Celebrities, air travel, and social norms

Annals of Tourism Research 79 (2019) 102775

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Celebrities, air travel, and social norms Stefan Gössling

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Western Norway Research Institute, PO Box 163, 6851 Sogndal, Norway School of Business and Economics, Linnaeus University, 391 82 Kalmar, Sweden Service Management and Service Studies, Lund University, Box 882, 25108 Helsingborg, Sweden

ARTICLE INFO

ABSTRACT

Associate editor: Ulrike Gretzel

The year 2018 saw the rise of a new global youth movement, Fridays for Future. The organization underlines the importance of personal accountability for greenhouse gas emissions, specifically in the context of air travel. This position is in stark contrast to views associating aeromobility with status. Celebrities in particular maintain personal brands based on frequent flying. This paper assesses the aeromobilities of celebrities, for which it develops a netnography-based methodology that tracks spatial movement on the basis of social media posts. Data is analyzed to determine travel patterns, distances flown, and fuel consumed. Findings are discussed in terms of the energy-intensity of celebrity lifestyles and the struggle over moral and social norms regarding personal accountability for contributions to climate change.

Keywords: Air travel Celebrities Carbon inequality Climate change Fridays for Future Moral and social norms

Introduction The year 2018 saw the beginning of a new global climate change movement, sparked by Swedish teenager Greta Thunberg's “school strike for climate”. Thunberg's strike outside the Swedish parliament received global media attention, was taken up by students the world over, and spurred the global Fridays for Future youth movement. Thunberg, who was invited to give speeches at high-level global events including the United Nation's Framework Convention on Climate Change's (UNFCCC) Conference of Parties (COP) in Katowice, Poland, and the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, repeatedly highlighted individual responsibility for emissions as a key aspect of her campaign: “The bigger your carbon footprint, the bigger your moral duty” (The Guardian, 2019: no page). In discussing climatically unsustainable behaviour, Thunberg also stated that she had asked her parents to stop flying (SVT, 2019), and her suggestions for low-carbon lifestyles – vegan diets and no flying - drew global attention to the energy-intensity of air travel and the sector's contribution to climate change. Thunberg's strike for climate came at a time of a growing understanding that ‘something’ had to be done to mitigate global warming. In October 2018, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change's (IPCC) Special Report “Global Warming of 1.5°C” raised public awareness of the need to rapidly reduce emissions in the near-term future (IPCC, 2018). The same year saw headlines highlighting aviation's strong growth (ICAO, 2018). A debate on “flygskam” (“flight shame”) emerged in Sweden (Extrakt, 2018) and subsequently spread to countries including New Zealand, Germany, France, the Netherlands, and Denmark (e.g. Evening Standard, 2019). “Flight shame” refers to an individual's uneasiness over engaging in consumption that is energy-intense and climatically problematic. It also reflects on air travelers as people involved in socially undesirable activities, and adaptive behaviour as described in the related Swedish term “smygflyga” (“flying in secret”) (Extrakt, 2018). This new debate on climate change and aviation is relevant because it has shifted the societal discussion of decarbonization from

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School of Business and Economics, Linnaeus University, 391 82 Kalmar, Sweden. E-mail address: [email protected].

