Characteristics and social impact of the use of social media by Chinese Dama

Accepted Manuscript Characteristics and Social Impact of the Use of Social Media by Chinese Dama Qin Li PII: DOI: Reference:

S0736-5853(16)30289-1 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2016.05.020 TELE 824

To appear in:

Telematics and Informatics

Received Date: Revised Date: Accepted Date:

30 September 2015 31 March 2016 5 May 2016

Please cite this article as: Li, Q., Characteristics and Social Impact of the Use of Social Media by Chinese Dama, Telematics and Informatics (2016), doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2016.05.020

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Running head: CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA BY CHINESE DAMA

Characteristics and Social Impact of the Use of Social Media by Chinese Dama Qin Li Renmin University of China

Author Note Qin Li, School of Journalism and Communication, Renmin University of China

Correspondence concerning this article should be address to Qin Li, School of Journalism and Communication, Renmin University of China, No. 59, Zhongguancun St., Haidan Dist., Beijing, P.R.China 100872. Email: [email protected]

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CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA BY CHINESE DAMA

Abstract Against the backdrop of broader social changes, social media has developed rapidly in China, which has pushed the transition of the media environment from a traditional authority-dominated one to a modern media society. In particular, the use of social media by Chinese Dama can be perceived as an exemplar of media-driven social change. ‘Chinese Dama’ is a buzzword coined in tandem with the development of social media since 2013. This term represents a particular group of middle-aged Chinese women who reflect a distinctive social phenomenon in China. It is noteworthy that a growing number of Chinese Dama are learning to use social media and have established thousands of social media communities, exerting significant influence on the wider media and social environment. This study focuses on the major changes undergone by Dama, transitioning from being passively covered by media to becoming active users of social media, and this research analyzes the motivations and hallmarks of their social media activity. Although the use of social media by Chinese Dama, the traditional nucleus of Chinese society, has contributed to narrowing the digital divide and resulted in the Dama’s gaining more discourse power and ushered in new diverse lifestyles, we argue that the Dama also exert a far-reaching positive and negative influence on society, pushing for the modernization transformation of the Chinese society.

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Keywords: Chinese Dama; Social Media; Social Change; Discourse Power; Digital Divide; Life Style

CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA BY CHINESE DAMA

1. Introduction Chinese Dama is a buzzword coined in tandem with the development of network media, especially social media, which have been a force in China since 2013. The Dama represent a particular group of middle aged Chinese women, who reflect a distinctive social phenomenon at this stage of development in China. Once overlooked by the media, Chinese Dama entered the spotlight after they rushed to buy gold as global prices plunged. At the time, the Chinese Dama appeared to be merely the target of commentary without a voice of their own. It is noteworthy that a growing number of Chinese Dama are learning to use social media and have established thousands of social media communities. The dramatic change from being passively covered by the media to actively using social media reflects the tremendous change brought about in Chinese society by social media. Why and how do Chinese Dama use social media? Once the silent majority in

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China, can this special social group make their voice heard via social media? Based on the discourse power theoretical framework, this study mainly relies on data analysis and focus group interviews to examine the motivations driving Chinese Dama to use social media, how they make use of social media, the major characteristics of their use and the social influence and future significance that their use of new media has on society at large.

2. Literature Review 2.1.The emergence and meaning of“Chinese Dama” 2.1.1. Emergence of the words. The term “Chinese Dama” was coined in 2013, when it gained great traction on mainstream social media. The term can be traced back to the Chinese bestseller Currency War, in which the author Song Hongbing mentions the “gold rush” of Chinese Dama (Song, 2007);however, it was on Jan. 23, 2013, when the Wall Street Journal published an article titled “China’s Consumers Show Growing Influence in Gold Market- Country’s Rising Appetite for Bling Boosts Market for Yellow Metal”(Yap,2013), that the Chinese Dama aroused worldwide attention. The transliteration of Dama appeared in the article and was used to refer to middle aged Chinese women who “rush to purchase” gold. Chinese social media showed great enthusiasm for the Wall Street Journal’s reference by sharing the article online. The term Chinese Dama is also frequently used in Chinese print and online media. Chinese Dama was listed on the 2013 list of

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Spring-Summer China Mainstream Newspaper Buzzwords under the economic category. The list is released by the National Language Resources Monitoring and Research Center of China Language and Culture University (People's Daily Overseas Edition, 2013). On another list jointly released by the center and other media, Chinese Dama was ranked among the Top 10 Cyber Words of 2013 (China Publishing Journal, 2014). 2.1.2.The original meaning and new connotation of Chinese Dama. Chinese Dama has no authoritative definition, with various fields of research offering their own explanations. Traditionally in Chinese, Dama is defined as: 1. Auntie; 2.A term of respect for elderly women (Dama, 2015). Compared with aunt, Dama is used for older women. Calling someone Dama can be both more affectionate and also indicate old age and a lack understanding of contemporary fashion and culture. Since 2013, however, Chinese Dama has become a fixed term and taken on new meaning. Chinese Dama originally referred to Chinese middle-aged women who create purchasing surges. According to Wikipedia: “Chinese Dama refers to a group of Chinese middle-aged women who rushed to purchase gold as an investment in the year 2013 when the gold price plunged greatly”(Chinese_Dama, 2015). When released as one of the Top 10 Cyber Words of 2013, it was defined as “a group of Chinese female consumers featuring rising financial awareness, strong demand for investment but no professional knowledge. The purchasing of gold by Chinese Dama resulted in the biggest one-day gain in the price of gold in 2013. However, as the price of gold fell at

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the

end

of the

year,

Chinese

Dama

suffered

great losses from their

investment”(International Financial News, 2013). Today, the meaning of Chinese Dama has become generalized and is used in a broader context. For example, “After gold fever cools down, Chinese Dama catch the emerald fever,”“Chinese Dama rush to buy houses overseas” and “noisy square dance of Chinese Dama invite US police officers” are just a few pertinent media headlines(He,2013;

Zhu,2014;Sha,2014;

Textile

Apparel

Weekly,2015).

