Communications on energy Household energy conservation This study assesses the influence of attitudinal and socio-economic factors on household energy conservation actions. A household interview survey in Regina, Saskatchewan found that respondents perceive an energy problem, although no association with energy conservation actions was determined. Two attitudinal and five socio-economic variables influence household energy conservation. Energy and monetary savings are available to households through energy conservation. Public awareness of household energy conservation through the media can reinforce existing energy conservation actions and encourage new actions. Keywords: Energy conservation; Households; Public attitudes The importance of energy as a resource is increasingly apparent in all countries. Energy is essential in residences, industry, agriculture and transport and underlies all aspects of life. Since we cannot survive without energy - a non-renewable resource the efficient usage of energy should be an important societal goal. Compared to most countries, Canadians are voracious energy consumers. 1 In past decades, the quantity of energy consumed has increased sharply. For instance, in Saskatchewan, a province endowed with a range of non-renewable resources, energy consumption in 1980 has doubled since the early 1960s. z The central theme of energy conservation is to use energy more efficiently. Canadians could be efficient energy users if they adopted more conservation actions, and one potential area is in household activities. Motivation for household energy conservation actions may stem from a number of influences and sources. This study assesses the influence of attitudinal and socio-economic factors on household energy conservation actions. It begins by stating that attitudes influence actions, and the attitude-action association has important implications for public education programmes. The influence of socioeconomic factors on household energy conservation is discussed. Estimated energy savings are shown. To support
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the contentions made, results from a survey undertaken in Regina, Saskatchewan are presented.
Influence of attitudes and socioeconomic factors O'Riordan refers to attitudes as 'organized sets of feelings and beliefs about an object or group of objects, which will i n f l u e n c e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour'. 3 Attitudes develop as a result of cumulative experience and knowledge derived from past exposure to an environmental stimulus. The more frequent the stimulus, the more constant the attitude becomes. Social mores, desired teleology, professional expectations, and cultural standards that demand conformity also condition attitudes. Roger and Shoemaker comment that attitudes have enduring qualities and predispose actions. 4 These notions provide a rationale for relating attitudes to energy conservation actions. Becker and Seligman suggest it is important to examine attitudes because 'appropriate energy related attitudes and beliefs may constitute a necessary condition for appropriate energy related behaviours'. 5 Since new attitudes can be established, attitude-action association has important implications for public education. 6 By examining socio-economic factors, we can identify 'target groups'
and other factors which may influence energy conservation awareness programmes. A focus for energy conservation campaigns can be obtained by studying attitudes, most and least frequently adopted household energy conservation actions, and the types of action taken. Attitude-energy consumption behaviour relationships are not discussed here. In this regard, the reader is referred to the notable research of Seligman et al and the excellent review of current work by Stern and Gardner, the scholarly theoretical analyses by Cook and Berrenberg and the interesting study by Rohles. 7-1° Our study concludes that new behavioural patterns can be established by a public education programme which is cognizant of household energy consumption attitudes and actions.
Method Data for this survey was collected during the 1982 summer period in Regina, Saskatchewan. v A random sample of 473 residents living in single-familY detached dwellings was obtained. Respondents who had lived in their houses for at least two years were interviewed. This time period was considered sufficient for people to take actions to make their homes more energy efficient. The sample includes 55% (258) females and 45% (214) males. The mean age of the person interviewed was 42 years. High school was the most frequent level of education. The age of the average house was 23.8 years; 94% of the respondents owned their home (with or without a mortgage). Respondents were personally contacted, and requested to complete a written questionnaire comprised of both open-ended and multiple-choice questions. The duration of each interview was approximately 10 minutes. The refusal rate was about 10%.
