenance from the tourism market place or the expression of self-identity). In a sense, it might be said that the threat to this expression is not tourismper se, but any process that threatens the ownership by tribal peoples of their designs and symbols, and which, in turn, reduces tribal peoples to stereotypical figures. Tourism can be part of this process, but it can also be a means by which statements of ownership and self-identity can be rigorously enforced. Finally, an important corollary of this last point relates to the role of academics in writing of indigenous peoples, their art, and the relationship with tourism. Butterworth (1987) notes that there is a lack of confidence by Maori in some of their relationships with academics, a point forcibly made by Sir Tipene O’Regan: There are signs, however, that our own generation does not feel so culturally confident, that it does not feel in command of the relationship with scholars. There are two reasons for this. First, the scholars are now more institutionalised, more distant.. Modern scholars seldom find the Maori person a source of the sort of knowledge that is being sought.. .. The second reason is that not many Maori people carry much more than a sense of their culture history; there are few who can really be said to be steeped in the tribal past. The absence of knowledge can be destabilising. It’s hard to feel secure and generous with knowledge you have when you are underprivileged and relatively poor. One feels resentment that some person.. . in a snug university oflire may well have a deeper knowledge of your tribe, and therefore of you, than you have yourself (1987:143-44).

Similar points and feelings were expressed to the first author by guides and providers of information and feelings. Any researcher in writing of these matters should bear in mind the past history ofMaoriPakeha relationships and the sensitivities of Maori. They seek control, but as noted, control does not deny access. Informant Pearl Ormsby stated that “Maori arts, crafts and culture is a gift.. . if we are not able to share it, then we could lose this gift.” It is a gift to New

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Zealand society, and when dealing with Maori cultural events, tourists, and academics, tourists should note that they are recipients of such gifts, and are not simply purchasers of products or users of information. CONCLUSION Maori art has, as its prime purpose, not aesthetic gratification, but a statement of relationships between individuals, their iwi, land, and wider cosmos. Art, whether carving or weaving, possesses tapu, an evocation of place and relationships. The development of art for tourism pieces, or taaniko in concert performance has meant some changes. Taaniko has become more colorful, carvings have reproduced a much higher number of smaller pieces than would be present in a marae. Such pieces sold in souvenir shops are divorced from the context of the marae. Yet there is a recognition by Maori that such pieces can possess tapu; the conceptualization of shared life means that the conventional concerns expressed about a degradation of art (Blundell 1993) are not necessarily an issue for Maori. There are differences of attitudes between iwi and generations. Shane Cotton, a younger Maori artist, at the 1995 debate accompanying Hei Tiki argued that the literature is Pakeha dominated, there is a need for a Maori perspective, but where is the “shonky” Maori art-it is always the “higher art” that is discussed-and this chokes art. “Don’t believe the hype”, he concluded, “the taonga should be owned by their owners; but generic items, like tiki, are beyond this control. But there is a question of courtesy.” A referee critically commenting on an earlier version of this script noted that the there was a danger of reification. That is, attributing symbolic values to objects may give them a life of their own, and thereby an existence and control over and above human choice. Maori art does possess this quality; it is a means by which Maori deal with the chaos referred to earlier (Cohen 1996). It is both a means of dealing with the dark side of human nature, a recognition of its presence, and the catalyst for a need to take appropriate action. Maori art contains a manufactured necessity that has meanings for Maori, inside and out of the marae. The tourists purchasing items often have little sense of this. Yet, for Maori, the distinctions between the tourism art, and the symbolism of their own takapuna are clear; and as people used to symbolism and abstraction in art, they can recognize the tapu in the souvenir. The Maori “gaze” can incorporate the “tourist gaze” and retain its own integrity. After a century of land loss, the “tourist gaze” is comparatively minor by comparison-both symbolically and for many iwi, economically so. Further, given the 1996 settlement of some land claims, for iwi like Tainui and Ngata Tahu, tourism is likely to remain but a small part of their business portfolios. Finally, Ford in his History of Maori Art asserts that: The history of Maori art as it was heard in song and story belonged to a world of legendary explanations that continually informed Maori thought. Consequently an “academic” linear history of Maori art relying on European

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ethnographic, archaeological and anthropological methodology and research fits awkwardly into this pattern. So the chronological format.. is largely a modern one that my ancestors would have been rather puzzled by (1995:6).

The critical referee noted above commented that the text lacked a theoretical structure rendering it fragmented. It is true, these are fragments, and for this there are at least two reasons. First, there are two cultures and the translation of cultural concepts between the two are not always easy. The emit that is Maori weaves with the etic. Berno (1996), Nash (1996), and Cohen (1979) have noted that empirical traditions stress content rather than the cultural context of tourist interaction. This paper has sought to stress the emit. Second, the evidence itself, for Pakeha, is fragmentary and not yet sufficient to engage upon model building. As informant Ford comments, it is a process of stories, each with a meaning, but, with yet, “silent files”. Ormsby (1996) w h en speaking of maraes that are open to tourists, stated that Maori culture was a gift. But it should be noted that within Maoridom, the gift remains in the ownership of the giver when the recipient ceases to use the gift as intended. 0 17 Acknowledgments-The following are thanked for their courtesy and help: Roanna Bennett, Chief Executive ofAotearoa Maori Tourism Federation; Arihia Carrington, Marketing Officer, Aotearoa Maori Arts and Crafts Institute; Emily Schuster, Aotearoa Maori Arts and Crafts Institute; Fayne Robinson, Uniquely Maori, Rotorua; Rini Rokx, Uniquely Maori, Rotorua; Mike Tamaki, Tamaki Tours; John Barrett, Kapiti Tours; John Bevan Ford, founder member, Nga Puna Waihanga; Jeremy Morgan, Wanuskewin World Heritage Site; Mina McKenzie and Shirley Barnett, Massey University; staff from the Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington; the Department of Maori Development; and many others. The quotations provided by John Bevan Ford are used with his express permission for this paper only. The initial research for this article was undertaken when Chris Ryan was at Massey University, New Zealand and when John Crotts \vas teaching at Otago University, New Zealand.

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