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2019.102775 Received 1 May 2019; Received in revised form 11 August 2019; Accepted 25 August 2019 0160-7383/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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its long-standing focus on production (UNFCCC, 2018) to one of consumption (Peters, 2008). It also raises the question of the role of social norms in determining what is desirable, justifiable, and indeed ‘normal’ to consume (Bicchieri, Muldoon, & Sontuoso, 2018). In this context, celebrities – defined as actors, singers, sport stars, fashion designers, business leaders or influencers (cf. Boykoff & Goodman, 2009) – have great importance, because they are often affluent and influential people, whose lifestyles are followed (and usually idolized) by global audiences. For many celebrities, frequent travel is a main pillar of their personal brands, and they may also endorse airlines' marketing campaigns (Wang, Kao, & Ngamsiriudom, 2017). Against the background of the growing Fridays for Future movement and its emphasis on personal accountability for greenhouse gas emissions, this paper studies interrelationships of air travel patterns of celebrities, emerging public views on climatically harmful activities, and the struggle over norms: Celebrity lifestyles, normally associated with limitless opportunity, are now also understood as climatically harmful. As little is known about the air travel patterns of affluent and influential people, the empirical part of the paper also makes a methodological contribution in that is devises a netnographic method to analyse social media accounts, and to collect data on celebrity air travel patterns. Literature review Frequent air travel is linked to a disproportionally larger carbon footprint and hence an important factor in carbon inequality, a concept describing vast differences in individual contributions to emissions of greenhouse gases. Due to its energy intensity, air travel is a major factor influencing per capita emissions, specifically for frequent fliers, who often account for a considerable share of overall emissions. For instance, in France, 5% of the population were found to cause 50% of emissions from transportation (Gössling, Ceron, Dubois, & Hall, 2009), while in the UK, the 10% of the most frequent travelers contributed 43% to overall personal travel emissions (Brand & Boardman, 2008). In a study of non-business air travel, Brand and Preston (2010) estimated that the 20% of the most frequent travelers accounted for 60% of emissions. Notably, even a single long-haul flight can exceed averaged per capita and year emissions (Hares, Dickinson, & Wilkes, 2010). There is also a strong linkage between income and (transport) emissions (Büchs & Schnepf, 2013; Gill & Moeller, 2018; Heinonen, Jalas, Juntunen, Ala-Mantila, & Junnila, 2013; Irfany & Klasen, 2016). Household studies have regularly found that higher income groups are also the most mobile. For example, in the UK, the highest income groups (> £40,000 person/year) produced emissions 3.5 times higher than the lowest income groups (< £10,000 person/year), primarily as a result of mobility patterns (Brand & Boardman, 2008). Similarly, a survey of Swiss households concluded: “comparison of high and low emitters shows the main difference is that high emitters spend a higher amount on mobility” (Girod & De Haan, 2009: 5655). Yet, very limited information is available on the air travel patterns of the world's most affluent people, who are difficult to access and study (Anand & Segal, 2017; Hay & Muller, 2012). Their consumption patterns are significantly different from others in that they often involve frequent movement, access to private transportation, as well as multiple real estate ownership (Beaverstock & Faulconbridge, 2014). Celebrities are of specific interest in this context, as they are affluent and influential individuals. Yet, data regarding their travel patterns – beyond anecdotal evidence – has so far remained unavailable. Celebrities are, by definition, well-known (Boorstin, 1962), and as emphasized by Kurzman et al. (2007: 347), celebrity status will “generate enormous economic benefits”. In this paper, a wider approach to ‘celebrityhood’ is favored, in that the term comprises actors, singers, sport stars, fashion designers, business leaders, and influencers, equivalent to the six celebrity types identified by Boykoff and Goodman (2009). As celebrity status decays over time (Kurzman et al., 2007: 347), celebrities need to constantly build personal brands. Air travel, in itself a signifier of success and social standing (Baumann, 1998; Urry, 2011), is an important precondition for the generation of content that can be communicated online to followers (Gössling & Stavrinidi, 2016). As famous people, celebrities define aspirational lifestyles and desirable consumption for a large media followership (Hanna, Kantenbacher, Cohen and Gössling 2018). Social media in particular is of importance in this process, as opportunities for frequent and ‘personal’ communication turn famous people into “immediate strangers” (Schickel, 2000). As a result, celebrities have considerable influence on consumer culture, the formation of social identity, and social norms (Cohen, Higham, Gössling, Peeters, & Eijgelaar, 2016; Marshall, 1997). This influence is different from earlier decades, in which celebrities have often been associated with brands (McCracken, 1989), and is now representing specific lifestyles, for which celebrities act as role models. For instance, a celebrity posing outside a private jet is not primarily an association with a specific brand or model of aircraft, rather than a representation of a lifestyle built on frequent air travel. In particular young people aspire to status and wealth as seen attainable by becoming celebrities (Gountas, Gountas, Reeves, & Moran, 2012). Social norms have been described as (exogenous) informal rules that guide and govern behaviour in social groups (Bicchieri et al., 2018). In the social sciences, norms are considered as morally, socially, or legally grounded, though they all have in common that they perform functions of social coordination. Focus in this paper is primarily on moral and social norms, as these have the greatest relevance in the context of personal accountability and can have effects similar to legal rules (ibid.). In comparison to these social perspectives on social norms, philosophical views consider norms as a product of (endogenous) individuals' interactions, guided by knowledge, beliefs, or expectations (ibid.). Both social sciences and philosophical understandings of norms have relevance for this research, as they contribute to the understanding of how norms come into existence, how they are defined and performed, and how they can be influenced and modified. The fact that celebrities influence moral and social norms has been long recognized. Boykoff and Goodman (2009) discuss celebrity climate change advocacy as part of a politicized celebrity system, in which some celebrities have sought to build personal brands that include elements of pro-environmental action (Boykoff & Goodman, 2009). Building on this earlier research, four celebrity agency forms can be distinguished: ‘carbon boomers’, ‘carbon philistines’, ‘climate advocates’, and ‘low carbon performers’ 2

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Table 1 Celebrity climate agency types. Agency type

Characteristic

Example

Reference

Carbon boomers Carbon philistines

Endorsing carbon-intense consumption Energy-intense lifestyles, climate change nonissue Energy-intense lifestyle, argue for mitigation Living low-carbon lives, argue for mitigation

Kevin Costner –

Wang et al., 2017 No mentioning of celebrity in literature, but see Sternheimer, 2014 Boykoff & Goodman, 2009 Gössling, Hanna, Cohen, Higham, & Hopkins, 2019

