Children's cultural values and parental child rearing strategies

DEVELOPMENTAL

REVIEW

3, 351-370 (1983)

Children’s Cultural Values and Parental Child Rearing Strategies MARGARET BEALE SPENCER Emory University

Researchersduring the past 40 years have infrequently disentangled the relationship between young black children’s personal identity and group identity, generally treating them in an undifferentiated manner. Investigators suggest that impersonal agents determine young black children’s white-biased cultural values, usually ignoring the influence of parental child-rearing strategies. Findings from three studies in the Midwest, North, and South document that preschool children show consistently Eurocentric (white-biased) choice behavior; the trend for most attitudes and preferences changes to an Afrocentric orientation during middle childhood. Parental interviews obtained from a subsample of Southern parents offer alternative interpretations of these choice patterns; values transmitted (e.g., teaching children about civil rights and racial discrimination) predict children’s Afrocentric racial attitudes and preferences.

Since the 1940s research in the area of identity formation of minority group children has been characterized by repetitive data which suggest that young black children consistently demonstrate race dissonance. That is, young black children frequently show Eurocentrism or white-biased responses when offered a choice between either black/white color concepts or black/white persons (Clark & Clark, 1939, 1940; Brand, Ruiz, & Padilla, 1974). These white preference data have also undergone unprecedented misinterpretation and misuse by personality theorists and others who assumed black children suffer from negative self-concept (Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951). Until recently (Spencer, Note 1, 1982; McAdoo & McAdoo, Note 2), the black identity literature had not only failed to differentiate the unique developmental experiences of young, cognitively egocentric preschoolers from older cognitively decentered children, but also interchangeably used personal identity concepts with group identity labels and measures. Accordingly, for interpreters of the literature, group identity (race dissonance/preference research) and personal identity (selfThe researchreported was part of a larger study funded by an NIMH Grant (PHS-l-ROlMH-3 1106-02)awarded to the author. The author is especially grateful to the Project Coordinator, Ms. Dena Swanson, who did a fine job throughout. Special thanks is also given to Drs. Sidney Estes, Chester Fuller, The Atlanta Public Schools Teacher Corp. Program, and the many parents, their children, preschool directors, teachers, and research assistants whose cooperation and support made the study possible. Send requests for reprints to Department of Psychology, Emory University, Atlanta, GA 30322. 351 0273-2297183$3.00 Copyright All rights

0 1983 by Academic Press, Ix of reproduction in any form reserved.

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concept or self-esteem findings) were assumed to be synonymous without empirical verification. Consistent with the notions of symbolic interactionism and Eriksonian theorizing, personal identity refers to the individual’s concept of self. Measures of self-esteem and self-concept are most frequently employed specifically to address the issue of personal identity (e.g., Hare, Note 8; Rosenberg, 1965; Rosenberg & Simmons, 1971; Coopersmith, 1967). As described in the literature, group identity refers to the perception of and associated evaluations of one’s ethnic group. In methodology employed by Landreth & Johnson (1953), Clark & Clark (1950), Radke & Trager (1950), Williams (1964, 1966), William & Roberson (1967), Spencer & Horowitz (1973), and the research critiqued by Banks (1976), black dolls, puppets, and pictures are compared with white stimuli on a variety of dimensions to assess choice or preference behaviors. Results indicate learned cultural values (i.e., color connotations, racial attitudes, and preferences) concerning specific ethnic groups. However, group identity findings are often interpreted in terms of self-hatred or self-derogation-terminology relevant only to personal identity. Powell (1974) notes the social policy implications of the research by pointing out that the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision on school desegregation was heavily influenced by the research of Mamie and Kenneth Clark (1939, 1940). As noted, the Clarks’ research and subsequent studies documented a controversial relationship: If offered a choice, young, preschool Afro-American children frequently evaluate the color black and black persons less positively than the color white and white persons. The issue of black children’s preference behavior represents one of the more perplexing findings of the race difference literature and has contributed to a culture-deficit paradigm. Although the issue has been long-standing with established policy implications, there have been few attempts to link black children’s cultural values with parental child-rearing strategies. BACKGROUND

The Clarks’ (1939, 1940) research has been heavily criticized on both the methodological and conceptual levels (Brand et al., 1974; Banks, 1976). However, their research and the issue of Afro-American children’s Eurocentric response patterns remain of critical importance for several reasons: First, their initial findings of 4 decades ago have influenced both social and educational policy decisions. Second, their findings of Eurocentric response patterns for young black children have been replicated across geographical regions. Third, regardless of the scope, quality, and thoughtfulness of their research and subsequent research findings, their pioneer effort served to stimulate significant empirical and theoretical work in the area of personal and group identity. Fourth, given the social

