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Chapter 4 Play, Sport and The Paratelic State
Progress in Reversal Theory M.J. Apter, J.H. Ken, M.P. Cowles (Editors) @ Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland), 1988
I7
cHAPTE3 4 PLAY, SPORT AND THE PARATELIC STATE
John H. Kerr
Nijenrode: Netherlands School of Business, The Netherlands
INTRODUCl'ION
With the growth and development of reversal theory, its theoretical concepts are being applied to an increasing number of areas of interest. This chapter is concerned with the continuing application of reversal theory to the context of play, games and sport. One of the best examples in the reversal theory literature of the relationship between sport and metamotivational state comes from Apter (1982:59), where he suggests that swimming is normally performed in the paratelic state of mind: "One's orientation is likely to be towards the pleasure of the behaviour in itself in the present, rather than towards a goal in some distant future. What one asks is to be able to enjoy performing a particular skill or skills. Furthermore, there is the pleasure that derives from the various sensations of diving and swimming: the feeling of release as one dives, the cool shock of hitting the water, the murky otherworldliness beneath the water, the sudden burst of noise and colour as one surfaces, and the sensation of being buoyed up. Then, as one swims, one experiences the feeling of surging movement, of water streaming over one's skin, and the impression of temporary escape from gravity and freedom to move in any direction. All these may be intense experiences of exactly the kind which are relished in the paratelic state." Here, the activity of swimming is concomitant with the lighthearted, not serious, playful behaviour associated with the paratelic system. Perhaps significantly, Murgatroyd (1981:231) directs us to the fully absorbing play of young children for a true example of paratelic behaviour. For them "time, place, identity all vanish in the concentrated attention of the moment".
4
m
Table 1. Classification of Games (Caillois 1961). I I
ALEA (CHANCE)
AGON (COMPETITION)
PAIDIA Tumult Agitation Immoderate laughter Kite-flying Solitaire Patience Crossword puzzles
A
Racing
Athletics Boxing, Billiards Fencing, Checkers Football, Chess Contests, Sports in general
Counting-out rhymes Heads or tails I I I I I
I I I
I I I
LUDUS I I
MIMICRY (SIMULATION)
Children's initiations Games of illusion Tag, Arms Masks, Disguises
Betting Roulette Simple, complex and continuing lotteries
Theater Spectacles in general
ILINX (VERTIGO)
Children "whirling" Horseback riding Swinging Waltzing
Volador Traveling carnivals Skiing Mountain climbing Tightrope walking
Play, Sport and the Paratelic State
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INTERPRETATIONS OF PLAY
The theoretical analysis of play has led to some notable contributions to its understanding, for example the work of Groos (1898; 1901) and Huizinga (1938) with his theory of play, conceived as free, nonserious activity separated from ordinary life and prescribed within certain boundaries. The bio-psychological view of Piaget (1951) considered play an essential element in child development, especially important in the establishment of sensory-motor relationships and language. Later, the approach of Berlyne (1960) suggested that play was an activity which had the capacity to increase environmental novelty and complexity. Utilising the notions of "arousal boost" and "arousal jag", play, with its exploratory or information-seeking nature, was seen as rewarding in itself. The apparent experiencing of pleasure by the individual during play was thought to be related to increases in arousal which previously had been at sub-optimal levels, or decreases in arousal back to the optimal level following an arousal jag. Berlyne's interpretation was based on an optimal arousal theory explanation of arousal, a theoretical view which is subsumed by reversal theory. (For a discussion see Apter 1982:83). This chapter, however, concentrates on the work of Caillois, relating the discussion to the paratelic concept from reversal theory. cAILu)IS' -AL
CATEGORIES AND PARATELIC BEEAVIOUR
In his important book Man, Play and Games, translated into English and published in 1961, Caillois sees play as "free, separate, uncertain, and unproductive, yet related to make-believe". His view is not restricted only to children's play but includes adult games, both physical and mental, and those requiring force, skill or reasoning. From an extensive collection of different types of games, he identifies four categories and, although originally each group was given a label from whichever language provided the most appropriate word, in the translation these groups have been given comparative English names. These categories, although described independently, can and do exist in combination and, indeed, numerous games are based on their capacity for association. Also, as can be seen from table 1, the activities in each category have been placed in a rank order to form a continuum. This continuum ranges from activities dominated by "turbulence", "free improvisation" and "carefree gaiety", designated "paidia", to activities disciplined and bound by "arbitrary, imperative and purposely tedious conventions" at the other end, designated "ludus". These are not additional categories of play but really ways of playing and warrant further discussion later. There follows a brief discussion of Caillois' categorisation of play and games which, when considered in the light of the behaviour we usually associate with the paratelic state, is particularly interesting. His first grouping is labelled "competition" and includes those games where equality of chance is artificially created and the rivalry takes place within defined limits and without outside assistance; in essence most legitimate competitive games and sports. The necessary
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qualities for participants include attention, appropriate training, application and usually a desire to win. It is here that the first link with the paratelic concept from reversal theory becomes apparent: "The institutionalisation of sport into different "games" with their own rule structures, techniques, venues and history provides a framework which, once entered into, provides a context which tends to induce the paratelic state in participants and spectators. The uncertainty of the outcome of a particular game, or of the moves which will take place within it, and the challenge of the struggle and the risks which may be taken, may then be enjoyed even if, as is the case with spectators, the experience is based only on empathy." Apter (1984:415). Caillois' second category, "chance", is largely concerned with gambling games. Here, success at dice or poker is based on decisions, independent of the player and over which he has no control. The player, who is relatively passive, must bet on the chance of luck and enjoy the thrill of expectation. Applying a reversal theory interpretation to the two categories cmpetition and chance, described above, it might be thought that the individual's behaviour is goal directed. However, where a goal does exist here, it is subordinate to the individual's behaviour which is still undertaken for its own sake. Although there is a goal, it serves to make the arousal and enjoyment of the behaviour more intense and perhaps more extended in time, thus contributing to the paratelic nature of the experience. According to reversal theory, the pursuit of high arousal as a form of sensation-seeking is often associated with paratelic behaviour: for example, Brown and Anderson (1983) have shown that gambling or games of chance incorporate these characteristics (see also Brown, this volume). Another common type of excitement-seeking behaviour is described by Apter (1982:122): "Overcoming the limitations of one's body would appear to raise arousal. Such limitations are so habitual that they can hardly be classified as frustrations. For example, escaping from, or overcoming the effect of, gravity plays a part in many exciting activities from children's play on swings and see-saws, to more equipment-oriented adult pursuits like flying, parachuting, hang-gliding, and mountaineering." (See also Kerr 1985; in press). There are very close similarities between this description and the grouping of games in Caillois' fourth category, described as "vertigo". Participants in these games are attracted by the confusion of balance and perception, sought after for its own sake, and resulting in pleasant feelings of what he describes as "voluptuous panic". These sensations are caused by physical movements, such as falling, being projected into space or accelerating, or stimulated for instance by the high speeds involved in skiing and motor cycle or car racing (e.g. Kerr,in press).