Climate advocates Low carbon performers

Al Gore Greta Thunberg

(Table 1). In this typology, carbon boomers are celebrities who endorse carbon-intense consumption, such as air travel. Wang et al. (2017) investigated, for example, the strategies of airlines to adopt celebrity endorsement, confirming positive relationships between celebrity credibility, brand credibility, brand attitude and purchase intention. An example cited by Wang et al. (2017) is Kevin Costner's endorsement of Turkish Airlines. Carbon philistines represent celebrities living highly energy intense lifestyles, while being communicatively indifferent to the global objective of climate change mitigation. Such forms of unaccountability have been described as “moral corruption”, made possible by selective attention (Gardiner, 2006). Unaccountability may also be described in terms of a psychology of denial (StollKleemann, O'Riordan, & Jaeger, 2001), represented, for example, by technology optimism. As existing studies have been limited to celebrities' engagement in conservation or climate change campaigns (e.g. Boykoff & Goodman, 2009; Brockington, 2009; Doyle, Farrell, & Goodman, 2017), this however has to remain a research gap, i.e. the understanding of celebrities of their actions and responsibilities in climate change contexts. A third type of celebrity is the climate advocate, representing celebrities who have sought to engage wider audiences in climate change and sometimes mitigation. Examples include Al Gore, Oprah Winfrey, Bill Clinton, Bono, Richard Branson, Nelson Mandela, or Arnold Schwarzenegger (Boykoff & Goodman, 2009). Using scientific facts as well as emotional appeals to create awareness of climate change, these celebrities have relied on documentaries, speeches at highly publicized events, and attendance of the UNFCCC's Conferences of Parties to engage audiences (Boykoff, Goodman, & Littler, 2010). However, there is generally only limited evidence of the climate advocate celebrity type taking personal action on mitigation. For example, climate activist Al Gore has been repeatedly criticized for his energy-intense lifestyle, including the use of private aircraft (The New Republic, 2017). This also became an issue when actor Emma Thompson flew from Los Angeles to London to join a protest of the Extinction Rebellion movement (Mirror, 2019). As Doyle et al. (2017: 2) suggest, participation in protests can be understood as an attempt to gain status with followers, in that climate media interventions create value in the “celebrity industrial complex”. Yet, even if in this sense ‘selfish’, such actions will also “responsibilize” audiences (Boykoff & Goodman, 2009). Celebrity low carbon performers have made climate change a personal moral imperative. This has included bands such as Coldplay or Pearl Jam and their focus on carbon neutral tours (Boykoff et al., 2010), as well as the more recent example of Swedish biathlete Björn Ferry, who made headlines after announcing to stop flying for the sake of the climate. Ferry vowed to travel by train over 13,000 km to join various World Cup competitions in Europe (SVT, 2018). Likewise, climate activist Greta Thunberg, emerging as a global celebrity in the wake of her “school strike for climate”, made a non-flying lifestyle part of her personal brand. Importantly, both Ferry and Thunberg have broken with convention, in that the expectation for celebrities, including the climate advocates, has been to travel ‘in style’, and shielded from the public (i.e., using private aircraft). The new low carbon performer celebrity type establishes a new moral and social norm, characterized by personal accountability, transparency regarding energy use and emissions, and the avoidance of specific forms of consumption for the sake of the climate. These interrelationships are illustrated in Fig. 1. Perspectives on the legitimacy of air travel and personal accountability for emissions are embedded in moral and social norms. Both celebrities and social movements such as Fridays for Future have the power to shape these norms. However, while Fridays for Future emphasizes personal responsibility and the unacceptability of specific forms of consumptions, most celebrities represent different viewpoints; this is, those of the boomers, philistines and advocates. Moral and social norms will develop within this field of force, implying that groups in society can adopt contradictory positions, or accept new viewpoints. Method There is much anecdotal evidence of specific societal groups' frequent flying, their destination choices, and – often – use of private aircraft. For example, The Atlantic (2013), referring to the US State Department, reported that Hillary Clinton had visited 112 countries in her four years as Secretary of State, flying 956,733 miles (1.539.712 km) and spending 2084 h in aircraft. Hollywoodreporter (2012) noted the purchase of a US$500 million Airbus A380 by Al Waleed bin Tala, a member of the Saudi royal family, for private use. However, the distances flown, the destinations visited, the aircraft types involved, or the emissions generated by celebrities have never been studied systematically. This, however, would be an important precondition for the understanding of struggles over moral and social norms in the context of energy-intense forms of consumption such as air travel. As affluent (and/or influential) people are difficult to access and study (Anand & Segal, 2017; Hay & Muller, 2012), a specific netnographic research method was developed (Fig. 2). Netnography is a qualitative research approach to investigate behaviour on the basis of information volunteered by individuals on the Internet (Kozinets, 1998). Netnography seeks to gain “cultural understandings of human experience from online social interaction and content” (Kozinets, 2015: 18), in which online communities 3

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Fig. 1. Social norms as defined by celebrities and Fridays for Future.