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and economic climate of the late 193Os,the Clarks’ research raised the critical question of the relationship between environmental experiences and psychological outcomes for minority status children. Fifth, the consistent misuse and misreading of their work clearly documents the lack of an adequate interpretation of black children. That is, neither a developmental perspective nor a process-oriented interpretation is incorporated. Too frequently, black child behavior is given adult meaning. Adult psychological processes and meanings are imputed to the developmentally appropriate egocentric or self-centered response patterns of black children. Brand et al. (1974) have criticized the validity of much of the previous research for several reasons. They note a shift from Eurocentric or whitebiased patterns although they acknowledge that black children continue to evaluate social stimuli in ways congruent with their minority group status. Banks’ (1976) criticism differs from that of Brand et al. in denying that the phenomenon of Eurocentrism or race dissonance exists. In fact, according to Banks the phenomenon of race dissonance has yet to be statistically demonstrated. However, Banks’ (1976) review illustrates the confusion in the literature at two levels. First, his view does not differentiate personal identity from group identity. The methodological issues raised concern group identity research, although the motivation for the critique is couched in assumptions of black self-hatred. Second, and most important, Banks’ conclusions do not consider the clear developmental implications of his studies. For the data (i.e., white choice frequency) presented in his review, it is evident that only those studies which exclusively included preschooVkindergarten-age children conformed to chance. Black choice patterns for self-identification or evaluative preference were illustrative of studies which included older children or were exclusively primary grade children (i.e., 6-year-olds and older). Race awareness is a developmental variable (Spencer, Note 3, 1982). It may well be that the younger subjects lack the maturation and social experiences necessary to differentiate by race. Banks’ (1976) review may benefit from a reanalysis which includes a careful consideration of age range (i.e., examining the data by age for each year), and response dimension (i.e., color connotations, evaluative attitudes, evaluative preferences, and self-identification). From reviewing the data presented (Banks, 1976, pp. 1182-l 183, Table 2), a developmental response pattern emerges. For either evaluative preference or self-identification, older children either show no bias or a black preference. On the other hand, those studies which include exclusively preschool/kindergarten children show either no bias or a white preference. Banks’ critique fails to integrate developmental theory and cognitive factors in his analysis of performance variations between studies. Given differences in cognitive structures available to the preschool versus

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primary grade child, a more careful interpretation of maturational effects on white preference in blacks is required. More recent empirical studies (Semaj, Note 6), theoretical models (Spencer, Note 1, Note 3, 1982; Alejandro-Wright, Note 4), and review papers (Cross, Note 5) offer more conceptually sound explanations for young black children’s Eurocentric response patterns. The more recent research is both developmental and integrative in that possible age effects are considered along with the affective or emotional domain. Traditional research had fallen short in its perception of black children by regarding them primarily as children who were also black; or, on the other hand, data interpretations principally focused on black children as blacks, who were also young. Research had consistently failed to examine the unique psychological processes of black children as black children. A more integrative method was needed which simultaneously considered both their unique developmental (child) status and their particularistic social experiences as a function of their ethnicity. Expected variations or changes in these processes as a function of maturation, parental child-rearing strategies, and social experiences needed to be studied in a systematic manner. The more contemporary research perspective both acknowledges the unique cultural influence of the larger society, and also (1) demonstrates that its influence is not homogeneous in significance for black children’s color concepts, racial attitudes, and preferences; (2) suggests that the form of cultural influences vary with development over time; (3) documents that Eurocentrism is not necessarily related to self-esteemfor young, egocentric black children, although (4) race awareness is inherently related to children’s maturation and experience or to their gradual understanding of the world. The more contemporary perspective suggests new directions for both the parenting and education of black and other ethnicAmerican children who are reared in a majority culture society (Barnes, Note 7). Black Child-Rearing

Issues

The variables of race, color, gender, socioeconomic status estimates, body type, and sexuality are important person characteristics which are immediately perceived and reacted to by “the other” in an initial social interaction. These variables obtain meaning and value for the individual as a consequence of both maturation and social experience. Unfortunately, in the course of socialization, these person characteristics are infrequently discussed with the child by significant others. Instead, these important characteristics of self or identity elements are relegated to informal, impersonal agents of communication (e.g., television, children’s readers, toys, educational materials, peers, and carelessly used stereotypic labels). Given the pervasive findings of the group identity literature,