The

popularity of the term even helped boost the sales of Chinese Lao Gan Ma Chili Sauce, as the primary meaning of the brand name “Lao Gan Ma” is Dama. Chinese Dama has mixed connotations, yet the media tend to highlight the negative connotations and negative news stories spread faster than positive ones. For example, the wide coverage of a Beijing Dama blackmailing a young foreign man on the street in 2013 and a Wuhan Dama beating a young lady on the subway in 2015 are two typical cases of the media’s distortion of the Dama image. What accounts for the contempt and sarcasm people use when speaking of Chinese Dama? Some research blames a hatred for the rich (He,2013). The emergence of Chinese Dama is a reflection of the disparity between the rich and the poor and the uneven distribution of wealth in today’s China. It highlights people’s disdain of the rich and their passive resistance to this type of social problem. With the rise of online social media, especially the expansion of the entertainment culture in the consumer market, Dama has crossed from the circle of interpersonal relations into the circle of entertainment. Like Susan Boyle of Britain's Got Talent,

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China also has star Dama, such as the vegetable vendor Dama from the show I Want to Join the Spring Festival Gala, and the Magic Voice Dama from China's Got Talent. These people have enriched the meaning of Chinese Dama, diversified the overall image of this group and enhanced their social influence. 2.2. Use and development of social media in China In recent years, China has witnessed the rapid development of social media.Ten years ago, blogs and QQ - an online chat program - dominated the world of social media; five years ago, Weibo - micro blog- was the leader in this field. Over the past two or three years, WeChat, a mobile messaging app, has become China’s most popular social media platform. Furthermore, social media is now an essential part of people’s lives. According to the 35th Statistical Report on Internet Development in China, by December 2014, China had 649 million Internet users and 47.9% Internet coverage; the number of blog users was 109 million and that of micro blog users was 249 million, 31.94 million less than had been measured at the end of 2013. Among them, the number of micro blog users on mobile terminals was 171 million, 25.62 million short compared to the number of users at the end of 2013 (CNNIC, 2015). On the other hand, the latecomer WeChat has pulled ahead of the pack. By the first quarter of 2015, WeChat was present on over 90% of smart phones in China, with the number of monthly active users at 549 million. WeChat is present in over 200 countries, with over eight million public accounts and 400 million paid users (WeChat, 2015). Different social media and social communication apps have their distinctive features. From the perspective of social communication, blogs, Weibo and WeChat are

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all grassroots social media. Currently, blogs are used mainly by elites as a channel of information. Weibo is considered an open channel and surpasses WeChat in terms of public interaction, whereas WeChat is a more private channel mainly used for sharing and communicating with friends and colleagues. Research shows that the social media, while bringing Chinese people excitement and convenience of use, also has a negative side. More and more Chinese people feel that they have become isolated from the more important things in life because of social media. According to the 2015 Kantar China Social Media Impact Report, the number of people who believed that social media made their life worse doubled compared to the previous year. A growing number of people believed that social media supplanted reading time and posed a threat to the safety of their personal information (Netease, 2015). Yet the 2014 Kantar China Social Media Impact Report showed that nearly 80% of people thought social media made their lives better (Shanghai Journalism Review, 2014). 2.3. Chinese Dama and social media Although there is wide coverage of Chinese Dama, most of the reports about Chinese Dama focus on the economic arena; few of them study Chinese Dama from the perspective of communication studies. Several studies focus on the textual analysis of the media images of the Chinese Dama and the public attitude towards them from the perspective of frame theory. Some studies found that in a poll conducted between April 2013 and January 2014 on Weibo, 81% of the respondents expressed anger towards Chinese Dama. This could explain

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why the Dama in the blackmail case cited above was treated unjustly. One study noted that the case revealed certain defects of the era of Self Media (Liu, 2014). Another research portraits an overall picture of the reports about Chinese Dama: among the few reports about the Chinese Dama covered by the mainstream media, most focus on negative topics such as penny-wise Dama rushing to buy gold or how their noisy square dancing disturbs residents, with the proportion of positive, negative and neutral reports being 15%, 75% and 10%, respectively. Valuable topics about the national development of Dama as recognized by mainstream society are few and far between (Yang, 2014). Because Dama control the family finances, some studies focus on utilizing the “Dama Economy”as a lever to lift local economies and boost household consumption. At present, the Chinese Dama show a keen interest in square dancing, group chat, playing cards and exchanging consumption experiences, which largely resembles a WeChat group. Thus, the marketing communication power of Chinese Dama cannot be underestimated (Li, 2015). Although there is little research examining the relationship between Dama and social media, studies on older adults' use of new technology have progressed significantly. Many countries around the world, including China, are facing increases in the average age of their populations; accordingly, older adults are the fastest growing consumer segment of Internet users (Hartetal., 2008).Most of the elder netizens in Beijing are “young people” in the old age group (Ji,2009).Some researchers indicate that there is still a large gap in basic ICT knowledge between members of different

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age groups (Gatto&Tak, 2008).Cognitive abilities, computer self-efficacy, computer interest, education, health and income seem to be positively related to older adults’ computer use (Wagner,2010). However, social media may overcome older people's physical and mental barriers because social media can be used to connect with people regardless of time or place. Many studies explore the connections among longevity, loneliness and mortality with technology (Karavidaset al.,2005; Sum et al.,2008;Wagner et al.,2010; Cotten et al.,2013; Luders et al., 2014; Cutler, 2015). Older adults reported more positive than negative attitudes about the technologies they use(Mitzner,2010). Through social media, the elderly can provide and receive support and also increase their feeling of control(Leist, 2013).Older adults with limited mobility can use digital technology to maintain their social networks and ultimately facilitate their wellbeing (Choi &DiNitto, 2013; Winstead et al., 2013). Shelia R. Cotten et al.’s research found that “a positive contribution of Internet use to mental well-being of retired older adults, reducing depression categorization by approximately 20–28%”(Cottenet al.,2012).

Other relevant study findings include the following: “Age, gender and education seem to be the most important factors having a direct or indirect impact on the use of online social networks by active older Internet users”(Vosner et al., 2016);“Males and females used computers at about the same rate but females reported more anxiety and less

computer

knowledge”(Karavidas

et

al.,2005);“Older

women love new

technology”(Tencent, 2009); and “Compared with the elderly male, China's elderly women's interest and enthusiasm for the new electronic technology are significantly

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higher”(CNNIC,2009). Researchers also found that “female participants are more familiar with the term 'online social network' and are also more frequent users, compared to male participants” (Vosner et al., 2016). Additionally, “PU, PEU, and SN were significant predictors of Internet adoption among Chinese older adults, The effect of PEU on Internet use intention was found to be stronger for older seniors than younger seniors”(Pan& Jordan-Marsh, 2010).