Play, Sport and the Paratelic State
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A good example of this type of play is the Eskimo children's game "Kaivaluk" reported by Glassford (1970). The game involves children taking turns at being spun on the ice; then, when they are too dizzy to carry on, they are replaced by another child. Clearly this Eskimo game is representative of the type of activity which falls in the "vertigo" category. By its very nature it is activity for its own sake. The children's participation in the game appears to have no real purpose or goal, except perhaps the excuse to experience the sensation intrinsic to the game. Turning to Caillois ' third category, termed "simulation" or "mimicry", it is obvious that here again there is a measure of alignment with behaviour thought to be usually undertaken whilst individuals are in the paratelic state of mind. Caillois suggests that the essential dimension here is that the individual makes believe, or makes others believe, that he is someone other than himself. Returning for an example to the realm of children's play, much of it is centred on the imitation of adults, on roleplaying, on dressing up and losing oneself in an imaginary world. This is precisely the type of characteristic common to play activities included in this category. Schwartzman (1982:30-31) describes a selection of her observations in a Chicago day care centre which serves to illustrate the point: "Linda comes over to the group carrying a paper crown that she has been coloring. She is also wearing a "dress-up" skirt and says that she is a "princess" and asks for a string to tie her skirt more securely. She goes over to the doll house mirror and admires and primps herself in front of it...Juan moves over to the side of the play group and stands very still pretending to be a "goldfish". Linda begins organizing activities now and says, "We need pillows and brooms". The group of girls get pillows and brooms from the doll house and then Linda says, "Karen, you're mother" and then changes her mind and says "No! We're all sisters - but the oldest sister does all the work". As she makes the statement she is the only one sweeping the floor with a broom . . . I ' In a similar manner to the "vertigo" grouping, the paratelic nature of these activities becomes apparent. The spontaneous, present-oriented, make-believe play engaged in by the children is another instance of behaviour for its own sake. It is here, examining the mimicry category, that the distinction between the play of children and adults becomes less definite. Similar adult examples would include dramatic masquerades, theatrical presentations and the identification with a performing group, team or champion that spectators often feel at sports events, performances or exhibitions. Equally, this is true for the reader who mimics the hero of the novel, or individuals who identify with film or pop music stars (see Caillois, 1971:25). Reversal theory also recognises the existence of this phenomenon. Apter (1984:415) suggests that these activities are in a sense cut off from reality, existing in their own "psychological space", allowing the
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problems of real life to be temporarily forgotten and the activity to be enjoyed as a paratelic experience. This is made possible by what in reversal theory are called "make-believe" or "cognitive" synergies, explained in greater detail in the next section. One must be careful here, however, because where activities from Caillois' mimicry or vertigo category are used for the purposes of competition or the entertainment of others, they may become telic. While the experience of the spectators is essentially paratelic, the nature of a theatrical or sports event for the performers may, under certain circumstances, change from a paratelic experience to a telic experience. Here the relationship between behaviour and goals takes on a different orientation. We return to this point later in the chapter. THE IMPORTANCE OF SYNERGIES
The relationship between mimicry and what are known in reversal theory as "cognitive synergies" is a very important one which should be explained in more detail. In the theory, cognitive synergy is said to occur when a given identity is experienced as having opposite or mutually exclusive characteristics, either successively or simultaneously. When the process of synergy occurs, the components work together in such a way that an effect is produced which is greater than those effects which could have been produced independently. Perhaps some examples will show how the process is essentially phenomenological rather than logical in nature, and how apparently incompatible properties combine, interacting and mutually enhancing each other. Caillois (1961) cites the example of a child who, whilst "playing train", refuses to kiss his father, saying that one does not embrace locomotives, but the child is not really trying to persuade his father that he is a real locomotive. The child is obviously aware of what is real and what is pretense at the same time. In a second example, he points out that the marquis, toreador or Indian in fancy dress at a carnival do not try to make people believe that they are real. They may, however, use the fact that the mask disguises their conventional selves and allows them the licence to instil fear or some other emotion in the onlookers. Referring to sport, Smith and Apter (1975:12) state: "The use of chance is often involved in the familiar-novel synergies such as sport: in all sports there are certain rules which provide a secure framework, but the behaviour within these rules, and the eventual outcome are unpredictable. I' Interestingly, Apter (1984) examines the role that synergies play in the arts and, amongst others, describes two examples similar to those chosen by Caillois. He goes on to identify a number of general synergy types which seem to manifest themselves regularly throughout the arts. These general synergy types include the "signifier/signified synergytt,the "empathy/alienation synergy", the "ambiguity synergy", the "metaphoric synergy" and the "structural synergy". For further
Play, Sport and the Paratelic State
a3
discussion of cognitive synergy in the arts the reader is directed to Apter (1984).