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one may ask the important question of the relationship between parental child-rearing strategies and young black children’s Eurocentric values. Parents and families occupy the most powerful position of influence for each generation. As the agents of socialization, parents can apply human development knowledge to the greatest social advantage and thereby elevate the quality of life and general competence of its members (Jordan, 1980). Comer (1980) notes that society has a core interest in the indoctrination of children who represent “its new recruits.” In transmitting the culture through child rearing, parents pass on attitudes, values, ways, and skills which permit child development from a state of complete dependency to a more or less independent adulthood status. Achievement of these ends requires that socializing agents promote the psychological, social, and intellectual development of their offspring by modeling and directly teaching the required behavior to their children. Comer & Poussaint (1975) state that parents are most successful in their social roles when they are an accepted and valued part of society. LeMasters (1970) describes several features of minority group status which must be coped with by parents. For the minority group parent or individual, the status frequently (1) involves prejudice and discrimination whether the parent is a Jew, a Roman Catholic, an American Indian, a Puerto Rican, or an Afro-American; (2) reflects a disadvantage in terms of power distribution for the economic, political, and law enforcement systems; (3) is projected by the dominant group as inferior, worthless, or potentially violent; and (4) is portrayed as morally inferior to the dominant group (p. 98). Although all minority groups experience problems, the specific issues which parents address may vary in severity. However, according to LeMasters (1970), there are several generic problems common to all minority group parents when attempting to rear their children: residential segregation, slum housing, poverty, inadequate schools, unemployment (or underemployment), poor health (mental as well as physical), loss of civil rights, prejudice, discrimination, and the problem of self-image (p. 100). Although the American-Jewish parent today is usually the exception, their predecessors in the United States experienced the generic problems listed. Afro-American parents are the largest American minority group and, as noted by E. Franklin Frazier (1966), have faced significant child-rearing problems from the onset of their American experience. In this regard, research efforts on minorities began at the onset of this century as a response to the large-scale migrations from Europe at the turn of the century. One significant observation of these ethnic minorities was that each passed swiftly from a second-class citizenship status to one of “mainstream.” Missing from many historical and sociological analyses of this voluntary migration pattern is the notion that perceived economic

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and social opportunities were very different for European immigrants versus the similar status groups of Afro-Americans and Native Americans. The status of Afro- and Native Americans was not something entered into voluntarily as a price to be paid for future reward, but rather was imposed from without. Given this historical variance, it might be expected that the child-rearing strategies proposed and enacted by parents would vary as a function of individual differences in the experiences and perceptions of opportunity and that this might be reflected in measures of group identity. Research to be explored subsequently has demonstrated positive selfconcept or self-esteem for black children and youth in combination with Eurocentric attitudes and preferences. THE STUDIES

Group identity findings from several studies conducted in the Midwest, North, and South are reviewed and compared. Thus, our first goal is to illustrate a consistent pattern of group identity findings regardless of geographical locale by reviewing work previously published or under review (Spencer & Horowitz, 1973; Spencer, Note 1, Note 3, 1982); several dimensions of group identity choice behaviors are included: color connotations, racial attitudes, and racial preference. Second, research findings which document the independence of personal identity from group identity are reviewed (Spencer, Note 3, 1982). The first and second goals represent a summarization of research in the Midwest (Spencer & Horowitz, 1973), North (Spencer, Note 3), and South (Spencer, 1982). The third goal explores unpublished statistical relationships between black parents’ child-rearing strategies and their children’s group identity. Results are discussed with reference to theories of socialization and identity formation. The exploratory parental data identifies the specific content of Southern black parent’s child-rearing strategies as predictors of their children’s group identity. The first two goals, then, serve to review previously published data which acknowledge patterns of relationships or independence. The third goal offers new data and insights into the specific socialization experiences of Southern black children. METHODS

As a measure of group identity, Eurocentric response patterns for color concepts (black vs white “color choices”), racial attitudes, and preferences were compared across three studies of black preschool children in the Midwest, North, and South. Table 1 describes the demographic characteristics of each sample. As listed in Table 1, in addition to black children’s group identity assessment of Studies I (Midwestern), II (Northern), and III (Southern)

z.I

48

130

384

II (1976, North)

III (1982, South)

N

I (1973, Midwest)

Study

3,5,7,9

4-6’12

3-5

Age

B

24W 24B B

Race

192MI 192LI

Ml Ll Ml

SES

Sample demographics

24B 24G 64B 66G 192B 192G

Sex

TABLE 1

Attitudes, preferences, attitude/preference Attitudes, preferences. attitude/preference