2.4.Social media and discourse power theory In The Social Media Bible, Safko argues that social media has led to the transition of discourse power. Discourse power has been transferred away from traditional content providers and towards individuals and organizations. This kind of transition is represented by the transition from one-way dissemination modes (such as TV) towards two-way interaction dissemination. The public lacked discourse power in the past but now has the ability to propagate information rapidly on a large scale. This transition of discourse power means the increased rights of consumers, and means that consumers can spread information about brands and services to the public by themselves by using social media. This kind of transition has a great influence on dissemination of news and commercial information. Some researches argue that the “current, dramatic rise of SNSs” is a “communications phenomenon” （Miller et al., 2010). Another study found that Chinese Generation Y consumers are heavy users of SNSs; they rely on other users' reviews, recommendations and rankings, fueling dependence on SNS

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e-WoM (Kasabov, 2016). Due to social prejudice, discrimination and their own physical or mental condition, senior citizens do not have dominant discourse power in society, especially in the Internet era. The expanded discourse power of the elderly on the Internet are reflected in three aspects: 1. The internet can conceal age: they separate their thought from their body to obtain more opportunities to express ideas and participate in the public space; 2. The elderly demonstrate themselves through their “personal webpage”; 3. The online organizations of the elderly form platforms of their own discourse (Guo & Qiu , 2005). Studies on discourse power of women in China in the era of Internet can be roughly divided into three categories. The first category is related to the development process of the discourse power of women. It claims that Chinese women are becoming a significant online force because blogs have become a discourse space for women (Liang,2011);“the modern female discourse emphasizes the role of women” (Cui,2011);“the characteristics of micro-blogging leads them to subvert the traditional structure of involuntary prescription that is common in traditional media. Micro-blogging is convenient for women to express themselves in a sufficient way” (Zhang & Yu,2011). The second category pertains to the discourse rights of women and the self-subversion of female discourse (Ding & Wang , 2006). The female discourse is considered as dependent on the dominant male discourse and is therefore often marginalized (Liu, 2013). Because of the distorted and stained image of “old women” on the Internet, elderly people have been deprived of their discourse power,

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meaning they seldom have an opportunity to voice their opinions(Wang,2014). The third category regards the measures for women’s discourse power. These studies explore the challenges and opportunities to close the discourse power gap between males and females by improving women netizens’ media literacy, social awareness and communication activeness (Wang & Li, 2012; Liu, 2013).

3. Research Methods As shown in the above review of the literature, the connotation and denotation of Chinese Dama are not clearly defined. In fact, Chinese Dama belong to every occupation and consumption level, from senior executives, wage earners and housewives enthusiastic about shopping to traditional Chinese women working diligently to run a thrifty household. Most were born in the 1950s and 1960s and are aged between 46 and 69. To ensure clarity and accuracy in sample selection, we define the age range of Chinese Dama as between 50 and 69 years old, which is the same standard used by the survey of Chinese Dama conducted by the Shanghai Women's Federation. In general, Dama manage all the household affairs as well as controlling the family finances. On the basis of this age definition, the total number of “Chinese Dama” is 128 million. Therefore it is very difficult for any sampling survey to reflect the overall situation of their usage of social media. Based on census data released by the national statistics department and data provided by provinces and cities, we conducted a random questionnaire of "Chinese

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Dama” in Beijing. Then, after prescreening the questionnaire participants, we made participatory observation about their usage of social media. Following these, representatives for in-depth interviews were selected. Using the social discourse power as an overall theoretical framework, the author conducted qualitative and quantitative studies of the data, attempting to probe and understand the social influence and discourse power changes caused by Dama’s usage of social media

3.1. Participants 22 Chinese Dama aged between 50 and 69 years participated in 4 focus groups, each lasting approximately 90 min.

Table 1 Demographic Information of Participants Focus Group

Age range

Total number

Proportion

Group 1

50～54

6

27.27%

Group 2

55～59

8

36.36%

Group 3

60～64

5

22.73%

Group 4

65～69

3

13.64%

The number of participants for all age groups is very similar to the distribution of Dama population in reality. In other words, most of them are 55 to 59 years old, and the older they are the smaller of their portion in the total population.

3.2.Questionnaires

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The contents of the questionnaire and the topics for in-depth interviews include: 1. The background information of Dama (including age, education, job, economic situation and family structure); 2. Dama’s usage of social media; 3. The purpose and habits of Dama’s use of social media; 4. The social significance behind Dama’s use of social media; 5. The embodiment of Dama’s discourse power in social media. Because social discourse power is the major focus of our study, we paid most of our attention on discourse power related issues in the questionnaire and in-depth interviews.

3.3.Research method and data processing 3.3.1. Prescreening The study used the method of handing out random questionnaires as a prescreening means to find eligible members for the focus groups. The questionnaires were handed out in places where Dama are usually found in groups in Beijing. These places include the college of continuing education for senior citizens and street dance groups. We asked the respondents to answer our questions with paper and pen. For those who were not able to answer in writing due to health problems or poor literacy, the investigating personnel would help to write the answers according to their narration. Taking the physical and psychological characteristics of aged people into consideration, we didn’t require a time limit for answering the questions. Instead, we patiently waited for them to finish writing. The study counted 39 questionnaire participants. Based on the preliminary analysis of the questionnaires, certain participants were selected for further in-depth

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interviews, particularly according to their age 、 social media usage habits and communication ability

3.3.2. Participatory Observation According to the preliminary investigation, the Chinese Dama who were said to be rushing to buy gold were not organized; rather, they were individuals scattered in different cities and shopping malls shopping for gold jewelry. It is estimated, however, that over 100 million Chinese people participate in square dancing, with 85% being female. Among them, most are middle-aged women who are therefore dubbed “square dance Dama” by the media (Shao, 2014). Undoubtedly, square dancing serves as a way to gather together the group of Chinese Dama socially. This author also joined WeChat groups for inside-observation and in-depth interviews. One is the WeChat group for a square dancing team inside the H community, a middle-class residential community in Beijing’s Chaoyang District. Most of the group members are retried women aged between 50 and 69 years old. The author also joined a WeChat group for woman entrepreneurs made up of economically independent women with strong purchasing power, approximately 1/3 of them aged between 50 and 69 years old. 3.3.3 Focus Groups After questionnaire prescreening and participatory observation of these two WeChat groups, the author chose 22 qualified active users to join the focus groups, carrying out key observation and in-depth interviews. Each participant's interview was

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not less than 90 minutes. 3.3.4. Data Analysis After collecting and analyzing the data obtained from the questionnaires, participatory observation and in-depth interviews, we summarized the general characteristics of the focus groups based on qualitative and quantitative research and comparison of our primary data from the focus groups and other methods with the national and regional authoritative data. The analysis of the use of social media by Chinese Damaexplores the reasons, characteristics and social significance behind Chinese Dama’s use of social media.