The framework conceptualised by Caillois, with its division of play into four categories, is a useful one. Clearly, the sports or play activities in each category, whether they are listed under competition, chance, simulation or vertigo, are typical of the types of examples often quoted in the reversal theory literature to illustrate behaviour in the paratelic state. A more detailed examination of Caillois' subdivision of the activities in each category along a continuum, from paidia to ludus, seems to reveal a further link with reversal theory. As might be expected, there are several contrasting features associated with either end of the continuum (see table 2). T a b l e 2. Contrasting characteristics of "paidia" and "ludus" based on the classification of Caillois (1961).
PAIDIA (TURBULENCE)
LUDUS
( RULES )
spontaneous manifestations of the play instinct
bound by the use of conventions techniques and utensils
impulsive and easy recreation e.g. scribbling, doodling or cutting paper into shreds with scissors
desire to invent rules and observe them e.g. hide and seek, blind man's buff, chain tag
includes the basic aspects of play: voluntary, agreed upon, isolated and regulated activity
refines paidia, disciplining and enriching it, providing the opportunity for training and skill acquisition
first manifestations are not of any order or distinctive symbolism, therefore they have no name
once conventions, techniques and utensils emerge, then games are recognisable and obtain labels: hopscotch, skipping, yo yo
Paidia activities, as described by Caillois, generally have no specific name, largely because the first manifestations are not of any order, distinctive symbolism, or clearly differentiated life and so any attempt to name them becomes rather difficult. Specifically, the activities are voluntary, agreed upon, separate and regulated. The impulsive and easy recreation of paidia activities, reflected as the spontaneous manifestations of the play instinct, often appear to be rather
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aimless. Examples might include such playful behaviour as scribbling or doodling on paper, cutting it up into shreds with scissors, or children's whirling or swinging games. On the other hand, ludus tends to be constrained by the use of conventions, techniques and utensils, and gives rise to a desire to invent rules which the players must then observe. Once conventions, special techniques or utensils become involved, the activities are much more recognisable and labelling occurs quite naturally. Think of children's games like hopscotch, or hide and seek and, even though the conventions and utensils are at a minimum, the label, and what it conjures up in the mind, are immediately recognisable. According to Caillois, ludus refines paidia, disciplining and enriching it and providing the opportunity for training and skill acquisition. Having pointed out the differences between paidia and ludus, their relationship with the four categories; competition, chance, simulation and vertigo, should also be clarified. Three of them; competition, chance and simulation, are most compatible with ludus. Closely compatible with paidia, and the link is rather obvious, is the fourth category, vertigo. Apter (1982:300), in talking about the relationship of play to the paratelic system, stated: "...nevertheless it can be assumed that play is more typically mediated by the paratelic than the telic system. Indeed, in its purest forms play seems to be an obvious expression of the functioning of the paratelic system." Now, from Cailloisl deliberations it would seem that paidia activities are the purest forms of play and in essence encapsulate the most fundamental workings of the paratelic system, (see table 3 ) . This is not to say that ludus activities are not paratelic; they are, but pinpointing the difference between ludus and paidia is perhaps best achieved by describing them as two different versions of the paratelic state. Indeed, this difference has been drawn out earlier: behaviour engaged in for its own sake, such as those activities categorised in Caillois' vertigo, and to a lesser extent mimicry activities, typifying one version, and activities in the competition and chance groups representative of the other. In the latter case, the presence of a goal is being used to intensify or prolong the paratelic experience. Smith (1987) defined this type of activity as being "teleform" in nature. The activity looks from the outside as if it is telic in that it is seemingly serious and there are clear goals which are being pursued, but which is ir, fact being undertaken by people in a paratelic state who are using these seemingly telic features to enhance the fun. As Caillois (1971:30), when referring to ludus activities stated: "...the pleasure experienced in solving a problem arbitrarily designed for this purpose also intervenes, so that reaching a solution has no other goal than personal satisfaction for its own sake."
Play, Sport and the Paratelic State
85
T a b l e 3. The characteristics of the paratelic state and paidia activities (from Apter, 1982 and Caillois, 1961).