Attitudes/preferences

Cultural values

All

subjects

All subjects

Self-concept

Measures

Subsample n = 45

-

Parental strategies

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also included a measure of personal identity-i.e., self-concept, which was explored as a correlate (Spencer, 1982). Only Study I (Midwestern) included both black and white preschool children (Spencer & Horowitz, 1973). The inclusion of white children did not affect the findings of the study but instead offered additional comparison data. Study III, the Southern sample, included parental interviews as an exploratory dimension; parenting strategies and adjustments have remained unexplored as explanatory variables for black children’s group identity. The measure of cultural values has been described in detail elsewhere (Spencer, 1982). This Racial Attitude/Preference Measure tests for Eurocentric or majority-culture-biased racial attitudes and preferences. The response style Eurocentrism (Le., majority-culture bias) is the opposite response style from an Afrocentric orientation. This picture-card procedure was originally designed by Williams and Roberson (1967) and was revised and modified to obtain measures of both racial attitudes and preference for “light-skinned” Caucasian vs “dark-skinned” Afro-American persons. Thus, the shortened Eurocentric vs Afrocentric label appears appropriate. In this procedure, the stimuli were eight 11 x 14-in. cards, each showing a full-length drawing of two children playing. The illustrated figures were identical except for hair texture and skin color. Each of the eight cards depicts either a set of boys or girls. One example of an accompanying story is: “Here are two boys playing. Everyone says how ugly one boy is. Which is the ugly boy?” In order to obtain a measure of each child’s racial preference, stories such as the following were included: “Here are two girls. One of the girls would make a very nice playmate. Which one would you choose as a playmate?” Similar stories for classmate, studymate, and friend were also included. Color connotations were assessed with animal stimuli which varied only by color. One had a white color and the opposite a black color. Evaluative questions accompanied each story, e.g., “Here are two dogs. Everyone says that one is pretty. Which is the pretty dog?” Each of the racial attitudes, racial preferences, total (combined) racial attitude/preference, and color-connotation scores were computed by counting the number of Eurocentric or white-biased responses. Thus, the proportion of Eurocentric responses or the degree of manifested race dissonance was obtained. The Spearman-Brown split-half reliability coefficient for this measure was .81. The measure most closely resembles the measures critiqued by Banks (1976). Self-concept was assessed with the Thomas Self-Concept Measure (Thomas, 1967) which contains four references: Self as seen by (a) self, (b) mother, (c) peer, and (d) teacher. Self as viewed by each referent is evaluated for 14 factors: happiness, size, ability, sociability, sharing, male acceptance, fear of things, fear of people, strength, cleanliness, health,

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attractiveness, material, and independence. For each referent and factor, a score of + 1 or - 1 is given for a possible range from - 56 to + 56. One of the particularly positive aspects of this measure is the use of a Polaroid picture taken of the child at the time of testing. Because the questions concerning “the self” are directed at the snapshot, it appears to aid the child’s objectification of self. Thus, in addition to a total self-concept score, four reference scores are generated. Child Test Data Summary Summarized, data from Studies I (Spencer & Horowitz, 1973), II (Spencer, Note 3), and III (Spencer, 1982) for the Midwest, North, and South, respectively, indicated that black preschool children demonstrate Eurocentric attitudes, preferences, and color connotations regardless of age. Color concepts are more Eurocentric than either attitudes or preferences and become increasingly more Eurocentric through Age 9; it appears that the three (i.e., color connotations, racial attitudes, and preferences) are different, although related, dimensions of children’s cultural values. White preschool children obtained more Eurocentric cultural values for color concepts, attitudes, and preferences than similarly aged black children. In addition to the assessment of cultural values, Study I (Midwest) included a behavior modification procedure. Thus, both experimental and control group results were obtained. As illustrated in Fig. 1, findings suggested that 3-year-old children are as knowledgeable about stereotypic racial and color values as are 5-year-olds and are as capable of learning new values. As indicated by the control subjects of Study I, behavior modification of socially acquired color concepts significantly influences subsequent assessment of children’s cultural (racial) values. Study II (North) findings similarly illustrated Eurocentric cultural values for Northern preschoolers (see Fig. 2). Beginning at age 7, Eurocentric attitudes and preferences become significantly more Afrocentric and neutral when compared to performance during the preschool years. Comparisons by age group for Study III (Southern) are presented in Fig. 3. Across studies, no significant sex differences were apparent for the group identity measure (i.e., Eurocentric color concepts, attitudes, and preferences). In addition, no socioeconomic status (SES) differences emerged for Eurocentric color connotations regardless of age group for Study III. No main effects (age, sex, and SES) for Eurocentric attitudes and preferences were apparent during the preschool years although significant differences by age and SES emerged for the primary aged children included in Study III; and older and middle-income children were more Afrocentric. Self-concept was positive and independent of age and geographical

MARGARETBEALE

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0

Experimental N = 16

CO”trOl N=8 Black ss

(3,

4, b 5 yrs.)

Control tJ=8 white ss

Experimenral N = 16 (3,

4, b

5

yrs.)

-‘:,:,5:.:,,.1

FIG. 1. Study I (Midwest) mean scores for Eurocentric color connotations and racial attitudes/preferences.

locale. The majority of preschool children in the North (87%) and South (81%) displayed positive self-concepts or personal identity. In the South, primary school-aged children (93%) displayed positive self-concepts. (As noted previously, Study I did not include the assessment of personal identity.) Contrary to previous assumptions concerning the negative linearity of black children’s self-concept and Eurocentrism, 63% of the Northern preschool children of Study II displayed both Eurocentric values and positive self-concepts. Forty-seven percent of the Southern preschool sample of Study III had both Eurocentric attitudes and positive selfconceptions. Thirty percent of the Southern, primary school sample were Eurocentric although they also demonstrated positive self-concepts. For the Northern Study (Spencer, Note 3), the Pearson Product-Moment correlation coefIicient between self-concept and racial attitudes/preferences was not signiticant (Y = 445). Similarly, for the Southern sample (Spencer, 1982), there was not a significant correlation between self-concept and racial attitudes/preferences (r = .025).