Results Seventy-eight percent of the respondents felt there was an energy problem in Canada; almost 80% were either moderately or very concerned about
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an energy problem. This finding is similar to Olsen's who reported that Americans also felt that there was a real and serious energy problem in the USA. t2 Perceptions on the cause of the energy problem were varied, as shown in Table 1. The majority of respondents felt the main cause was 'disagreement' between the federal and provincial governments on energy policies. The least mentioned cause was 'running out of energy resources'. A strong attitude exists that human manipulation, rather than resources scarcity, is responsible for the current energy problem. However, no association was found between perception of the energy problem and the number of household energy conserving actions taken. Other studies have also reported that belief in the energy problem makes little difference in energy conserving actions. 13-16 Almost 90% of the respondents moderately or strongly agreed that each household's contribution to conserve energy was important. Other studies report similar resultsJ 7 18 The Regina data showed that there was a direct relationship between energy conservation actions and the strength of the belief that individual energy conserving actions are important (see Table 2). McDougall and Keller also found these factors to be related. 19 High costs, energy shortage, or both, were nominated by 32%, 32% and 34% respectively, of the respondents as being the main reason to conserve energy. Reasons given for conserving more energy were not associated with energy conservation actions. Sixty-three percent of the responTable 1. Perceptions on the cause of the energy problem in Canada. Perceived cause of the energy problem Disagreement between federal and provincial governments on energy policies High cost of imported oil Not enough research and development Running out of energy resources Political unrest in oilproducing countries
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Percentage of respondents citing these causes 37%
11% t 1% 8%
4%
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Table 2. Relationship between energy conservation actions and the belief that individual energy conserving actions are important. Factors Influencing household energy conservation Attitudinal Socio-economic
Significant associations with number of conservation actions (p < .05) Strengh of belief that individual actions are important. Willingness to change lifestyle to conserve more energy. Age of house Number of people in household Number of adults in household Respondent's age Main wage earner's age
the number of reported conservation actions. Households comprised of two to four people took a greater number of actions than households of differing size. Homes with two adults took the largest number of actions. People who were 31-35 years took more energy conservation actions than people in other age cohorts. One explanation is their stage in life people in this age cohort tend to have family members which consume considerable amounts of energy. Studies conducted which related income to energy conservation practices differed dramatically in their findings. Cunningham and Lopreato discovered that i n d i v i d u a l s in lower socioeconomic categories were forced to Socio-economic factors make sacrifices to conserve energy Several i n t e r e s t i n g results were because of their limited income. 2° A o b t a i n e d by r e l a t i n g the socio- survey by McDougall, Ritchie and economic variables of age, occupa- Claxton showed that higher income tion, education, house tenure, status groups use more labour-saving but and house age to the number of energy-consuming practices, zl Other reported conservation actions shown studies have found that rich and poor people do not differ in their energy in Table 2. Form of home tenure was not signi- conservation practices. 22 Our study ficantly associated with number of showed no significant relationship beenergy conservation actions reported. tween income and energy conservaHowever, those who owned their t i o n a c t i o n s . F u r t h e r m o r e , the homes declared a slightly greater num- occupation and education of both the ber of actions than renters, possibly person interviewed and the main wage because homeowners might feel more earner of the family (sometimes one responsible and able to make changes and the same) had no significant influin the house. People occupying homes ence on the number of. household aged 16-25 years took a significantly energy conservation actions. greater number of actions than other age groups, possibly due to the conEnergy conservation actions struction practices of homes twenty years ago or the current stage in the Household energy conservation actions are differentiated as being enerlife cycle of the occupants. The number of household occu- gy conservation practices or measures. pants was significantly associated with Practices are no- and low-cost opera-
dents felt they could conserve more energy while maintaining their present lifestyle, and a slightly lower percentage (60%) indicated they would be willing to change their lifestyle to conserve more energy. We concede, however, that stating an intention does not imply a behavioural change. Again, no association was found between the number of actions taken and an indication that the respondents would conserve more while maintaining their present lifestyle. However, more energy conservation actions were currently undertaken by those who indicated a willingness to change their lifestyle.