“should be treated analytically as an expression of an ongoing negotiation between individuals” (ibid: 13). Celebrities maintain social media sites to engage with fandoms, interest groups, or the public. This serves various ultimate purposes, such as to create notions of proximity and intimacy, to engage others in one's life, or to promote personal brand images and specific views. Bazarova and Choi (2014) categorized these communications as social validation, self-expression, relational development, identity clarification, and social control. As the focus and orientation of the communicated experiences is social, it is closest to Kozinets' (2015: 35) ‘mingling’ ideal type of social experience, representing weak relational ties. However, intense celebrity interactions with followers exist (Marshall, 2010), and online interactions may also be ‘hyving social experiences’ (Kozinets, 2015: 35). Online communities, in which celebrities are nodes, share common interests (Kozinets, 2015). Where views are consensual, these take the form of “topical network clusters” (ibid.: 42), fostering common beliefs and attitudes. Notably, ‘consensual’ may imply the omission of specific viewpoints, such as air travel's implications for climate change (Gössling & Stavrinidi, 2016). Viewpoints in network clusters focused on a celebrity of a specific agency type may consequently be supportive of or contradictory to climate mitigation efforts as demanded by Fridays for Future. The method used here is non-participative, and evaluates the communication of travel patterns on social media. Social media platforms allow for continuous co-presence (Germann Molz, 2012), an important aspect of celebrityhood in which famousness presupposes followership - which in online communities can be maintained through the constant sharing of thoughts and experiences (Kurzman et al., 2007). Travel has a central role in social media communication (Gössling & Stavrinidi, 2016). This is of importance in the context of this research because the online disclosure of travel patterns, represented by the events and destinations attended or visited, is regularly volunteered and apparently considered less intimate and sensitive than other personal information (cf. Bazarova & Choi, 2014; Langer & Beckman, 2005). A possible exception is the ex ante communication of trips, as revealing one's destination implies a potential safety risk for celebrities. The general methodology followed in this paper to assess air travel patterns is presented in Fig. 2, including a celebrity selection process, data collection, and analysis. Details on each of the steps are discussed in the following sections. In this paper's netnography-based methodology, data collection is not focused on the cultural expressions of mobilities, rather than their evaluation in terms of points of departure and arrival, to derive travel patterns. This represents a quantitative analysis of a qualitative material, and hence a development of netnography as presented by Kozinets (2015): insights are derived from the analysis of (secondary) data generated out of social media posts. While online expressions of the self of celebrities require reflection on the personal brands advertised, as well as the goals pursued with this communication (Marshall, 2010), travel information is ‘objective’,

Fig. 2. Methodology. 4

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Table 2 Celebrities analyzed and data completeness. Individual

Role

Data completeness

André Schürrle Bill Gates Emma Watson Felix von der Laden Jennifer Lopez Karl Lagerfeld Mark Zuckerberg Meg Whitman Oprah Winfrey Paris Hilton

Athlete Business leader Actress Influencer (Vlogger) Singer, actress Designer Business leader Business leadera TV-host, business woman Business woman, model

Incomplete Omissions likely Significant omissions likely Omissions likely Omissions likely Incomplete Omissions likely Significant omissions likely Omissions likely Omissions likely

a

Calculations based on home as start/end point of trips, as posts did not reveal further information.