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AND CHILD REARING

o5-7 ”

-- 6-5 _ 33

FIG. 2. Study II (North) mean scores for Eurocentric racial attitudes/preferences.

The summary of research findings on race dissonance appears to confirm consistent Eurocentric response patterns for black children irrespective of geographic region. With reference to the Banks’ (1976) critique, for the small, Midwestern sample, the criterion percentage for significant (Eurocentric) choice behavior for control and experimental subjects combined (N = 24) was significantly different from chance frequencies for color connotations, irrespective of the child’s race. However, attitudes/preferences were chance level for all subjects (see Fig. 1). The small sample size prevented the examination of choice behaviors individually for each age group. However, for Studies II (North) and III (Southern), the performance of all preschool children were Eurocentric above chance level for racial attitudes and preferences (see Figs. 2 and 3). Further, in Study III, both preschool and primary grade children were Eurocentric significantly above chance level for color connotations: the color white is consistently valued for the groups of 3- through 9-yearolds. Only the older, more socially experienced primary grade children of Study III demonstrated non-Eurocentric choice patterns for racial attitudes/preferences. The 7-year-olds’ choice behavior pattern did not deviate from chance. On the other hand, the criterion percentage for older, 9-year-olds was significantly Afrocentric.

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5 = 88

M = 85

80

10

60

50

60

30

20

10

0

COLOR CONNOT*TIONS II

ATTIT”DES/PREFERENCES

FIG. 3. Study III (South) mean scores for Eurocentric color connotations and racial attitudes/preferences.

Second, the unexpected, although replicated, finding is the relationship between self-concept and racial attitudes. Preschool children most often show Eurocentrism although also displaying positive self-concepts. These data were consistent for the Northern and Southern preschool children. Older primary grade children displayed a different response pattern. Although the correlation coefficient was not significant, the Afrocentric response pattern for the older children was associated with a positive self-concept. Parental Interview Data Parental interview data from 45 Southern mothers who were willing to participate in the exploratory study complement the race dissonance findings of Study III. Subjects represented both lower-income and middleincome families. Table 2 presents percentage responses to specific child-rearing questions which address parental perceptions of the child’s individuation, that is, the child’s actual or expected experiences as a function of gender and/

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VALUES AND CHILD REARING

TABLE 2 PARENTALSTRESSED VALUES AND CHILD-REARINGSTRATEGIES Parental response category and individual response Differentiation of child characteristics (1) No change in child rearing if child were of opposite sex (2) No change in child rearing if child were white Views of and preparation for “new” environments (3) Integrated school would change child’s experiences (4) White schools would broaden child’s social experiences Perception of improved racial climate (5) Raising a child in the late 1970s is different from the 1950s and 1960s (6) Perceived current change in racial climate is due to a more tense. polarized, earlier period (7) The 1960s had no impact on parental child rearing (8) The 1960s transmitted black consciousness in child-rearing efforts Optimism of child’s future (9) Optimism about the child’s future would not vary if child were of the opposite gender and race (white) (10) The greatest problem in raising a minority child is racism and discrimination (11) No problems specific to raising a black child Child qualities stressed (12) Reinforced qualities would not change if child were white (13) Reinforced qualities would not change if child were opposite sex Cultural beliefs stressed (14) Children taught that all people are equal (15) No discussion of race unless child asks specifically (16) No discussion of sex-role issues (17) Children taught that social class is not important (18) Teaching children about race is not important (19) Teaching children about race is important Views of race as asset/deficit (20) Children will have no problems in school because of race (21) Children will have no problems in school because of gender membership Black history knowledge (22) Child knows “some” black history (23) Child knows “a lot of” black history (24) Child knows “no” black history (25) Parent knows “a lot” of black history (26) No discussion of civil rights (27) Civil rights are discussed