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Communications on energy Table 3. Household energy conservation practices and measures. Typical household energy conservation actions and estimates of monetary savings
Transportation (1) (2) (3)
Regular car maintenance: 15% of 30 000 km (assumed) at 10.5 I./100 km = 475L x $.40/L = $190.00 Improved driving techniques: 20% of 30000 km at 10.5 I_/100 km = 630L x $.40/L = $252.00 Reduce car usage: 10% of 30000 km at 10.5 L/100 km = 315 L x $.40/L = $126.00- note car mileage can be 50% lower in winter; therefore, it is more effective to reduce usage in winter
Porcontage of Regina sample taking these actions 93 70 52
Residential(assume $500 annual heating bill for 3450 ma natural gas at (4) (5)
14.5¢/m 3) Maintenance of heating system: 5% (172.5 m3) = $25.00 Turn down thermostat: - day 22° - 20°C; night 20° - 17°C - 8% (275
87 87
m3) = $40.00 (6) (7) (8) (9) (10)
Caulk and weatherstrip: 15% (517 m a) = $75.00 Install storm windows and doors: 9% (310 m 3) = $45.00 Upgrade insulation: 20% (690 m a) = $180.00 Reduce appliance use: 300 kWh @ 4.5c/kWh = $14.00 Reduce light use: 600 kWh @ 45c/kWh = $27.00
tions that require some change in household behaviour, no capital investment, and can be easily implemented and just as easily undone. Measures, on the other hand, involve technical changes to the structure, heating equipment or appliances in the home. Measures are relatively permanent, but because they involve capital costs, tend not to be implemented immediately. Table 3 shows seven household energy conservation practices (Nos (1)-(7) and three measures (Nos (8)(10). Many others could have been included but were not for expediency. These have been grouped to show savings in the transportation and residential sectors. An estimate of energy savings is shown for each practice and measure. The table aFso shows the percentage of respondents in our survey who reported undertaking each energy conservation action. There are three caveats for interpreting of Table 3. First, the energy savings are not additive between two or more actions: for example, simultaneous implementation of two or more energy conservation actions such as reduced car usage and regular car maintenance or insulation upgrading, or upgrading and lowering the thermostat requires a recalculation of the energy savings in the table to avoid double counting savings. Second, the table indicates that more energy savings are available through energy conservation practices (in the transportation sector), corn-
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74 68 62 49 84
pared to energy conservation measures (in the residential sector). In drawing comparisons, one must consider the implicit assumptions about household activities. For example, those people who walk, use public transport or share cars when driving to work will realize a reduced potential for transportation energy savings. Finally, the table does not include the cost of implementing the energy conservation actions. For example, a $500 capital expenditure to upgrade attic insulation from R 40 to R 60 will require a longer payback period than caulking or weather stripping windows and doors which will have an immediate return on investment. A problem emerges in surveys concerning the validity and veracity of the responses. Respondents may offer socially acceptable and inaccurate responses. In our survey, this is unlikely since the questions asked are in no sense personally threatening or likely to result in undesirable social consequences. While this does not abrogate the problem, we consider it to be minimal. We recognize that people may over-report their actions. Therefore, where possible, the respondent's information about insulation, storm door, weather stripping and other energy conservation measure installations and practices such as lowering the house thermostat were checked and verified. Respondents undertook at least three energy conservation actions. The mean number of actions taken
was 7.4. Two percent of the respondents reported taking all actions. The most frequently reported energy conservation action was regular car maintenance. Regular heating system maintenance and lowering the thermostat tied for the second most popular action (Table 3). The repetitive actions of maintaining the car and furnace regularly do not require a change in lifestyle. The two actions which rated lowest in popularity included reduced appliance and car usage. These actions require some form of sacrifice or a change in lifestyle, while the action of upgrading insulation, another less popular action of conservation behaviour, requires spending money. These findings tend to replicate those of Cunningham and Lopreato who reported people's reluctance to increase expenditure or reduce living standards to conserve energy. 23 Other studies also indicate that people are reluctant to take actions which require less c a r usage. 24'25 Information seeking is another action which was assessed. The survey results indicated that most people acquired information from television and the newspaper (see Table 4). Also, a positive association between the number of sources people utilized to gain information and actions taken to reduce energy consumption was indicated. Television, closely followed by newspapers, rated as being the most credible information source, while government pamphlets rated as the least believable source. There was, however, a general desire for more information on energy issues. Replying to a home-interview questionnaire, home occupants of single detached houses in Regina, Saskatchewan indicated a concern about an Table 4. Sources of information on energy conservation.