PARATELIC no essential goals freely chosen goals avoidable goals pro active behaviour oriented process oriented attempts to prolong activity
PAIDIA
impromptu and unruly character essential reason for its existence active disordered agitation
present oriented sufficient unto itself spontaneous pleasure of immediate sensation low significance preferred
spontaneous manifestations tumultuous and impulsive exuberance pleasant
synergies sought make-believe prevalent high arousal preferred high intensity preferred
make-believe uncontrolled fantasy readily carried to excess
"Paradoxically, the paratelic state often produces results that elude the most telic individual.I' (Murgatroyd, 1983:233)
immediate
unproductive
One would hope that the arguments presented here provide increased support for the connection between play, games and sport and the paratelic system. However, some caution is required because, as mentioned earlier, paratelic behaviour can become concerned with goal-oriented behaviour characteristic of telic thinking. PLAY, GAHES AND SPORT: TELIC ORIKNTATION
Under paratelic conditions, behaviour is undertaken for its own sake and, if there is a goal involved, then its purpose is to intensify or prolong the paratelic experience. It is possible, even within sports and games, for behaviour to acquire a telic reorientation and to take place for the sake of some particular goal. For instance, Fontana (1981:232) warns us about the attitude that prevails in many schools with respect to play and organised games. He points out how the association between play, physical activity, games and paratelic behaviour can be threatened under certain circumstances. Fontana states that:
JH.Kerr
86
I'Play, even the play of the under-sevens must have a purpose, must be carried out for some definable educational end rather than for the sheer delight the child derives from it. And worse is to come as the child grows older and takes part in school games. Games it seems, only obtained a place in the school curriculum because it was held they were educational. They "built character" they taught how to win and lose graciously, they helped produce the healthy mind in the healthy body. As a consequence of this telic emphasis, we find that the level of performance becomes more important than simple participation, that training becomes more important than enjoyment, competition more important than cooperation, the prestige of the school in the eyes of others more important than the well-being of its own members." The inclusion of this rather long quote is made without apology, for it sums up the state of affairs in many schools so accurately. Another example is provided by professional sport. Often the outcome becomes more important than the game, or some aspect of selfesteem is involved prior to or during the competition. These are situations where a reorientation is likely. Kerr (1987) has shown that professional sportsmen scored significantly higher on telic dominance than "serious amateur" or "recreational" sports performers. The results of this study suggest that, although in general participation in sport is considered to be a paratelic activity, professional sport from which the participants earn a living is likely to be a much more serious, telic oriented activity and provide support for Apter's arguments: "This is certainly likely to be the case with professional sportsmen whose very livelihood depends on their success, but it may also be true of amateurs who take their sport seriously." (Apter, 1982:61; see also Apter, 1984:8). Relevant to this paper and paralleling the possible reorientation of the paratelic experience of organised sport, similar reorientations in gambling or games of chance can also occur. Under particular circumstances where, for example, the stakes are high, a similar change in the relationship between goals and behaviour could be precipitated. If a reorientation does occur then the paratelic experience, characterised by high arousal and positive hedonic tone, becomes a telic experience characterised by unpleasant anxiety (see Brown, this volume). CONCLUSION
It has been the purpose of this chapter to underline the connection between Caillois' theoretical analysis of play and reversal theory. More specifically, the contents have concentrated on the categorisation of play activities by Caillois into four individual categories, and how each of these categories is linked to the paratelic concept from reversal theory. By drawing out the common ideas and similar notions encapsulated in the two theoretical views, the intention has been to highlight the value of the rather more recent, innovative approach of reversal theory. This comparison has meant that other equally
Play, Sport and the Paratelic State
87
useful theoretical views of play have been ignored or just mentioned in passing. This is regrettable. As far as reversal theory and the study of play is concerned, future work examining its relationship to the analysis of Huizinga (1950) or the phenomenon of bipolarity in play theories, identified by Sutton-Smith (1982), could prove productive. REFERENCES
Apter, M.J. (1982). The experience of motivation: the theory of psychological reversals. London & New York: Academic Press. Apter, M.J. (1984). Reversal theory, cognitive synergy and the arts. In: W.R. Crozier L A.J. Chapman (Eds.), Cognitive processes in the perception of art. Amsterdam: North-Holland. Berlyne, D.E. (1960). Conflict, arousal and curiosity. New York: McGraw Hill. Brown, R.I.F. L Anderson, G. (1983). Arousal and sensation seeking in real and laboratory gambling. Paper presented at the International Symposium on Reversal Theory organised by the Welsh Branch, British Psychological Society. Gregynog Hall, Powys, Wales, September 2-4th. Caillois, R. (1961).Han, play and games. New York: The Free Press. Caillois, R., (1971). The classification of games. In: E. Dunning (Ed.), The S0ciOlogy of sport. A selection of readings. London: F. Cass and Co. Ltd. Fontana, D. (1981). Reversal theory, the paratelic state, and Zen. European Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 15, 229-236. Glassford, R.G. (1970). Application of a theory of games to the transitional Eskimo culture. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Illinois, U.S.A. Groos, K. (1898). The play of animals. New York: Appleton. Groos, K. (1901). The play of man. London: Heineman. Huizinga, J. (1950). H o m ludens. A study of the play element in culture. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Kerr, J.H. (1985). A new perspective for sports psychology. In: M.J. Apter, D. Fontana and S. Murgatroyd (Eds.), Reversal theory: applications and developwnts. Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press L New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum. Kerr, J.H. (1987) Differences in the motivational characteristics of "professional", "serious amateur" and "recreational" sports performers. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 64, 379-382. Kerr, J.H. (in press). Speed sports: the search for high arousal experiences. Sportsvissenschaft. Murgatroyd, S. (1983). The validity of the Telic Dominance Scale. Paper presented at the International Symposium on Reversal Theory organised by the Welsh Branch, British Psychological Society. Gregynog Hall, Powys, Wales, September 2-4th. Piaget, J . (1951). Play, dreams and imitation in childhood. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Schwartzman, H.B. (1982) Play and metaphor. In: J . Loy (Ed.), The paradoxes of play. (pp. 25-33). New York: Leisure Press. Smith, K.C.P. & Apter M.J. (1975). A theory of psychological reversals. Chippenham, U.K.: Picton Publishing.
.
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Smith, K.C.P., (1987). Winning and losing: a reversal theory of sport. Paper presented at the International Conference on Reversal Theory, Nijenrode, Netherlands School of Business, The Netherlands, June 30th-July 3rd. Sutton-Smith, B. (1982). The phenomenon of bipolarity in the play theories. Paper presented at the Commonwealth Conference on Sport, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance. Socio-Historical Perspectives, 9.