Percentage response 73 91 47 22

56 56 27 25

85 36 22 71 100 51 33 36 33 50 50 60 93 25 25 25 50 47 33

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or race as perceived by parents are listed. The l’h-hr interview focused on several areas of child rearing: education, discipline, racial identification, socialization, and the adequacy of child-rearing information. Only those identity-oriented questions which were both identity oriented and correlated highly with child outcome (identity) variables were chosen for further analysis. Most parents were of the opinion that childrearing would not change if the child were of the opposite sex or race. Of the four parents who stated that child-rearing strategies would be different if the child were white, only two parents specifically noted that the difference would be due to not having to discuss issues having to do with racism. Parents varied in regard to what they would tell their child upon entrance into a new class or school. Consistent with previous research with ethnic minorities, the primary response, independent of SES, stressed discipline: the child “should behave.” Twice as many middle-income parents also noted the value to “strive for academic success” as a secondary response. Of those reporting “yes” to the question “Would attendance at an integrated school change your child’s experiences?,” over one-half stated that white schools were better staffed and equipped. Parents did not view an all black school as necessarily inferior to attendance at a predominantly white institution. Parental responses suggested that education in a predominantly black institution would provide a different set of child experiences (36%). As listed in Table 2, many parents noted that raising a child in the late 1970s is different from raising a child in the 1960s or 1950s. These responses suggest that black parents perceive a much improved racial climate. Parents, by and large, who reported that the values reinforced would be different if the child were white usually stated that whites have more opportunities. Generally, middle-income parents tended to report more frequently that children are taught the equality of all. Table 2 lists that approximately one-third of all parents noted that there is usually no discussion of race unless the child asks specific questions. However, 27% stated that sex-role differences are occasionally discussed. The response that social class is not important was more frequently made by middleincome parents. Lower-income parents reported most often teaching their children that being “rich” is better than being poor (31%). Of those who stated “no,” teaching about race is not important, 75% specifically stated that race is nor important. Only 32% of the “yes” respondents to the question that teaching about race is important specified the importance of preparing the child for possible racial discrimination. Fourteen percent of the “yes” respondents noted that it is important to instill self-pride and cultural awareness. However, 55% of the “yes” respondents (i.e., it is important to prepare children for possible discrim-

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ination) answered “yes” for “other” nonracial discrimination-related issues. No respondents stated that there would be many problems in school due to race and 18% responded “yes,” there would be a few. Surprisingly, given the increasingly visible feminist movement, and perhaps as a result of its success, 93% of the parents stated that children would have no problems due to gender membership. Parents were generally split when asked about their judgments of their child’s knowledge of black history. As noted from Table 2, 50% of parents stated that they know “a lot” about black history. However, one-half of that number were less sure about knowing “a lot” of black history by reporting “maybe they (themselves) know a lot of black history.” Parental Child-Rearing Strategies as Predictors of Child’s Cultural Values After establishing the consistent pattern of Eurocentric cultural (racial) values, and the independence of personal identity from group identity (Spencer & Horowitz, 1973; Spencer, Note 3, 1982), the third and most important goal of the study is both integrative and exploratory. Goal 3 concerns the predictive relationship between parental child-rearing strategies and child outcome variables: color connotations, racial attitudes, and racial preferences. These relationships have remained generally unexamined and are suggested as important for parent education, child socialization, and child development. The exploratory study of parental child-rearing strategies as predictors of children’s cultural values included 45 cases; accordingly, the number of predictor variables was restricted. Culturally related parental interview responses along with specific demographic characteristics (maternal age and education), child self-concept, age, and socioeconomic status were correlated with child dependent variables: color connotations, racial attitudes, racial preferences, and racial (total) attitudes/preferences. For each dependent variable, predictor variables which obtained Pearson correlation coefficients which were significant or at least “trend” level (i.e., >.06 but <. 10) were included in each stepwise regression analysis. The questions listed in Table 2 were highly correlated with each other. Neither the child’s self-concept nor socioeconomic status contributed significantly to the regression equations. Likewise, maternal age and education often correlated with the dependent variables but never contributed significantly to the regression analysis. As was the case with the total Southern sample (i.e., Study III), the subsample of children obtained mean scores of Eurocentrism for color connotations which were higher (X = 87.30) than racial attitudes (X =

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52.38), racial preferences (X = 38.69), and racial attitudes/preferences combined (X = 47.85). Older children obtained more Eurocentric color connotation scores (X = 91.66) than did the younger children (X = 78.57); in addition, older children generally obtained more Afrocentric racial attitudes (X = 44.94) preference (X = 2.5.30), and attitude/preference combined (X = 38.49) scores when compared to the younger children: X = 67.26, 65.47, and 66.66, respectively. Color connotations. The more favorable evaluation of the color white (i.e., Eurocentrism) was predicted by the child’s age and parental report that the child had knowledge of black history: F(2,42) = 9.38, p < .OOl; the unique variance accounted for was 31%. The predictive relationship between Eurocentric color connotations and the child’s age was positive. Increasing age predicted children’s Eurocentric color connotations. As listed in Table 3, on the other hand, the child’s knowledge of black history, as reported by parents, was negatively predictive of Eurocentrism. Racial attitudes. For the total sample, several independent parental variables accounted for 46% of the unique variance for children’s Eurocentric racial attitudes. As listed in Table 4, negative correlations were obtained for the three variables: a lack of parental teaching concerning civil rights, children’s inadequate knowledge about civil rights, and a lack of parent/child discussion of race discrimination. As listed in Table 4, parental beliefs that the current racial climate is an improvement over the 1950s or 1960s also predicted Eurocentric racial attitudes. Racial preferences. For the ungrouped data, the child’s age and parental belief that the child had knowledge of black history accounted for 34% of the variance and predicted racial preferences: overall F(2,42) = 10.83,p < .OOl. Older children and those who parents believe have greater knowledge of black history predicted racial preference in the Afrocentric direction (see Table 5). DISCUSSION