% of i~mple who Sources of Information Television Newspaper Radio Magazine Government pamphlets Other sources (eg home energy audits)
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gain Information from source 88 81 68 68 51 35
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energy problem in Canada. Perceptions about its causal factors were varied but most respondents agreed that household energy conservation was important. Among others, two attitudinal factors influencing household conservation were determined. First, a direct relationship between energy conservation actions and the strength of belief that individual energy conservation actions are important was found. Second, respondents would also be willing to change their lifestyle to conserve more energy. Various socioeconomic factors, including age of house, number of people in household, number of adults, respondent's age, and main wage earner's age, also influence household energy conservation. E n e r g y savings are o b t a i n a b l e through conservation practices and measures to reduce household energy consumption. Highest monetary savings are realized by selecting the energy conserving measures which will produce the highest rate of return for the household based on its activities, and adding other actions which will in effect contribute diminishing rates of return. The results of this study have several implications for the policy analyst in assessing household energy conservation and public education. Informing the public and establishing positive attitudes toward energy conservation through the media (particularly for some personalities26) and educational institutions are important steps to encourage home occupants to become more efficient energy users. The relationship b e t w e e n the n u m b e r of sources from which people gained information and the number of actions taken suggests that a better informed public would undertake more energy conservation actions and thus consume less energy. As a result, energyrelated issues should be taught from primary to post-secondary school levels. The results of this study also suggest that more information should be distributed by television and newspapers - the sources cited as being most credible. Yavas and Riecten affirmed the importance of a trustworthy source to enhance confidence. 27 The thrust of current federal and provincial energy conservation proENERGY
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grammes has been to inform the public about the merits of energy conservation measures such as insulation upgrading and the availability of home-improvement grants and low interest loans. Our data indicates that a significant higher proportion of households could be induced to undertake energy conservation measures and practices. Existing energy conservation programmes must be revamped to convey information and stimulate public interest and motivation. 18 Interestingly, at present, both the provincial and federal governments have reduced energy conservation advertising because of a political concern that the Canadian taxpayer may perceive it to be wasteful spending of money. As a result, television and newspaper advertising is at a minimum. Our research affirms a need for a policy shift in the current energy conservation programme for public education. Specifically, in addition to promoting energy conservation measures, the media should encourage energy conservation practices to motivate new behavioural patterns. Such a motivation campaign must override existing behavioural patterns. For example, to some people a significant descrease in energy consumption may mean a perceived lifestyle change, such as loss of status. 29 Coomer suggests that we are confronted by a social problem in addition to an energy problem. Thus, messages aimed at convincing the public that consuming less energy does not reduce the quality of life or social status should be marketed. In this regard, Seligman et al suggest the comfort issue should be used in an energy conservation campaign since it is an important d e t e r m i n a n t of s u m m e r e n e r g y consumption. 30 Monetary cost is a determinant of the types and number of energy conservation actions. 31'32 Our survey results indicate that insulating and installing storm windows and storm doors rate as the third and fourth least practised actions. To make these and other actions more popular, people should be informed as to how much money can be saved by taking specific actions. Other studies also report that if people are informed about potential
monetary savings, more residential energy will be saved. 33'34 In summary, recognition of an energy problem, belief that individual actions can effect energy conservation and realization of potential energy and monetary savings are all elements in establishing new household behavioural patterns for energy consumption. A public education campaign should include these elements to reinforce existing energy conservation actions, encourage new ones, and clarify conservation priorities which Careless reports have caused misunderstandings and misconceptions. 35 Initially, the focus of the campaign could be aimed at people aged between 31 and 35 because they tend to undertake more energy conservation actions than people in other age cohorts, according to our findings in Regina. Once this campaign is established, it must also support behavioural changes towards energy conservation, such as the provision of incentives and rewards for reduced car usage. Further, both provincial and federal governments must provide means and resources for people who are motivated to participate in household energy conservation.