4. Analysis and Results: Group Characteristics of Chinese Dama and the Motivations for the Use of Social Media 4.1. Group characteristics and overall conditions of the use of social media by Chinese Dama 4.1.1.Demographic data of Chinese Dama What exactly is this group of Chinese Dama and what are their demographic characteristics? Based on data from the 6th national population census in 2010, Table 2 below sums up the demographic information of Chinese Dama. Table 2 Demographic Information of Chinese Dama aged between 50 and 69 (This table shows the number and proportion of Chinese Dama among China’s total population.) Age

Total

No

Primary

Junior

Senior

College

Bachelor

Master’s

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range

number

schooling

(Million)

school

school

school

education

education

education

degree

degree

degree

50~54

38.39 2.88%

2.74 0.21%

15.51 1.16%

12.94 0.97%

5.89 0.44%

0.97 0.07%

0.32 0.02%

0.022 0.00%

55~59

40.23 3.02%

4.65 0.35%

20.81 1.56%

10.94 0.82%

2.79 0.21%

0.76 0.06%

0.26 0.02%

0.012 0.00%

60~64

28.83 2.16%

4.87 0.37%

16.23 1.22%

5.68 0.43%

1.46 0.11%

0.43 0.03%

0.16 0.01%

0.004 0.00%

65~69

20.36 1.53%

5.05 0.38%

10.63 0.80%

3.18 0.24%

1.05 0.08%

0.28 0.02%

0.18 0.01%

0.003 0.00%

Note: For master’s degree, the number “0.00%”does not indicate no Dama from this age range; rather, the data only preserve two decimals and the result is a rounded figure. 4.1.2. Group Characteristics of Chinese Dama Combining the data above and related information, the following conclusions are drawn based on statistical calculation and analysis: 4.1.2.1.The education level of Dama has an inverse relationship with age Based on the 6 th national population census in 2010, the total number of Chinese Dama aged between 50 and 69 is 128 million, accounting for 9.6% of China’s population. On a national scale, Chinese Dama who have received secondary education and above make up37.03% of the total population. Among them, those aged between 65 and 69, 60 and 64, 55 and 59 and 50 and 54 account for 23.01%, 26.83%, 36.70% and 52.47%, respectively, as shown in Table 3. Table 3 Education levels of differently aged Chinese Dama from the national range (This table shows the number and proportion of Chinese Dama receiving a secondary education and above from China’s total population.) Age

Total number

Number of people receiving

Ratio of people receiving

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range

(Million)

secondary education & above

secondary education

(Million)

&above

50~54

38.39

20.14

52.47%

55~59

40.23

14.77

36.70%

60~64

28.83

7.74

26.83%

65~69

20.36

4.69

23.01%

4.1.2.2. Dama’s education level is basically proportional to their time using computers and social media. Table 4 Education level of Chinese Dama of different ages from focus groups Table 4 below shows the schooling of survey participants and how long they have been using computers and social media. Group

Age

Total

Number of

Ratio of people

range

number

people

receiving

receiving

secondary

secondary

education &

education &

above

Duration of computer use

Duration of social media

(years)

use (years)

≥10

5-10

≤5

≥5

1-5

≤1

5

1

3

1

1

4

1

1

1

above Group1

50~54

6

5

83.33%

5

1

Group2

55~59

8

5

62.50%

5

1

2

Group3

60~64

5

3

60.00%

3

2

Group4

65~69

3

1

33.33%

1

2

1

As demonstrated in Tables 4 and 5, the amount of time Dama spent in school is

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basically proportional to the length of time they have used computers and social media. The results are consistent with CNNIC’s research data on China’s Internet usage: “The higher level of education received by the netizens, the more dependent they are on the Internet”(CNNIC, 2015). 4.1.2.3. Chinese Dama living in urban and rural areas have certain differences As a large country, China’s urban and rural areas are very different. The rural areas are relatively backward, which is reflected in the schooling and property holdings of Dama in those areas. According to the 3 rd Survey on the Woman's Social Status in Shanghai, retired Chinese Dama aged between 50 and 69 live comfortable lives. Most of them are entitled to social pensions and medical insurance. Only 4.2% of urban Dama within the above age range have not yet retired, with an average retirement age of 49.61 years. Ninety percent have received secondary education or above (Shanghai Women, 2015). Among the study participants, four are 4 Dama from rural areas. Among the 4 Dama from rural areas, those who have used social media for 1-5 years account for 25% and those who have used it for less than 1 year account for 75%. Among the 18 Dama in urban areas, those who have used social media for 1-5 years account for 33.33% and half of them have used it for more than 5 years. In term of discourse power, the rural Dama almost never speak, while the urban Dama are much more active in making their voices heard, accounting for 38.89% of all posts. It can be observed that compared with urban Dama, rural Dana started using social media relatively late and have had a relatively low impact on the social discourse to date as a result.