I7
cHAPTE3 4 PLAY, SPORT AND THE PARATELIC STATE
John H. Kerr
Nijenrode: Netherlands School of Business, The Netherlands
INTRODUCl'ION
With the growth and development of reversal theory, its theoretical concepts are being applied to an increasing number of areas of interest. This chapter is concerned with the continuing application of reversal theory to the context of play, games and sport. One of the best examples in the reversal theory literature of the relationship between sport and metamotivational state comes from Apter (1982:59), where he suggests that swimming is normally performed in the paratelic state of mind: "One's orientation is likely to be towards the pleasure of the behaviour in itself in the present, rather than towards a goal in some distant future. What one asks is to be able to enjoy performing a particular skill or skills. Furthermore, there is the pleasure that derives from the various sensations of diving and swimming: the feeling of release as one dives, the cool shock of hitting the water, the murky otherworldliness beneath the water, the sudden burst of noise and colour as one surfaces, and the sensation of being buoyed up. Then, as one swims, one experiences the feeling of surging movement, of water streaming over one's skin, and the impression of temporary escape from gravity and freedom to move in any direction. All these may be intense experiences of exactly the kind which are relished in the paratelic state." Here, the activity of swimming is concomitant with the lighthearted, not serious, playful behaviour associated with the paratelic system. Perhaps significantly, Murgatroyd (1981:231) directs us to the fully absorbing play of young children for a true example of paratelic behaviour. For them "time, place, identity all vanish in the concentrated attention of the moment".
4
m
Table 1. Classification of Games (Caillois 1961). I I
ALEA (CHANCE)
AGON (COMPETITION)
PAIDIA Tumult Agitation Immoderate laughter Kite-flying Solitaire Patience Crossword puzzles
A
Racing
Athletics Boxing, Billiards Fencing, Checkers Football, Chess Contests, Sports in general
Counting-out rhymes Heads or tails I I I I I
I I I
I I I
LUDUS I I
MIMICRY (SIMULATION)
Children's initiations Games of illusion Tag, Arms Masks, Disguises
Betting Roulette Simple, complex and continuing lotteries
Theater Spectacles in general
ILINX (VERTIGO)
Children "whirling" Horseback riding Swinging Waltzing
Volador Traveling carnivals Skiing Mountain climbing Tightrope walking
Play, Sport and the Paratelic State
79
INTERPRETATIONS OF PLAY
The theoretical analysis of play has led to some notable contributions to its understanding, for example the work of Groos (1898; 1901) and Huizinga (1938) with his theory of play, conceived as free, nonserious activity separated from ordinary life and prescribed within certain boundaries. The bio-psychological view of Piaget (1951) considered play an essential element in child development, especially important in the establishment of sensory-motor relationships and language. Later, the approach of Berlyne (1960) suggested that play was an activity which had the capacity to increase environmental novelty and complexity. Utilising the notions of "arousal boost" and "arousal jag", play, with its exploratory or information-seeking nature, was seen as rewarding in itself. The apparent experiencing of pleasure by the individual during play was thought to be related to increases in arousal which previously had been at sub-optimal levels, or decreases in arousal back to the optimal level following an arousal jag. Berlyne's interpretation was based on an optimal arousal theory explanation of arousal, a theoretical view which is subsumed by reversal theory. (For a discussion see Apter 1982:83). This chapter, however, concentrates on the work of Caillois, relating the discussion to the paratelic concept from reversal theory. cAILu)IS' -AL
CATEGORIES AND PARATELIC BEEAVIOUR
In his important book Man, Play and Games, translated into English and published in 1961, Caillois sees play as "free, separate, uncertain, and unproductive, yet related to make-believe". His view is not restricted only to children's play but includes adult games, both physical and mental, and those requiring force, skill or reasoning. From an extensive collection of different types of games, he identifies four categories and, although originally each group was given a label from whichever language provided the most appropriate word, in the translation these groups have been given comparative English names. These categories, although described independently, can and do exist in combination and, indeed, numerous games are based on their capacity for association. Also, as can be seen from table 1, the activities in each category have been placed in a rank order to form a continuum. This continuum ranges from activities dominated by "turbulence", "free improvisation" and "carefree gaiety", designated "paidia", to activities disciplined and bound by "arbitrary, imperative and purposely tedious conventions" at the other end, designated "ludus". These are not additional categories of play but really ways of playing and warrant further discussion later. There follows a brief discussion of Caillois' categorisation of play and games which, when considered in the light of the behaviour we usually associate with the paratelic state, is particularly interesting. His first grouping is labelled "competition" and includes those games where equality of chance is artificially created and the rivalry takes place within defined limits and without outside assistance; in essence most legitimate competitive games and sports. The necessary
80
J.H.Ken
qualities for participants include attention, appropriate training, application and usually a desire to win. It is here that the first link with the paratelic concept from reversal theory becomes apparent: "The institutionalisation of sport into different "games" with their own rule structures, techniques, venues and history provides a framework which, once entered into, provides a context which tends to induce the paratelic state in participants and spectators. The uncertainty of the outcome of a particular game, or of the moves which will take place within it, and the challenge of the struggle and the risks which may be taken, may then be enjoyed even if, as is the case with spectators, the experience is based only on empathy." Apter (1984:415). Caillois' second category, "chance", is largely concerned with gambling games. Here, success at dice or poker is based on decisions, independent of the player and over which he has no control. The player, who is relatively passive, must bet on the chance of luck and enjoy the thrill of expectation. Applying a reversal theory interpretation to the two categories cmpetition and chance, described above, it might be thought that the individual's behaviour is goal directed. However, where a goal does exist here, it is subordinate to the individual's behaviour which is still undertaken for its own sake. Although there is a goal, it serves to make the arousal and enjoyment of the behaviour more intense and perhaps more extended in time, thus contributing to the paratelic nature of the experience. According to reversal theory, the pursuit of high arousal as a form of sensation-seeking is often associated with paratelic behaviour: for example, Brown and Anderson (1983) have shown that gambling or games of chance incorporate these characteristics (see also Brown, this volume). Another common type of excitement-seeking behaviour is described by Apter (1982:122): "Overcoming the limitations of one's body would appear to raise arousal. Such limitations are so habitual that they can hardly be classified as frustrations. For example, escaping from, or overcoming the effect of, gravity plays a part in many exciting activities from children's play on swings and see-saws, to more equipment-oriented adult pursuits like flying, parachuting, hang-gliding, and mountaineering." (See also Kerr 1985; in press). There are very close similarities between this description and the grouping of games in Caillois' fourth category, described as "vertigo". Participants in these games are attracted by the confusion of balance and perception, sought after for its own sake, and resulting in pleasant feelings of what he describes as "voluptuous panic". These sensations are caused by physical movements, such as falling, being projected into space or accelerating, or stimulated for instance by the high speeds involved in skiing and motor cycle or car racing (e.g. Kerr,in press).