Fred A. Curtis Professor, Faculty of Engineering P. Simpson-Housley Assistant Professor Department of Geography and S. Drever, Research Assistant Faculty of Engineering all University of Regina Saskatchewan, Canada Funding for this project was provided by Employment and Immigration, Canada, Summer Student Employment Program, 1982. Carol Youck assisted in data collection and Randy Dahlman assisted in data collection and computer programming. Jim Clark, A/Program Manager, Conservation and Renewable Energy Office, Energy, Mines and Resources Canada, provided energy savings estimates. 1E. L. Jackson, 'Perceptions of energy problems and the adoption of conservation practices in Edmonton and Calgary', Canadian Geographer, Vol 24, pp t 14130. 2Government of Saskatchewan, Department of Mineral Resources, Policy Planning and Research Branch, Energy Saskatchewan - The Flow Accounts, 1981. 3T. O'Riordan, 'Environmental management', (1971) in C. Board, R. Chorley, P. 455
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Haggai, and ~. Stoddart, ads, Progress in Geography: International Reviews of Current Research 3, Arnold, London, 1971, pp 173-231. 4E. M. Roger, F. F. Shoemaker, Communications of Innovations, The Free Press, New York, 1971. 5L. J. Backer, and C. Seligman, 'Welcome to the energy crisis', Journal of Social Issues, Vol 37, No 2, 1981, pp 1-7. 6T. A. Collins, C. N. Herbkersman, L. A. Phelps and G. W. Barrett, 'Establishing positive attitudes toward energy conservation in intermediate level children', Journal of Environmental Education, Vol 10, No 2, 1979, pp 18-23. 7C. Seligman, M. Kriss, J. M. Darley, R. H. Fazio, L. J. Backer and J. B. Pryor, 'Predicting summer energy consumption from homeowners' attitudes', Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol 9, No 1, 1979, pp 70-90. ap. C. Stern and G. T. Gardner, 'Psychological research and energy policy', American Psychologist, Vol 36, No 4, 1981, pp 329-342. aS. W. Cook and J. L. Berrenberg, 'Approaches to encouraging conservation behaviour: A review and conceptual framework', Journal of Social Issues, Vol 37, No 2, 1981. I°F. H. Rohles Jr, 'Thermal comfort and strategies for energy conservation, Journal of Social Issues, Vol 37, No 2, 1981. 111n 1982 the population of Regina was 165 000, 12M. E. Olsen, 'Consumers' attitudes toward energy conservation', Journal of Social Issues, Vol 37, No 2, 1981. ~aR. Perlman and R. Warren, Families in
the Energy Crisis: Impacts and Implications for Theory and Policy, Ballinger, MA, 1977. *4R. W. Anderson and M. W. Lipsey, 'Energy conservation and attitudes toward technology', Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol 42, 1978, pp 17-30. ~sW. H. Cunningham and S. C. Lopreato,
Energy Use and Conservation Incentives; A Study of the Southwestern United States, Praeger, New York, 1977. lSD. Sears, T. Tyler, J. Citin and D. Kinder, 'Political system support and public response to the energy crisis', American Journal of Political Science, Vol 22, 1978, pp 56-82. ~TG. H. McDougall and G. Keller, Energy: Canadians' Attitudes and Reactions, Department of Consumer and Corporate Affairs, Ottawa, Ontario, 1981 ~aGovernment of Ontario, Ministry of Energy, Summary of Results, Conservation Behaviour Study, 1980. l~Op cit, Ref 17. 2°Op cit, Ref 15. 2~G. H. McDougall, J. R. Ritchie and J. D. Claxton, Energy Consumption and Con-
servation Patterns in Canadian Households, Department of Consumer and Corporate Affairs, Ottawa, Ontario, 1980. 22M. A. Qadeer, B. Devney, L. Hanson and J. Moore, Households and Energy Con-
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servation in Kingston, prepared for the Ontario Ministry of Energy, 'Experience '80', School of Urban and Regional Planning, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, 1980, p 91. 230p cit, Ref 15. 240p cit, Ref 18. 2SOp cit, Ref 22. 2SF. Curtis, P. Simpson-Housley and C. Youck, 'Household energy conservation and locus of control: a research note', Energy Research, Vol 8, 1984, pp 89-93. 27U. Yavas and G. Riecken, 'Stimulating energy conservation: the use of the opinion leadership process', Energy Policy, Vol 9, 1981, pp 226-230. 28A. Lazar, et al, An Examination of Mea-
sures Designed to Encourage Energy Conservation from the Perspective of Motivation Theory, Energy Conservation, Department of Energy, Mines and Resources Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, October 1975.