in the sense that flight activity represents factual data. Yet, the discussion of the findings is netnographic, given that the purpose of this research is to understand how social worlds are shaped in co-evolutionary processes with technoculture (Kozinets, 2015: 54). In other words, as travel is an important part of the representational celebrity self, online mobilities provide insights of relevance for the interpretation of moral and social norm generation. The methodology also deviates from earlier research (e.g. Kozinets, Patterson, & Ashman, 2017) in that it does not evaluate photographs, posts or comments in terms of their shared meanings, and rather deducts travel patterns to interpret these. While it would be of great interest to compare travel patterns to attitudes to climate change (i.e. celebrity climate agency), this is not feasible due to the absence of climate-related discussions in the social media accounts studied. The analysis involves the combined Facebook, Instagram and Twitter accounts of ten celebrities (30 accounts in total), as these represent commonly used social media platforms (cf. Marshall, 2014) that can be evaluated. Individuals were chosen to represent celebrity types, i.e. business leaders, models, designers, singers, actresses, TV-hosts, athletes, and influencers (cf. Boykoff & Goodman's, 2009). Celebrities were included after Internet searches for socially influential celebrities, measured on the basis of follower numbers, as well as data availability. It was not possible to also ensure that celebrities would represent the four agency types (Table 1), as this could not be assessed prior to the evaluation of social media content. It should also be noted that the list of celebrities included is necessary “Western” in that the language determined the viability of data collection. Table 2 shows the list of individuals included, along with an estimate of the completeness of available data. For six individuals, travel patterns are considered complete as comments were posted on a regular basis. Celebrities showed considerable differences in posting intensity, however. Even in the most “seamless” accounts, gaps of several weeks existed, making it likely that some trips were not made public. This may be for reasons of privacy or personal safety, with reports on significant spending on security for these individuals (Bloomberg, 2018). In the case of two individuals, Emma Watson and Meg Whitman, significant omissions are likely, as communication gaps are substantial. Records of André Schürrle and Karl Lagerfeld are incomplete. In the case of the athlete, there is a three-month communication gap, while the designer's social media accounts appear to have reported only occasionally on his trips. His age may have been a factor: Karl Lagerfeld died in February 2019. The analysis included all available posts of the respective individuals, covering the entire year 2017. Entries were consequently evaluated retrospectively (Kozinets, 2015). All posts were screened for indications of the locations visited, for example in the context of events. For each destination identified, a web-search was conducted to identify related news items, websites of organizers, or other information that substantiated travel patterns. All affirmed locations were then entered into an Excel sheet to generate a list of trips. This process was repeated with all social media sites used by the individuals. The analysis also considered information on starting points for trips, as well as multiple stopovers. In total, this process generated data for 418 flights made by the ten individuals in 2017. No specific difficulties in tracking journeys were encountered, though the process turned out to be very time-consuming. To calculate the distances flown, great circle distances were calculated for each trip, using the closest airport or airfield to each departure/arrival point on the basis of the website greatcirclemapper.com. This approach approximates air travel patterns, though it is likely to underestimate actual flight activity for various reasons: 1) 2) 3) 4)

Not all trips may have been identified; Stop-overs may not have been communicated; Trips for which no departure/arrival point could be identified had to be ignored; Great circle calculations do not consider energy use for taxying, detours, or avoidance of no-flight zones.

Social media entries do not always reveal whether celebrities travelled by scheduled, chartered, or private aircraft. Additional searches on the Internet were made to confirm ownership or use of chartered private aircraft. For all scheduled air travel, the assumption is that celebrities will fly in business or first class (Table 3). To calculate emissions caused by each of the individuals, emission factors (here: fuel use per hour) were identified for private aircraft models and scheduled traffic. These are multiplied by hours of flight time, i.e. not considering waiting times, maintenance, or taxying. A potential omission is the “empty” return of private aircraft when delivering or picking up celebrities. This may often be the case with shared or chartered aircraft (Cohen, 2009). All calculations are thus likely to underestimate actual energy use and emissions. While air travel is a mainstay of transportation for the celebrities studied, significant additional distances are covered by car. 5

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Table 3 Celebrity use of aircraft and emission factors. Individual

Aircraft used

Fuel use/h

Sourcea

André Schürrle Bill Gates Emma Watson Felix von der Laden Jennifer Lopez

Scheduled air travel Bombardier BD-700 Global Express Scheduled air travel Scheduled air travel Partner's Gulfstream IV

Various mediasites Business Insider (2018), Jetadvisors (2018) Various mediasites Various mediasites Jetadvisors (2018); TMZ (2017)

Karl Lagerfeld Mark Zuckerberg Meg Whitman Oprah Winfrey

Different private jets Using company's jets Using company's jets Gulfstream G650

Paris Hilton

Different private jets

67.5 kgb 486 gal (1453 kg) 67.5 kgb 67.5 kgb 479 gal (1432 kg) 1400 kgc 1400 kgc 1400 kgc 3100 lbs (1406 kg) 1400 kgc

Spöcker (2016) Bloomberg (2018) Financial Post (2013) Aviationweek (2014); Livesofthesuperrich (2018) Various news media sites

a

Sources refer to the aircraft type used. Assumption: travel in business/first class. Fuel use of scheduled air travel is calculated based on the regression equation by Peeters and Middel (2007), indicating a global fleet efficiency of about 0.110 kg CO2 per pkm (0.035 kg fuel/pkm) in 2017. At a 965 kph cruise speed, fuel use is consequently in the order of 33.8 kg fuel/h/passenger. Business class travel is about twice as fuel-intense. c Mix is assumed to predominantly include large cabin heavy jets. b