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A good example of this type of play is the Eskimo children's game "Kaivaluk" reported by Glassford (1970). The game involves children taking turns at being spun on the ice; then, when they are too dizzy to carry on, they are replaced by another child. Clearly this Eskimo game is representative of the type of activity which falls in the "vertigo" category. By its very nature it is activity for its own sake. The children's participation in the game appears to have no real purpose or goal, except perhaps the excuse to experience the sensation intrinsic to the game. Turning to Caillois ' third category, termed "simulation" or "mimicry", it is obvious that here again there is a measure of alignment with behaviour thought to be usually undertaken whilst individuals are in the paratelic state of mind. Caillois suggests that the essential dimension here is that the individual makes believe, or makes others believe, that he is someone other than himself. Returning for an example to the realm of children's play, much of it is centred on the imitation of adults, on roleplaying, on dressing up and losing oneself in an imaginary world. This is precisely the type of characteristic common to play activities included in this category. Schwartzman (1982:30-31) describes a selection of her observations in a Chicago day care centre which serves to illustrate the point: "Linda comes over to the group carrying a paper crown that she has been coloring. She is also wearing a "dress-up" skirt and says that she is a "princess" and asks for a string to tie her skirt more securely. She goes over to the doll house mirror and admires and primps herself in front of it...Juan moves over to the side of the play group and stands very still pretending to be a "goldfish". Linda begins organizing activities now and says, "We need pillows and brooms". The group of girls get pillows and brooms from the doll house and then Linda says, "Karen, you're mother" and then changes her mind and says "No! We're all sisters - but the oldest sister does all the work". As she makes the statement she is the only one sweeping the floor with a broom . . . I ' In a similar manner to the "vertigo" grouping, the paratelic nature of these activities becomes apparent. The spontaneous, present-oriented, make-believe play engaged in by the children is another instance of behaviour for its own sake. It is here, examining the mimicry category, that the distinction between the play of children and adults becomes less definite. Similar adult examples would include dramatic masquerades, theatrical presentations and the identification with a performing group, team or champion that spectators often feel at sports events, performances or exhibitions. Equally, this is true for the reader who mimics the hero of the novel, or individuals who identify with film or pop music stars (see Caillois, 1971:25). Reversal theory also recognises the existence of this phenomenon. Apter (1984:415) suggests that these activities are in a sense cut off from reality, existing in their own "psychological space", allowing the
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problems of real life to be temporarily forgotten and the activity to be enjoyed as a paratelic experience. This is made possible by what in reversal theory are called "make-believe" or "cognitive" synergies, explained in greater detail in the next section. One must be careful here, however, because where activities from Caillois' mimicry or vertigo category are used for the purposes of competition or the entertainment of others, they may become telic. While the experience of the spectators is essentially paratelic, the nature of a theatrical or sports event for the performers may, under certain circumstances, change from a paratelic experience to a telic experience. Here the relationship between behaviour and goals takes on a different orientation. We return to this point later in the chapter. THE IMPORTANCE OF SYNERGIES
The relationship between mimicry and what are known in reversal theory as "cognitive synergies" is a very important one which should be explained in more detail. In the theory, cognitive synergy is said to occur when a given identity is experienced as having opposite or mutually exclusive characteristics, either successively or simultaneously. When the process of synergy occurs, the components work together in such a way that an effect is produced which is greater than those effects which could have been produced independently. Perhaps some examples will show how the process is essentially phenomenological rather than logical in nature, and how apparently incompatible properties combine, interacting and mutually enhancing each other. Caillois (1961) cites the example of a child who, whilst "playing train", refuses to kiss his father, saying that one does not embrace locomotives, but the child is not really trying to persuade his father that he is a real locomotive. The child is obviously aware of what is real and what is pretense at the same time. In a second example, he points out that the marquis, toreador or Indian in fancy dress at a carnival do not try to make people believe that they are real. They may, however, use the fact that the mask disguises their conventional selves and allows them the licence to instil fear or some other emotion in the onlookers. Referring to sport, Smith and Apter (1975:12) state: "The use of chance is often involved in the familiar-novel synergies such as sport: in all sports there are certain rules which provide a secure framework, but the behaviour within these rules, and the eventual outcome are unpredictable. I' Interestingly, Apter (1984) examines the role that synergies play in the arts and, amongst others, describes two examples similar to those chosen by Caillois. He goes on to identify a number of general synergy types which seem to manifest themselves regularly throughout the arts. These general synergy types include the "signifier/signified synergytt,the "empathy/alienation synergy", the "ambiguity synergy", the "metaphoric synergy" and the "structural synergy". For further
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discussion of cognitive synergy in the arts the reader is directed to Apter (1984).