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4.1.3 Use of social media by Chinese Dama The spread of social media use among Chinese Dama bears certain Chinese characteristics. Received wisdom stated that Chinese Dama were a group of women forgotten by the digitization era and who lagged behind in the use of modern interactive media. However, the latest survey found the opposite to be true. Surfing the Internet occupies an important part of a Dama’s daily life. According to the 3 rd Survey on Woman's Social Status in Shanghai, among the favorite leisure activities of Chinese Dama, surfing the Internet ranks second: 30.1% of women at this age surf the Internet every day. Aside from acquiring information, they also use the Internet for entertainment, making friends, investing in stocks, shopping, studying and voicing their opinions (Lu, 2014). Of all the information acquired by women, 37.1% is from the Internet; other major information sources include TV and newspapers (Shanghai Women,2012). A Dama’s favorite activity is keeping fit: 38.3% of Dama and 43.4% of retired women “regularly” do physical exercise, often shadowboxing and dancing in the parks and city squares. As a result, thousands of cultural societies and social communities have emerged (Shanghai Women, 2012). The square dance team, who are the participants of our focus group, is one such example of a cultural society in Beijing. The survey in Shanghai reflects the overall features of Chinese Dama in urban areas. The 3 rd Survey on Woman's Social Status in Shanghai is a citywide survey initially launched by the Shanghai Women's Federation on December 1, 2010. It covers

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nine aspects, including heath, the economy and lifestyle and so on. Door-to-door interviews were adopted and 3090 valid questionnaires were collected. Women account for 48.1% of all the respondents (Shanghai Women website, 2012). The survey in Shanghai reflects the overall characteristics of urban Dama in China. According to the 35th Statistical Report on Internet Development in China issued by the CNNIC, Internet use by older citizens is a growing trend. The ratio of female and male netizens is 56.4:43.6. In terms of age, 78.1% of Chinese netizens are aged from 10 to 39 years old. Compared with the end of 2013, the proportion of netizens aged 40 years and above has been rising. One reason is that middle-aged and older people in China have easier access to the Internet due to China’s increasingly wider coverage. Another reason is that seniors make up a larger proportion of the population in China due to the overall aging of the population (CNNIC, 2015). Chinese Dama have contributed to the growth of senior population using the Internet. In the past, they favored television, as reflected by a popular saying, “The remote control of Chinese Dama can influence the decision-making of TV stations”(Shi, 2015). Yet focus groups interviews showed that, in recent years, Dama have found a new favorite media format: social media, such as WeChat for example, which integrates phone functions and social interaction. WeChat’s video chat function, for instance, eliminates the need for phone calls or text messages. 4.2.From being talked about to making their voice heard: Analysis of the motivations for the use of social media by Chinese Dama Marsden listed four motivations for people to use social media, namely, fame,

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fortune, fun and fulfillment (Marsden, 2009). This study found that Chinese Dama’s use of social media bears distinctive features and trends on the basis of the above four motivations. Below are the major motivations for the use of social media by Chinese Dama, which is concluded by combining the results of focus groups interviews and the data released by authoritative agencies. 4.2.1.Technological progress is the major motivation: Easy-to-use mobile social apps upgrade how Chinese Dama and their families communicate Focus group interviews indicated that the primary reason for the popularity of social media is technological progress. There are more and more user-friendly mobile apps tha tintegrate well with mobile phones. The apps are often free of charge and can be used as an alternative to phone calls. Therefore, Dama can take advantage of the strong communication function of social media. With more easy access to free WiFi in China, social media can save Dama the cost of phone calls. “WeChat is so convenient,” said Fifty-six year old Dama Zhang during her interview.“In the past, my son downloaded QQ on the computer for me to use. However, I felt it a bit inconvenient so I quit a few days later. Yet with my smart phone, I can easily use WeChat. Now I feel I cannot live without WeChat.” Dama Zhang mainly uses the app to chat with her grandchildren, who often send her information about keeping fit or photos taken while traveling. Chinese Dama derive great enjoyment from sharing information with their family members on WeChat. Sixty-five-year-old Dama Li said her granddaughter calls her “Grandma Online,” for she often talks with her daughter and granddaughter through

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WeChat’s video chat function, which is free of charge, eliminating the need for phone calls. Fifty-seven year old Dama Zhao said that she could see the pictures (called Moments) shared by her grandson on WeChat every day and click the “like” function or comment. Fifty-two year old Dama Liu said, “Now I am used to taking photos and send them to my husband and children on WeChat. For example, when I see a piece of furniture of the latest style in the shopping mall, I take photos of it to send to my son for reference in decorating his home.” 4.2.2.The fun of socializing: Using social media for communication and exchanges within the community Dama tend to treat social media as a tool for communication through which they can form different social communities. In his book Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations, Clay Shirky defines a social community as a place where people with similar interests gather together under a common goal or guideline (Shirky, 2009). The emergence of social media makes it easier for Dama to organize without organizations. The square dance team is “organized without organization” around the mutual enjoyment of dancing. The loose dancing team is maintained mainly through WeChat. Fifty-five year old Dama Lin, leader of the square dance team of H residential community, said, “In the past, we made phone calls to organize activities, but sometimes no one answered the call. Now with the group chat on WeChat, things have become much easier. I can also use the Walkie Talkie function during the activities.” This WeChat group members dance and travel together, and their WeChat

25

conversations are also centered on these topics. The popularity of square dancing reflects the need for socializing of Chinese Dama:“Participating in square dance helped me out of loneliness” (Dama Zhao, Group 2) and “Rebuilt my social network”(Dama Li, Group 4). “For them [Dama], square dance is not only a type of sport but also a way of social communication”(Shao, 2014).Recent years have also witnessed marked growth in Dama’s interest for travel, with overseas travel constantly rising. Dama Zhang, assistant leader of the dance team, said, “After retirement, I feel I should live a colorful life. Apart from square dance, I am also busy with traveling, dining with my old friends. I have special budget for this part of life.” Some Dama who walk their dogs together form WeChat groups to share photos of their pets; when they are away from home, they will ask their friends from the group chat to take care of their dogs. Through video chat, they can also see their pets while they are far away from home. Dama who pick up children at the school gate also set up WeChat groups to share their experiences in children’s education, fashion or even the best birthday presents. 4.2.3. The motivation of fame and fulfillment： ：Taking advantage of social media to share images and experiences If you think Dama are not into fashion, think again. Many Chinese Dama have a strong desire to show their stylish selves, some within a small community and others to the wider public. “One selfie a day” is the rule for the Fifty-two-year-old Dama Jin. In the morning,