These have also been calculated where feasible, though results are not presented in this paper. Data nevertheless indicates that car travel can add significantly to overall transport demand. As an example, Vlogger Felix von der Laden travelled at least 25,000 km by car, in addition to the 135,000 km travelled by air. Results Travel demand can be investigated on the basis of various parameters, such as trip frequency, trip distance, or travel time (Stead, 1999). Results show that, in 2017, the celebrities included in the study participated in 14 to 77 flights, and covering distances ranging from 22,832 to 343,446 km (Table 4). Considerable differences emerged with regard to flight patterns. For example, the average flight by Bill Gates, at 5821 km, was about twice as long as the average flight by Jennifer Lopez (2916 km), and four times the average distance flown by Karl Lagerfeld (1427 km). These differences reflect on trip character, i.e. whether flights were mostly transcontinental (Gates), regional in the US (Lopez, Zuckerberg), or taking place within Europe (Lagerfeld). Total annual flight times vary according to air travel patterns, ranging from a total of 24 h (Karl Lagerfeld) to 356 h (Bill Gates). The actual time spent in aircraft will be higher, due to waiting times, taxing, as well as lower speeds during take-off and landing. Additional insights emerge from the visualization of flight patterns (Figs. 3, 4, 5, 6a, b). As shown in Fig. 3, Mark Zuckerberg's flight patterns are predominantly domestic in the USA, with only one international flight to Beijing. In comparison, Paris Hilton travelled frequently in the USA and between the USA and Europe, while she also visited a range of long-haul destinations including Brazil, Maldives, Thailand, and Australia (Fig. 4). Fig. 5 reveals the most “global” flight patterns for Bill Gates, who visited different parts of Europe, as well as countries in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Oceania. The maps indicate that trip purposes differ. Football player André Schürrle, for example, travelled frequently within Europe to participate in matches, while private leisure trips took him to a range of destinations including Dubai, Miami, Los Angeles, and Cape Town (Fig. 6a, b). Trips cause significant emissions, specifically where private aircraft are utilized. The smallest amount was 15.1 t CO2 (Emma Watson; Table 5), i.e. about three times the global average per person per year for all consumption (World Bank, 2018). On the high side of the emissions' spectrum, Bill Gates' flight activity generated > 1600 t CO2. Differences in personal emissions are a function of Table 4 Flight activity, 2017. Individual

Number of flights

Flight distance (km)

Average flight length (km)

Total flight time (hours)a

André Schürrle Bill Gates Emma Watson Felix von der Laden Jennifer Lopez Karl Lagerfeld Mark Zuckerberg Meg Whitman Oprah Winfrey Paris Hilton

36 59 14 52 77 16 44 23 29 68

82,887 343,446 68,652 134,465 224,536 22,832 106,038 83,420 134,149 275,755

2302 5821 4904 2586 2916 1427 2410 3627 4626 4055

86 356 71 139 233 24 110 86 139 286

a Based on the assumption of an average speed of 600 miles per hour (965 kph). Calculated by dividing flight distance by speed. The actual time spent in the aircraft will be considerably greater.

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Fig. 3. Flight patterns Mark Zuckerberg.

Fig. 4. Flight patterns Paris Hilton.

distance flown and the type of aircraft used. Scheduled air traffic, even though twice as energy-intense in business/first class, requires only a fraction of the energy consumed by private jets. A notable omission in these calculations is that air travel also forces warming through non-CO2 emissions (Lee et al., 2009), i.e. the overall warming impact of air travel is significantly understated in the reporting of CO2. Discussion The research in this paper supports two relevant insights. First, it shows that celebrity carbon footprints are large, confirming considerable differences in individual contributions to climate change, and adding insight regarding the scale of per capita emissions as a result of air travel. Second, this knowledge has implications for climate change, as celebrities influence views on aeromobility 7

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Fig. 5. Flight patterns Bill Gates.