The reported findings of children’s cultural values (i.e., color connotations, racial attitudes, racial preferences) across several geographical regions (i.e., Studies I, II, and III) replicate the earlier research by Clark and Clark (1939, 1940); in addition, the data demonstrate that black children may be both Eurocentric (group identity) and have positive selfconcepts (personal identity). It would appear that children’s Eurocentric values reflect unchallenged transmitted attitudes from the broader society which are generally not internalized with one’s own personal identity during the early preschool and primary grade years. Perhaps the socialization of Afro-American children to sustain for themselves an improved quality of life is promotable by a more racially

5

TABLE 3

RSQ .162 ,308

Multi R

,403

,557

9.38

8.33

Overall F

TABLE 4

,000

,006

P

.147

,162

RSQ change P

.006 .005

F change

8.33 8.90

- ,395

,403

Beta

- ,273

.403

COIT

Parents teach civil rights lntegration causes greater experiences Child’s knowledge of black history Parent’s knowledge of black history Current racial climate better than 50s or 60s Discuss racial discrimination

Independent variable .139 ,218 ,290 ,355 ,408 ,460

.466

,539

,596

.639

,679

RSQ

,373

Multi R

5.40

5.38

5.51

5.59

5.84

6.96

Overall F

.ooo

,001

,001

.003

,006

.012

P

,052

,053

,065

.073

,078

,139

RSQ change

.047

4.20

,070 ,063

3.48 3.68

,051

.047

4.20

4.04

,012

P 6.96

F change

- .26

.24

.28

- .29

.28

- .37

Beta

-.28

.27

.26

-.31

.22

- .37

Corr

STEPWISEREGRESSIONOF PARENTAL CHILD-REARING STRATEGIES (INDEPENDENT VARIABLES) ON CHILD EUROCENTRIC RACIAL ATTITUDES (DEPENDENT VARIABLES) FOR TOTAL SAMPLE (N = 45)

Age Child’s knowledge of black history

Independent variable

STEPWISEREGRESSIONOF PARENTAL CHILD-REARING STRATEGIES (INDEPENDENT VARIABLES) ON CHILD EUROCENTRIC COLOR CONNOTATIONS (DEPENDENT VARIABLES) FOR TOTAL SAMPLE (N = 45)

TABLE

5

.532

,584

of

Child’s knowledge black history

Multi R

Age

Independent variable

.341

.283

RSQ

10.83

17.00

Overall

F

.ooo

.ooo

P

,058

.283

RSQ change

3.70

17.00

F change

.061

.ooo

P

- .248

- ,532

Beta

- .363

- S32

corr

STEPWISEREGRESSIONOFPARENTAL CHILD-REARINGSTRATEGIES(~NDEPENDENT VARIABLES)• N CHILD EUROCENTRICRACIAL PREFERENCES (DEPENDENT~ARIABLES)FORTOTAL SAMPLE(N = 45)