29j. Coomer, 'Solving the energy dilemma', The Futurist, Vol 11, 1977 pp 228230. 3°Op cit, Ref 7. al Op cit, Ref 15. 320p cit, Ref 17: 3aM. H. Palmer, M. E. Lloyd and K. B. Lloyd, 'An experimental analysis of electricity conservation procedures', Journal of Applied Behavioura/Analysis, Vol 10, No 4, 1977, pp 665-671. a"R. A. Winnet, M. S. Neale and P. C. Grier, 'Effects of self monitoring and feedback on residential electricity consumption', Journal of Applied Behaviour Analysis, Vol 12, 1979, pp 173-184. 3SR. Careless, 'Cranbrook residential energy survey', in F. Curtis, ed, Energy
Developments: New Forms, Renewables and Energy Conservation, Pergamon, 1984, pp 763-766.
Hydro scale and LDC oil substitution - the Guianas' experience Project scale is often critical in LDC hydro substitution. Large hydro schemes have low costs and wide development options but they are difficult to implement because they depend on external capital and markets. Although small hydro schemes are more easily implemented their costs are closer to the margin. Sustained high inflation eroded the potential benefits that the 1973-74 oil shock gave to large hydro. The 1979 shock restored the competitive potential of larger hydro, but the subsequent recession narrowed its prospective market and made smaller hydro schemes more prudent. Large-scale hydro's marketing problem can be reduced through regional cooperation, but presents formidable political problems. Guianese experience suggests that in such difficult circumstances, multi-stage large hydro projects have advantages over singlestage ones. Keywords: Energy substitution; the Guianas; Hydro-electric power The 1973-74 oil shock boosted the delivered cost of electricity from large new oil-fired plants in the industrial countries to around 30 mills ($0.03/ kWh). While large new gas-, coal- and nuclear-fuelled power stations could undercut this cost by one-seventh to one-tenth, a large hydro scheme could potentially transmit power over similar distances at half the cost (Table 1). Since oil-fired power stations in most developing countries are smaller and older, and therefore less efficient, than those shown in Table 1, the incentive to substitute for oil imports was strong. 1 Substitution became urgent for suitably endowed countries because oil imports as a fraction of the oil-importing developing countries' export earnings rose sharply. 2 How-
ever, the hydro project had to be of medium or large size: small hydro was only viable after the 1973-74 oil shock if the turbines could be 'backfitted' into an existing water control infrastructure. Without such an option, small hydro of a few megawatts was unlikely to deliver power much below 100 mills/kWh in the mid-1970s. Hydro-electric projects of a scale sufficient to yield substantial cost savings invariably require capital and power markets in excess of domestic capacity in all but the largest developing countries. Where domestic and regional markets are too small, the energy must be exported through long-distance power sales or as energy-intensive products. Research undertaken into long-distance power
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