and the moral and social norms surrounding energy-intense forms of consumption. These aspects are further discussed in the following sections. The research also has methodological relevance, however, in that it advances the use of netnography in understanding human behaviour. Carbon inequality has been a focal point of climate equity discussions (Oxfam, 2015), but reliable information on the energy intensity of the lifestyles of affluent and influential people has not been available so far. The analysis of celebrity aeromobilities reveals that (private) air travel accelerates carbon inequality. Annual per capita (flight) emissions of up to 1600 t CO2 can be compared to emissions as low as 0.1 t CO2 per capita and year in a range of central African countries (World Bank, 2018). Findings thus confirm linkages between affluence, air transport and emissions (Brand & Boardman, 2008; Brand & Preston, 2010; Girod & De Haan, 2009), but they also shed new light on vast differences: Affluent individuals can emit several ten thousand times the amount of greenhouse gases attributed to the global poor. Notably, this is a conservative estimate that does not consider non-CO2 warming effects or other areas of consumption, such as multiple housing (Beaverstock & Faulconbridge, 2014; Featherstone, 2014). These findings should have relevance for the UNFCCC and its focus on nationally averaged per capita emissions, as well as the discussion of production versus consumption-focused approaches to decarbonization: a central question for global climate governance is whether the global economy can be decarbonized if a growing class of affluent people adopts highly-energy intense lifestyles. As even individual flights make significant contributions to climate change, it has been suggested that individuals need to fly less, specifically the frequent fliers (T&E, 2019). This also raises the question of travel motivations. The analysis of celebrity flight patterns highlights that individuals fly frequently for business as well as leisure, with implications for the moral and social norms regarding the desirability and justifiability of air travel. Societal perspectives on consumption are shaped by social media, and the presentation of specific lifestyles as desirable (Hanna & Adams, 2017). The celebrities studied in this paper have a social media outreach to > 170 million followers on Instagram alone (Table 6), and role model advocacy implications are likely significant. Followers, and in particular younger people, may embrace frequent flier identities as a social norm established by celebrities. This would primarily include positive associations with flight, specifically when following the ‘carbon boomer’ celebrity type. For example, influencer Felix von der Laden runs a business model based on permanent movement and the marketing of an aeromobile lifestyle (see, for instance, “I live in aircraft”; YouTube, 2014). With the exception of von der Laden, who may be considered a carbon boomer, all celebrities studied in this paper would represent the carbon philistine type, as frequent air travelers not publicly concerned with climate change. Possibly, this is because any questioning of the carbon intensity of their lifestyles would jeopardize the attractiveness of the aspirational identities these celebrities sell. For frequent fliers, the better strategy is to avoid the topic of climate change, as the example of climate advocates Al Gore and Emma Thompson illustrates. Both have been questioned for frequent flying, showing that air travel constitutes a reputational risk for environmentally engaged celebrities. As Jordan, Sommers, Bloom, and Rand (2017) affirm, people disapprove of hypocrites, and society places more trust in scientists than in celebrities (Anderson, 2011). This raises the question as to whether celebrity climate advocacy is even desirable. As some authors suggest, celebrity climate advocates contribute to controversy, undermining efforts to politically confront climate change. For example, Boykoff and Goodman (2009) debated whether “proposed critical behavioural changes [are reduced] to the domain of fashion and fad”, while Doyle et al. (2017: 3) emphasized that celebrities “may render climate change as monetized and meaningless media performances rather than interventions related to the intricate social practices of the everyday or political realms”. Celebrities, Fletcher (2015: 1) concluded, help sustaining “the fantasy implicit in [the] neoliberal vision ‘that capitalist markets are the answer to 8

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a: André Schürrle, European flights

b: André Schürrle, intercontinental flights Fig. 6. a: André Schürrle, European flights. b: André Schürrle, intercontinental flights.

their own ecological contradictions’”. This is an important proposition: given that the climate advocate celebrity type is a frequent air traveler and unwilling to change behaviour, ‘the solution’ has to be technological in character. Climate advocacy by celebrities will favor ecological modernization within neoliberal governance frameworks and ‘green capitalism’ (Prudham, 2009), as this allows them to continue energy-intense lifestyles. The contradiction is that neoliberal governance frameworks (the EU ETS, air traffic liberalization, subsidies) have opened up for the massive growth in aviation that they now need to address (Fu, Oum, & Zhang, 2010), while there is limited evidence for technology or existing policies to actually reduce emissions (Peeters, Higham, Kutzner, Cohen, & Gössling, 2016). By implication, celebrities of the boomer, philistine and advocacy type will continue to live highly carbon-intense lifestyles that co-exist with climate change mitigation narratives, in what may be seen as a revolving door of non-progress. This demonstrates the importance of moral and social norm change towards personal accountability, as advocated by the low carbon performer celebrity type. Low carbon performers present a form of radical (behavioural) change that redefines the value and significance of consumption, including air travel (cf. Abernathy & Clark, 1985). Low carbon performers assume personal responsibility and accept sufficiency as part of the solution to reducing emissions, at a personal cost. This is of particular importance in the context of expectations that “people” do “something” (Boykoff et al., 2010: 7), and the relevance of social practice change. Low carbon performers change interrelated moral and social norms of climate actions that are socially or individually practicable, justifiable, acceptable, and desirable. As Morten et al. (2018: 303) indicate, individuals supporting reductions in flight activity, or who see this as an expectation by 9

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Table 5 Fuel consumption and emissions of celebrities, 2017. Individual André Schürrle Bill Gates Emma Watson Felix von der Laden Jennifer Lopez Karl Lagerfeld Mark Zuckerberg Meg Whitman Oprah Winfrey Paris Hilton

Total flight time (hours)*

Aircraft fuel use per hour (kg)

Fuel use total (t fuel)

Emissions (t CO2)

86 356 71 139 233 24 110 86 139 286

67.5 1453 67.5 67.5 1432 1400 1400 1400 1406 1400

5.8 517.3 4.8 9.4 333.7 33.6 154.0 120.4 195.4 400.4

18.3 1629.4 15.1 29.6 1051.0 105.8 485.1 379.3 615.6 1261.3

Table 6 Celebrities and their global outreach. Source: Celebrities' respective social media sites, December 2018. Celebrity

Followership (million) Facebook

André Schürrle Bill Gates Emma Watson Felix von der Laden Jennifer Lopez Karl Lagerfeld Mark Zuckerberg Meg Whitman Oprah Winfrey Paris Hilton