26

she puts on her makeup and takes a selfie, which she will later share on WeChat. Dama Jin believes it keeps her feeling young. She is also participating in an online competition to become an image ambassador for a local beauty salon and has invited friends to vote for her on WeChat. Many Chinese Dama develop hobbies after retirement. “At the college for the aged, 80% students are female. Among them, 34.8% wish to learn painting, dancing, singing, photography and other art courses, and 52.4% want to learn cooking, health care and money management” (Lu, 2014). Dama Lin, square dancing team leader of the focus group, only retired this year. She never tires of sharing videos of her group’s performances in WeChat groups. She first uploads the videos to the video-sharing site Youku, and then shares the video in the chat group. Dama Sun is an amateur photographer who often shares photos of natural scenery and pets on WeChat. Sometimes her friends online inquire about her photography work, which gives her a sense of achievement. 4.2.4.Keep pace with the latest information: Acquiring economic, health and political information Dama treat social media as a channel through which to gain information. In the group chats for the square dancing team from the H residential community, apart from notices of activities and travel, the content is mainly a variety of information on the economy, health and politics, as well as dancing skills. In the two WeChat groups that I observed as an insider, several Dama enjoyed sharing articles with keywords such as “Tell your family…,”“You will like…,”and

27

“What is the best time to sleep for children to grow taller?”Dama Li started using WeChat last year. “I mainly use it to watch news and the information shared by my friends. I also participate in chats that are of concern to me.”Like Dama Li, many Dama in China want to participate in social affairs. According to the Shanghai survey, 98.2% of women aged 18 to 64 care about “major domestic and international affairs”(Shwomen, 2012), although they are not particularly conscious of actively fighting for their own say. 4.2.5.The fortune motivation: The blessing and curse of WeChat shopping Most Chinese Dama were born during China’s era of material scarcity and therefore have a strong sense of inner insecurity. After decades of saving, they manifest great enthusiasm for investment and wield astonishing purchasing power when the prices of certain commodities are low. Commercial purposes offer new motivations for Dama to use WeChat. Dama Huang and Dama Gu, from the woman entrepreneur WeChat group, both use WeChat to help operate their online stores:“I often advertise and communicate with my customers on WeChat” (Dama Huang, Group 2). “Recently, I also just opened a store on WeChat” (Dama Gu, Group1). “A Dama selling baked rolls offers a reservation service on WeChat and her business is now thriving. It is the charm of O2O, online to offline commerce”(Wang, 2014). Through participant observation, the author observed that Chinese Dama have both the enthusiasm and astonishing purchasing power for shopping. Today, they have made the transition from brick-and-mortar stores to online stores. From facial masks to

28

plastic surgery, advertisements flood the two WeChat groups I observed. Dama can learn more from these advertisements or just place an order. In the words one of user, “We trusted each other”(Dama Jia, Group3).Apart from the convenience, some Dama may fall victim to financial fraud, especially to their acquaintances.

5. Discussion: Chinese Damaand ubiquitous virtual social networking Characteristics of the use of social media by Chinese Dama While Chinese young people think social media is no longer cool because the novelty has worn off (CNNIC, 2015), “Chinese Dama” have begun making social media a constant part of their lives, which has changed their relationship with media and their habits in using social media. The four elements of communication in the traditional sense – source, message, channel and receiver– have changed tremendously in the realm of social media. This study found that Dama share distinctive features in their use of social media from different aspects including identity, channel, time and spaces well as effects. According to our study research, the main characteristics of the use of social media by Dama are as follows: 5.1.In term of using space and time, Chinese Dama’s lives are integrated with social media Based on time and place, Dama make tireless use of social media. Table 5 Time and place for using social media as reported by focus groups

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Focus Group

Time used for social media every day

Places

≥8 hours

2-8 hours

Anywhere

Mostly home

Mostly work

Group 1

33.33%

66.67%

33.33%

33.33%

33.33%

Group 2

25.00%

62.50%

12.50%

37.5%

50.00%

12.50%

Group 3

40.00%

40.00%

20.00%

40.00%

60.00%

33.33%

66.67%

Group 4

≤2 hours

100%

According to the focus groups, the time Dama spend using social media has an inverse relationship with age. Dama in their 50s are more likely to indulge in social media, and many focus group participants grew accustomed to the cyberworld in their 30s or 40s. Using social media anywhere and anytime, Dama have grown accustomed to chatting online and sharing with other people. Whether dancing in New York’s Times Square or snatching up properties in Europe, they never forgot to post messages and photos on WeChat. Dama in the focus groups also sent dance videos to their online groups in hopes that group members would use the video to practice dance steps at home, thus forming a virtual class. Square dancing classes have spread from a real neighborhood courtyard to a virtual one open 24 hours a day. 5.2.In term of communication targets and channel, Dama mainly use social media to communicate with their friends Through in-depth interviews, the author found that Chinese Dama mostly used WeChat as their social media platform. “Blogs and Weibo are open channels for communicating with the public, and it’s not suitable for me” (Dama Ye, Group 1).Ye

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and other Dama like WeChat because it serves as a private platform for sharing their personal lives on Moment among a fairly small group of people. Both blogs and WeChat are grassroots social media, changing netizens from information receivers to information senders and commentators and thereby serving people’s need for self-expression. For the Chinese Dama, however, social media is not conceived as being as open as a blog. It basically functions as a replacement for the phone, and also as a private tool used for communicating with family and friends, which requires privacy. WeChat is designed to facilitate interaction among friends. If you are not granted access, you cannot see or comment on the Moments shared by your friends. Compared with “Digital Immigrants”, such as Dama, “Digital Natives” are more willing to share with others. Chinese young people aged from 10 to 29 years are more willing to share personal information on the Internet compared to other groups (CNNIC, 2015). On social media, Dama mostly receive information through one-way channels and the exchange of information is carried out through group sharing. 5.3.The Dama lack a sense of identity. Many Chinese women do not like to be called “Dama.” In real life, they do not accept the appellation and image of the “Chinese Dama” created by traditional and social media. A news reporter once angered a woman by calling her Dama. “Do I look that old?”she asked. The reporter then called her “Auntie” immediately after and even called her jokingly, “Elder sister,” which led the Dama to smile (Ye, 2009). This is one reason why very few Dama responded to negative articles about

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themselves on the Internet. “Dama” is a virtual group name, but in real life, not every Dama sees herself as a member, and in fact,36.36% of the focus group members thought they had nothing to do with the powerful “Chinese Dama.”