The framework conceptualised by Caillois, with its division of play into four categories, is a useful one. Clearly, the sports or play activities in each category, whether they are listed under competition, chance, simulation or vertigo, are typical of the types of examples often quoted in the reversal theory literature to illustrate behaviour in the paratelic state. A more detailed examination of Caillois' subdivision of the activities in each category along a continuum, from paidia to ludus, seems to reveal a further link with reversal theory. As might be expected, there are several contrasting features associated with either end of the continuum (see table 2). T a b l e 2. Contrasting characteristics of "paidia" and "ludus" based on the classification of Caillois (1961).
PAIDIA (TURBULENCE)
LUDUS
( RULES )
spontaneous manifestations of the play instinct
bound by the use of conventions techniques and utensils
impulsive and easy recreation e.g. scribbling, doodling or cutting paper into shreds with scissors
desire to invent rules and observe them e.g. hide and seek, blind man's buff, chain tag
includes the basic aspects of play: voluntary, agreed upon, isolated and regulated activity
refines paidia, disciplining and enriching it, providing the opportunity for training and skill acquisition
first manifestations are not of any order or distinctive symbolism, therefore they have no name
once conventions, techniques and utensils emerge, then games are recognisable and obtain labels: hopscotch, skipping, yo yo
Paidia activities, as described by Caillois, generally have no specific name, largely because the first manifestations are not of any order, distinctive symbolism, or clearly differentiated life and so any attempt to name them becomes rather difficult. Specifically, the activities are voluntary, agreed upon, separate and regulated. The impulsive and easy recreation of paidia activities, reflected as the spontaneous manifestations of the play instinct, often appear to be rather
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aimless. Examples might include such playful behaviour as scribbling or doodling on paper, cutting it up into shreds with scissors, or children's whirling or swinging games. On the other hand, ludus tends to be constrained by the use of conventions, techniques and utensils, and gives rise to a desire to invent rules which the players must then observe. Once conventions, special techniques or utensils become involved, the activities are much more recognisable and labelling occurs quite naturally. Think of children's games like hopscotch, or hide and seek and, even though the conventions and utensils are at a minimum, the label, and what it conjures up in the mind, are immediately recognisable. According to Caillois, ludus refines paidia, disciplining and enriching it and providing the opportunity for training and skill acquisition. Having pointed out the differences between paidia and ludus, their relationship with the four categories; competition, chance, simulation and vertigo, should also be clarified. Three of them; competition, chance and simulation, are most compatible with ludus. Closely compatible with paidia, and the link is rather obvious, is the fourth category, vertigo. Apter (1982:300), in talking about the relationship of play to the paratelic system, stated: "...nevertheless it can be assumed that play is more typically mediated by the paratelic than the telic system. Indeed, in its purest forms play seems to be an obvious expression of the functioning of the paratelic system." Now, from Cailloisl deliberations it would seem that paidia activities are the purest forms of play and in essence encapsulate the most fundamental workings of the paratelic system, (see table 3 ) . This is not to say that ludus activities are not paratelic; they are, but pinpointing the difference between ludus and paidia is perhaps best achieved by describing them as two different versions of the paratelic state. Indeed, this difference has been drawn out earlier: behaviour engaged in for its own sake, such as those activities categorised in Caillois' vertigo, and to a lesser extent mimicry activities, typifying one version, and activities in the competition and chance groups representative of the other. In the latter case, the presence of a goal is being used to intensify or prolong the paratelic experience. Smith (1987) defined this type of activity as being "teleform" in nature. The activity looks from the outside as if it is telic in that it is seemingly serious and there are clear goals which are being pursued, but which is ir, fact being undertaken by people in a paratelic state who are using these seemingly telic features to enhance the fun. As Caillois (1971:30), when referring to ludus activities stated: "...the pleasure experienced in solving a problem arbitrarily designed for this purpose also intervenes, so that reaching a solution has no other goal than personal satisfaction for its own sake."
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T a b l e 3. The characteristics of the paratelic state and paidia activities (from Apter, 1982 and Caillois, 1961).