4.6 19.5 33.9 0.6 41.5 1.1 Undisclosed 0.2 11.8 7.5

Instagram

Twitter

3.2 2.5 49.2 2.4 83.0 4.8 4.9 < 0.1 15.3 9.8

2.0 46.0 28.9 2.1 43.7 1.5 0.5 0.2 41.7 17.2

their peer groups, are also likely to fly less. This is actually measurable in Sweden, where flight shame debates sparked by low carbon performers have caused domestic flight numbers to decline by up to 15% (comparing April 2018 to April 2019; Transportstyrelsen, 2019). These changes are also culturally significant. Since the inception of flight on a broader commercial basis in the 1960s, air travel has been associated with opportunity, and interpreted as a signifier of social standing (Urry, 2011). With the advent of low-cost carriers and social media, frequent flying became a strategy to create social and network capital even among less affluent groups in society (Gössling & Stavrinidi, 2016). This suggests a co-evolution of moral and social norms even with technology innovation and infrastructure expansion. Yet, these developments are currently challenged. As Fridays for Future has defined air travel as “morally relevant” (Markowitz & Shariff, 2012: 243), the organization is also probing the valence of travel motives against emerging moral and social norms. As evidenced by the associated phenomenon of “flying in secret”, air travel may already be considered a socially undesirable behaviour by some, and this comprises very different strata in society. For example, German Manager Magazin (2019) reports on the efforts of business leaders to align their personal lifestyles with corporate efforts to reduce emissions. A conclusion is that low carbon performer agency has great relevance for views on personal accountability and the future development of greenhouse gas emissions. However, as the majority of celebrities ignore climate change, it currently remains important to “hold the State, institutions and corporations accountable” (Boykoff et al., 2010: 9). Moral and social norms develop in complex environments, in which politics have a key role. Evidence suggests, for example, that climate change mitigation policies will encourage people to engage in additional efforts to reduce emissions (Choi, Gössling, & Ritchie, 2018). In other words, policies can also support moral and social norm change, and raise barriers for carbon boomers and philistines to ignore emissions and climate change. These results suggest that the struggle over moral and social norms is at the core of social practice change. They also show that views of production-based decarbonization should be replaced in favor of consumption-based perspectives that assign personal responsibility for contributions to climate change. Conclusions This paper studied contemporary struggles over moral and social norms regarding air travel, juxtaposing the perspectives of the growing Friday for Futures movement with the perspectives of celebrity agency types. Celebrities, as influential people, have great importance in shaping moral and social norms regarding acceptable and desirable forms of consumption. In this paper, four celebrity agency types are identified, i.e. the ‘carbon boomers’, who promote carbon-intense lifestyles; the ‘carbon’ philistines, who are oblivious to issues of climate change and lifestyle implications for emissions; the ‘climate change advocates’, who raise carbon awareness but continue to live highly carbon-intense lifestyles; and the low-carbon performers living lives without air travel. To understand the contributions made by celebrities to emissions of greenhouse gases in comparison to the four agency types, a 10

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new netnography-based methodology was developed to derive travel patterns from social media accounts of ten celebrities. Results confirm the very significant emissions caused by celebrities, and highlight the role of cultural, economic and political elites in contributing to climate change. They also confirm that moral and social norms of air travel as a desirable activity are presented to large audiences. In this situation, ‘low carbon performers’ as a new celebrity type avoiding flight represent an important social evolution, as they re-define norms regarding carbon-intense consumption while also demonstrating opportunities for practice change. Results should have bearing even in wider carbon governance contexts. Worldwide, climate policies have focused on the decarbonization of production. This ignores highly skewed contributions to emissions between individuals within countries, and the very significant contributions to global emissions made by celebrities and other cultural, economic, and political elites. As there is a growing class of affluent people, as well as populations aspiring to energy-intense lifestyles, celebrities question progress on mitigation while also shaping moral and social norms that oppose far-reaching climate policies. In this context it is important to bear in mind that aspirational lifestyles exist on very different scales. Politicians set social norms for voters; business leaders for employees; professors for students. Where these norms involve mobility, they will often be misaligned with societal goals for mitigation. It will be of interest to study these developments in greater detail, as they underlie society's ability to decarbonize economies, both through political means and behavioural change. Funding This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. Statement of contribution 1. What is the contribution to knowledge, theory, policy or practice offered by the paper? The paper makes a contribution to theory, in that it discusses the struggle over moral and social norms that have come into existence as a result of the global emergence of the Fridays for Future movement. Results have relevance for policy because they illustrate the vast differences in per capita contributions to global emissions and the contradictions arising out of production-oriented decarbonisation approaches. The paper also makes a methodological contribution, as it uses a netnographic approach to tracking mobility patterns; this is to interpret qualitative data volunteered on social media platforms to derive quantitative information. 2. How does the paper offer a social science perspective/approach? 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