5.4.Dama who are group leaders in daily life are generally opinion leaders on social media Dama also have their opinion leaders. Generally, Dama who possess leader-like qualities in real life, such as Dama Lin, the square dance group leader, or directors of neighborhood committees, also act as opinion leaders on WeChat. Unlike adolescents, however, who express their desires through strong Internet consensus, Dama of this generation are more willing to put their thoughts into action, not to media language. As for whether to comment on social media, Dama are polarized into two opposing sides: a few opinion leaders are active in voicing their ideas while others basically belong to “silent” or “liking” ones. The following comments from users illustrate how Dama followers use social media: “I communicate with others simply by giving a ‘like,’ but rarely make public comments” (Dama Ding, Group 3), and “I mainly read the group activities information, and reply if I will participate or not” (Dama Zhou, Group4). Some Dama say they are unaware of negative Internet articles about them while othersfeelit does not matter, and only few expresses a wish to directly respond to them. “We have to speak out, or who can help us to get our voice heard?” (Dama Lin, Group1; Dama Jia, Group 3)

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5.5.Dama lack diversified sources of information and their communications focus on certain issues Dama tend to form social communities with people of similar backgrounds and interests with narrow foci and limited sources, mainlynews shared by their friends and family members. They pay much less attention to professional information agencies. The discourse agenda setting of Dama social media groups are mainly as follows: current affairs, education, health, beauty, food, travel, community activities (including square dance schedules), shopping and life tips. In the focus group interviews, community activities(n=22) and current affairs (n=20) are the two most popular topics, followed

by

travel(n=19),food

(n=15),health(n=14),education(n=12)

and

shopping(n=10).Personal travel photos (n=12), shopping information(n=9)and family photos (n=8) are the three types of information Dama are most willing to share on social media. The socialized Chinese Dama are the best sharers. “Dama exist not only in large numbers, but they have a strong group psychology, so it is very easy to make them the moving advertisements” (Shi, 2015). When choosing products, Dama tend to be emotional, and if they have purchased something worthwhile, they are willing to share it with others. Social media has become a tool for spreading information by word of mouth. Therefore, the Chinese Dama are not a marginalized group in a weak position; on the contrary, they have started to form powerful discourse groups. 5.6.Social media accelerates communication among Dama and forms a crisscrossed social network featuring the connection of group activities

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A lack of diversity in the source and target of social media used by Dama also leads to highly efficient social media use where relationships are formed rapidly. People who like square dancing, for example, can exchange a few words and swipe each other’s two-dimension code to join a social group. While the Dama’s various purposes for using social media are listed above, the most important one is social interaction (n=22). Due to the functions of social media, Dama, such as those who dance in public squares, can easily organize for collective action which, in turn, strengthens the stability of Dama social communities. Social community is not the exclusive province of the Internet. Before the emergence of the Internet, offline communities had always existed. To some extent, an offline community is more real.

6. Conclusions: The use of social media by Chinese Dama: A benchmark of drastic social change in China – The social influence and significance of Chinese Dama on social media The use of social media by Chinese Dama is a typical phenomenon of China’s transitional period. As there are both progresses and problems associated with this time of transition, there are mixed opinions about the Chinese Dama. Different stakeholders in competition drive the real world. The number of people and the wealth decide the economic and social value of a community, and Chinese Dama have absolute advantages in both areas. According to statistics, China has approximately 400 million Dama consumers with a combined 40 trillion yuan of

34

household funds at their direct or indirect disposal. They hold nearly 10 trillion yuan in cash, which forms a significant foundation for Chinese Dama to exert an influence on Chinese consumption and society. Chinese Dama form the nucleus of China’s traditional society, the most silent group of the “silent majority” and the last group moving to social media. The use of social media by Chinese Dama and their positive and negative influence on society are of far-reaching significance to Chinese social development. 6.1. Positive influence and significance The use of social media by Chinese Dama contributes to a narrowing of the digital divide, gaining a greater public voice and pushing for the modernization and transformation of Chinese society. 6.1.1. Are Chinese Dama still the silent majority? Chinese Dama use social media to balance social discourse power. Dama are regarded as a substantial part of the “Silent Majority.” The term “Silent Majority” refers to the majority of people who stay silent and lack a voice in the society. The term originated from the title of a 1997 book by famous Chinese writer Wang Xiaobo and is similar to the hypothesis of “The Spiral of Silence”(West, Lynn, &Turner, 2007). With social media, Chinese Dama are no longer keeping silent but are making their voices heard, although to date they lack overreaching influence. The Chinese Dama are illustrative of consumer empowerment through social media. They buy and display their products through social media to promote the sale of gold and other products. Dama’s mad rush maybe is a sign of Internet companies

35

represented by Jack Ma challenging traditional industries and business again (Textile Apparel Weekly, 2014). The core of social media is two-way interaction, which requires Dama to shift from being receivers to senders; subconsciously, however, they remain receivers rather than active senders. In general, Chinese Dama seldom voice their opinion and lack the skills to do so effectively through social media. Due to their limited cognitive and expressive ability, most Dama’s voices are largely restricted to speaking within their groups; their voices are not heard and recognized by the public. In recent years, negative reports about Chinese Dama have been increasing, leading people to question why there are so many “bad elderly” individuals at large. Thanks to social media, Dama now dare to express themselves, although their voice l remains largely unheard, which reflects the inequality caused by the interactive features of social media and Web 2.0. The Web 2.0 characteristics of social media have opened up a public space for the grass-root discussions, and its interactivity may lead to a new inequality. “In the interactive platform of Web 2.0, those active and influential people are often the elites who have already been influential in our political system. On the contrary, due to the smoother channel and platform of Web 2.0, their voice may be ‘blown up’ more effectively” (Cullen & Laura, 2011). “Any technology form cannot get rid of the shaping capability of the social mechanism fundamentally”(Gao, 2011). Although Web 2.0 opens up more speech channels, discourse that is marginal offline, such as the voice of the Chinese Dama, remains unheard and will be marginalized online.