PARATELIC no essential goals freely chosen goals avoidable goals pro active behaviour oriented process oriented attempts to prolong activity
PAIDIA
impromptu and unruly character essential reason for its existence active disordered agitation
present oriented sufficient unto itself spontaneous pleasure of immediate sensation low significance preferred
spontaneous manifestations tumultuous and impulsive exuberance pleasant
synergies sought make-believe prevalent high arousal preferred high intensity preferred
make-believe uncontrolled fantasy readily carried to excess
"Paradoxically, the paratelic state often produces results that elude the most telic individual.I' (Murgatroyd, 1983:233)
immediate
unproductive
One would hope that the arguments presented here provide increased support for the connection between play, games and sport and the paratelic system. However, some caution is required because, as mentioned earlier, paratelic behaviour can become concerned with goal-oriented behaviour characteristic of telic thinking. PLAY, GAHES AND SPORT: TELIC ORIKNTATION
Under paratelic conditions, behaviour is undertaken for its own sake and, if there is a goal involved, then its purpose is to intensify or prolong the paratelic experience. It is possible, even within sports and games, for behaviour to acquire a telic reorientation and to take place for the sake of some particular goal. For instance, Fontana (1981:232) warns us about the attitude that prevails in many schools with respect to play and organised games. He points out how the association between play, physical activity, games and paratelic behaviour can be threatened under certain circumstances. Fontana states that:
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I'Play, even the play of the under-sevens must have a purpose, must be carried out for some definable educational end rather than for the sheer delight the child derives from it. And worse is to come as the child grows older and takes part in school games. Games it seems, only obtained a place in the school curriculum because it was held they were educational. They "built character" they taught how to win and lose graciously, they helped produce the healthy mind in the healthy body. As a consequence of this telic emphasis, we find that the level of performance becomes more important than simple participation, that training becomes more important than enjoyment, competition more important than cooperation, the prestige of the school in the eyes of others more important than the well-being of its own members." The inclusion of this rather long quote is made without apology, for it sums up the state of affairs in many schools so accurately. Another example is provided by professional sport. Often the outcome becomes more important than the game, or some aspect of selfesteem is involved prior to or during the competition. These are situations where a reorientation is likely. Kerr (1987) has shown that professional sportsmen scored significantly higher on telic dominance than "serious amateur" or "recreational" sports performers. The results of this study suggest that, although in general participation in sport is considered to be a paratelic activity, professional sport from which the participants earn a living is likely to be a much more serious, telic oriented activity and provide support for Apter's arguments: "This is certainly likely to be the case with professional sportsmen whose very livelihood depends on their success, but it may also be true of amateurs who take their sport seriously." (Apter, 1982:61; see also Apter, 1984:8). Relevant to this paper and paralleling the possible reorientation of the paratelic experience of organised sport, similar reorientations in gambling or games of chance can also occur. Under particular circumstances where, for example, the stakes are high, a similar change in the relationship between goals and behaviour could be precipitated. If a reorientation does occur then the paratelic experience, characterised by high arousal and positive hedonic tone, becomes a telic experience characterised by unpleasant anxiety (see Brown, this volume). CONCLUSION
It has been the purpose of this chapter to underline the connection between Caillois' theoretical analysis of play and reversal theory. More specifically, the contents have concentrated on the categorisation of play activities by Caillois into four individual categories, and how each of these categories is linked to the paratelic concept from reversal theory. By drawing out the common ideas and similar notions encapsulated in the two theoretical views, the intention has been to highlight the value of the rather more recent, innovative approach of reversal theory. This comparison has meant that other equally
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useful theoretical views of play have been ignored or just mentioned in passing. This is regrettable. As far as reversal theory and the study of play is concerned, future work examining its relationship to the analysis of Huizinga (1950) or the phenomenon of bipolarity in play theories, identified by Sutton-Smith (1982), could prove productive. REFERENCES
Apter, M.J. (1982). The experience of motivation: the theory of psychological reversals. London & New York: Academic Press. Apter, M.J. (1984). Reversal theory, cognitive synergy and the arts. In: W.R. Crozier L A.J. Chapman (Eds.), Cognitive processes in the perception of art. Amsterdam: North-Holland. Berlyne, D.E. (1960). Conflict, arousal and curiosity. New York: McGraw Hill. Brown, R.I.F. L Anderson, G. (1983). Arousal and sensation seeking in real and laboratory gambling. Paper presented at the International Symposium on Reversal Theory organised by the Welsh Branch, British Psychological Society. Gregynog Hall, Powys, Wales, September 2-4th. Caillois, R. (1961).Han, play and games. New York: The Free Press. Caillois, R., (1971). The classification of games. In: E. Dunning (Ed.), The S0ciOlogy of sport. A selection of readings. London: F. Cass and Co. Ltd. Fontana, D. (1981). Reversal theory, the paratelic state, and Zen. European Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 15, 229-236. Glassford, R.G. (1970). Application of a theory of games to the transitional Eskimo culture. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Illinois, U.S.A. Groos, K. (1898). The play of animals. New York: Appleton. Groos, K. (1901). The play of man. London: Heineman. Huizinga, J. (1950). H o m ludens. A study of the play element in culture. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Kerr, J.H. (1985). A new perspective for sports psychology. In: M.J. Apter, D. Fontana and S. Murgatroyd (Eds.), Reversal theory: applications and developwnts. Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press L New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum. Kerr, J.H. (1987) Differences in the motivational characteristics of "professional", "serious amateur" and "recreational" sports performers. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 64, 379-382. Kerr, J.H. (in press). Speed sports: the search for high arousal experiences. Sportsvissenschaft. Murgatroyd, S. (1983). The validity of the Telic Dominance Scale. Paper presented at the International Symposium on Reversal Theory organised by the Welsh Branch, British Psychological Society. Gregynog Hall, Powys, Wales, September 2-4th. Piaget, J . (1951). Play, dreams and imitation in childhood. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Schwartzman, H.B. (1982) Play and metaphor. In: J . Loy (Ed.), The paradoxes of play. (pp. 25-33). New York: Leisure Press. Smith, K.C.P. & Apter M.J. (1975). A theory of psychological reversals. Chippenham, U.K.: Picton Publishing.
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Smith, K.C.P., (1987). Winning and losing: a reversal theory of sport. Paper presented at the International Conference on Reversal Theory, Nijenrode, Netherlands School of Business, The Netherlands, June 30th-July 3rd. Sutton-Smith, B. (1982). The phenomenon of bipolarity in the play theories. Paper presented at the Commonwealth Conference on Sport, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance. Socio-Historical Perspectives, 9.