CULTURAL

VALUES

AND CHILD REARING

369

consonant group identity. The transmission of racially consonant cultural values may well provide an important means for promoting children’s sense of group equality and hope in the face of racial inequality. For parents, the process may promote a sense of group progress or movement which might serve to sustain motivation. The more Afrocentric response pattern for older primary school children suggests that alternative value structures are a result of the child’s own increasing maturation and social experiences in combination with parentally transmitted values. Data analyses indicated that precisely communicated parental values concerning race predicted racial attitudes and preferences. The lack of direct teaching or discussion of specific cultural values resulted in the learning of traditional, unchallenged cultural beliefs (i.e., Eurocentric racial attitudes/preferences); Afrocentric cultural values resulted only from parental intervention. Importantly, Eurocentric values remained independent of the child’s personal identity (i.e.; self-esteem). Although often treated interchangeably in the literature, the learning of Eurocentric color connotations appears to be more deeply rooted and less malleable than Eurocentric racial attitudes and preferences; the former appears less responsive to parental “indoctrination of children who represent its new recruits” (Comer, 1980). For the latter (i.e., attitudes and preferences), the transmission of parental values and beliefs through direct teaching or discussion does appear to influence the child’s Afrocentric cultural values. Continued research which focuses on both parental child-rearing strategies and consequent child behavioral outcomes is clearly needed. Such approaches could support the articulation of new interventions which promote social and educational policies by decreasing the gap between children’s ethnic experiences and broader social and educational expectations for competence. REFERENCES Banks, W. C. White preference in blacks: A paradigm in search of a phenomenon. Psychological Bulletin, 1976, 83(6) 1179-1186. Brand, E. S., Ruiz, R. A., & Padilla, A. M. Ethnic identification and preference behavior: A review. Psychological Bulletin, 1974, 81, 860-890. Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. P. The development of consciousness of self and the emergence of racial identity in Negro preschool children. Journal of Social Psychology, 1939. 10, 591-599. Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. P. Skin color as a factor in racial identification of Negro preschool children. Journal of Social Psychology, SPSS Bullerin, 1940, 11, 156-169. Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. P. Emotional factors in racial identification and preference in Negro children. Journal of Negro Educarion, 1950, 19, 341-350. Comer, J. The black family: An adaptive perspective. In M. Fantini & R. Cardenas (Eds.), Parenting in a mulriculrural society, New York: Longmans, 1980. Comer, .I., & Poussaint, T. A. B/a& child cure. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1975. Coopersmith, S. The Antecedents of self-esteem. San Francisco: Freeman, 1967. Frazier, E. F. The Negro family in the United States. New York: Dryden, 1966. Jordan, D. Developmental universals and their implications for parent competence. In M.

MARGARET BEALE SPENCER

370

Fantini & R. Cardenas (Eds.), Parenting in a multicultural society. New York: Longmans, 1980. Kardiner, A., & Ovesey, L. The mark of oppression: Explorations in the personality of the American Negro. New York: Norton, 1951, Landreth, C., & Johnson, B. C. Young children’s response to a picture and insert test designed to reveal reactions to persons of different skin color. Child Development, 1953, 24, 63-80. LeMasters, E. Parents in modern America. Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey, 1970. Powell, G. Black Monday’s chiidren. New York: Appleton-Century-Croft, 1974. Radke, M., & Trager, H. G. Children’s perceptions of the social roles of Negroes and Whites. Journal of Psychology, 1950, 29, 3-33. Rosenberg, M. Society and the adolescent self-image. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1965. Rosenberg, M., & Simmons, R. Black and white self-esteem: The urban school child. Washington, D.C.: Amer. Social. Assoc., 1971. Spencer, M. B. Personal and group identity of black children: An alternative synthesis. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1982, 106, 59-84. Spencer, M. B., & Horowitz, F. D. Effects of systematic social and token reinforcement on the modification of racial and color-concept attitudes in black and white preschool children. Developmental Psychologist, 1973, 9, 246-254. Thomas, W. The Thomas Se&Concept Values Test Manual. Chicago: Stone, 1967. Williams, J. E. Connotations of color names among Negroes and Caucasians. Perceptuo/ and Motor Skills, 1964, 12, 721-731. Williams, J. E. Connotations of racial concepts and color names. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,

1966, 3, 531-540.

Williams, J., & Roberson, J. A method of assessing racial attitudes in preschool children. Educational

and Psychological

Measurement,

REFERENCE

1967, 27, 671-689.

NOTES

1. Spencer, M. B. Personal-social adjustment of minority group children. Final report of Project Number 5-ROI-PHS-MH-31106 funded by the National lnstitute of Mental Health, 1981. 2. McAdoo, H., & McAdoo, J. A different view of race attitudes und se&mcepts in preschool children. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association of Black Psychologists, Detroit, August 1973. and personality development of the black pre3. Spencer, M. B. The social-cognitive schoof child: An exploratory study of developmental process. Unpublished dissertation, University of Chicago, 1976. 4. Alejandro-Wright, M. The child’s conception of racial classification: A socio-cognitive developmental model. Paper presented at the SRCD Study Group meeting held in Atlanta, Georgia, November 1980. 5. Cross, W. S. Exploring ecological determinants of black and white identity and development in children: Social networks and everyday activities of three year olds. Paper presented at the SRCD Study Group meeting held in Atlanta, Georgia, November 1980. 6. Semaj, L. T. Afrikanity, cognition, and extended self-identity. Paper presented at the SRCD Study Group meeting held in Atlanta, Georgia, November 1980. 7. Barnes, J, The black community as the source of positive self-concept for black children: A theoretical perspective. (Commissioned by the Social Science Research Council. Prepared for the “Self-Concept” Work Groups of the Learning and Educational Process Subcommittees on Compensatory Education.) Unpublished manuscript, University of Pittsburgh, lY70. 8. Hare, B. No place to run, no place to hide: Comparative status and future prospects of black boys. Paper presented at the SRCD Study Group meeting held in Atlanta, Georgia, November 1980. RECEIVED:

May 10, 1982;REVISED: December 21. 1982