36

Apart from non-governmental social platforms, including non-profit and for-profit websites, such as damazx.com and zg-dama.com, the All-China Women's Federation (ACWF), the largest official women’s organization in China, launched the mobile app “Voice of Women”on September 20, 2015. The app, together with the existing Weibo and WeChat platforms, forms a three-in-one social platform for women. ACWF hopes that the platform can serve to highlight and respond to the needs of Chinese women, protect their rights and interests and facilitate their sound development (ACWF,2015). Chinese Dama could take advantage of these social platforms at various levels to better make their voice heard so that the voices of different social groups in China can find a balance. 6.1.2.Social media plays an enlightening role in the digital development of the Dama and shrinks the digital divide, which is conducive to the future development of society Apart from making their voices heard, the essential influence of social media on Dama is that they enhance the overall digital level of the social group. Technological progress drives the development of social media. Researchers tend to believe that technology, people and society are mutually reinforcing. The two variables of technology and society push for more user-friendly social media, which brings the Dama into the digital world. Dama feel that social media are no longer out of their reach and nusing it helps them feel younger. With peers and younger friends online, they derive more happiness from their group identity. Society will continue to be thoroughly digitalized, and the time will soon arrive

37

when our lives will be continuously connected with social media anywhere and anytime. From socializing to traveling, from shopping to seeing a doctor, Dama should not and will not be abandoned in the world of new science and technology; therefore, they should adapt to the latest trends as soon as possible. Social media plays an indisputable role in the digitization of the Chinese Dama, thus narrowing the digital divide. 6.1.3.The prevalence of social media among Chinese Dama pushes for the integration and development of virtual community and real community in China Young people, as natives of the Internet, can freely shuttle between the physical and virtual world. Yet for Chinese Dama, who represent middle-aged and elderly people, the two worlds are connected by social media. Singing red songs, which was popular a few years ago, and square dancing, which has emerged more recently, helped form an organic community among isolated middle-aged and elderly people who live in modern residential communities. Furthermore, WeChat groups help to link them, shaping the mutual development of the virtual and real communities. Middle-aged and elderly people not only need leisure activities but also social platforms. Square dancing has becomes popular because it meets this dual demand. Unlike typical American communities, Chinese residential communities are often densely populated. It is easy to encounter neighbors of all ages when walking in the community, which allows for the effective organization of various leisure activities Thanks to social media, such social activities as square dancing have been expanded from real life to virtual life, which makes the Chinese Dama more and more

38

open minded. “The emerging square dance signifies that, residential communities which had unfamiliar neighborhood relationship will be gradually brought together by public activities, such as square dance. The phenomenon will be no longer common that one has few acquaintances after living in the same community for years”(Shao Hao, 2014). As China has become both an aging society and a media society simultaneously, this trend will certainly have positive significance. 6.1.4.The involvement of Damain social media, while exerting positive impacts on maintaining Chinese traditional family relationships, can also help diversify social lifestyles The change in the Dama group reflects the trend towards a more diversified society in China driven by modern media interaction, which will usher in a new era of grassroots media. Chinese people have a tradition of respect and care for the elderly. If the elderly cannot understand and influence society, however, their children will rely on and trust them less. Some Dama say there is an increasing amount of newspaper content they cannot understand, which indicates that social discourse has changed greatly. Network language and scientific language make them feel that they have fallen behind. Today, social media helps Dama and their children communicate effectively by bringing fresh factors into Dama’s lives and removing the barrier resulting from the digital divide between them. Dama, who control family spending, have stepped into the age of the Internet and its changing consumption and entertainment habits, alongwith their children.

39

The media has become increasingly important to the survival of human beings. Media has become a key part of daily living that influences the family structure and relationships in Chinese society. The entry of the Dama into social media can help smooth misunderstandings and resolve conflicts. 6.2. Negative influence and significance To a certain extent, the shock brought about by the participation of Chinese Dama in social media reflects the deviation from social norms during the transitional period due to people’s inadequate understanding of social media, weak capability for rational investment and lack of shared social values. 6.2.1. Improper behavior of Dama: Poor management of group social behavior and self-image on media On the negative side, the rising awareness of the Dama’s media identity among group members makes them feel more assertive, but they have yet to adapt their individual behavior to suit the mew media environment, remaining largely unaware of the huge influence of the media; nor do they pay sufficient attention to the potential bad influence or even shock their group might cause in the society. The result is negative reports such as “Loud speaker to resist square dance” and “Dama arrested for square dance in New York.” Of course, stereotyping by the media also plays a role in this process (Han, 2015). The willful and selfish behavior of Chinese Dama reflects certaindeep-rooted bad habits among the Chinese people. Because they are such an easily recognized group in the world, improper behavior by Dama will be labeled as representative of the behavior of all Chinese people, thus affecting foreigners’

40

perceptions and opinions of the entire nation. While Dama enjoy self-presentation on social media, they are unskilled at behavior restriction and image management. The mechanism of self-defense and media image-building has not yet been internalized within the Dama group. Because the Internet is an open and individualized world, it is difficult for all people to reach a consensus. Only when Chinese Dama become the elite group can they make their voice heard by others. This will give them a greater say in agenda-setting in the media and help them improve their behavior and image as well as guide public opinion in a more beneficial direction for them and society as a whole. 6.2.2. Deviation from norms in the transitional period: Dama are easy victims of Internet fraud Technology has both pros and cons. On the one hand, Dama can take advantage of the development of social media; on the other hand, the transparency and openness of social media pose a danger to personal privacy, making Dama vulnerable to digital financial fraud. In 2014, 46.3% of Chinese netizens suffered from network security problems. Among them, viruses on PCs and mobile phones and the theft of account numbers or passwords are the most common problems, accounting for 26.7% and 25.9%, respectively, of the total. An additional 12.6% of Chinese netizens have encountered fraud while shopping online (CNNIC, 2015). Certain social media sites target older users to promote unmarketable or sub-standard products. Chinese Dama, who have only recently been exposed to the Internet, lack technical skills and vigilance and thus are prone to suffering from security problems, becoming a weak link in

41

China’s efforts to fight cyber-crime. As social media drives changes in the consumption and investment patterns of Dama in favor of digitization, a corresponding cyber security mechanism should be enhanced. The consumption and life styles of the Dama are inevitably becoming globalized and mediated, which requires them to have stronger sense of self-protection and the corresponding Internet skills. Thus, Dama need to improve their ability to identify and resist false or harmful information online.

Against the backdrop of social change, social media has spread rapidly in China, encouraging the transition of the media environment from a traditional, authority-dominated sphere to a modern media society. The use of social media by Chinese Dama can be observed as a benchmark of social change more generally. Social media is a place where people are creating miracles and telling new stories in the virtual and physical world and has inspired enthusiastic and confident discourse among Chinese Dama. Together with other members of society, the Dama are building a dynamic and pluralistic media society. Thus, social media will play an irreplaceable role in shaping a positive image for the Dama and fostering the sound development of society in the future.

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