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Complexities of water access in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Applied Geography 41 (2013) 132e138
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Complexities of water access in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Sarah L. Smiley* Kent State University at Salem, 2491 State Route 45 S, Salem, OH 44460, USA
a b s t r a c t Keywords: Dar es Salaam Water Access
Water access is generally measured by the distance to a source of water. This concept of access overlooks important issues such as the reliability, quality, quantity, and cost of water. Using survey data from residents in four of Dar es Salaam’s wards, this paper explores the complexity of real water access. Many households have water access on paper, but in reality are forced to obtain water from a variety of sources, including some that are contaminated with salt or sewerage, and spend a significant portion of their incomes on this water. The inadequacies in water provision can be attributed in part to the colonial era, but a lack of expansion or improvement to water infrastructure since independence is also to blame. Community-based organizations have emerged as one way to improve water access. Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction Dar es Salaam suffers from inadequate water provision, and these inadequacies are not new. The city’s limited water infrastructure dates to the colonial era and has seen few improvements or expansions since that time. For the majority of Dar es Salaam’s residents, the reality of everyday life is poor or even nonexistent access to water. The importance of access to water is well-recognized by academics and policy-makers alike, and increasing access to water is one part of the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals (UN, 2012). Yet the term access is exceptionally problematic (ObengOdoom, 2012; Satterthwaite, 2003). In a development context, access is defined as living proximate to a source of clean water. This meaning of access, however, overlooks extremely important issues including the location of a water source as well as the reliability, cost, quantity, and equity of this water (Obeng-Odoom, 2012). In this article I demonstrate that water access in Dar es Salaam is very complex. Many households may have access on paper, but in reality face contaminated, inadequate, unreliable, or expensive water. Dar es Salaam is not the only developing world city to have low levels of water provision (see for example Bakker & Hemson, 2000; Basu & Main, 2001; Hungerford, 2012; Njoh, 2013; Smith & Hanson, 2003; Swyngedouw, 2004). A common theme throughout this literature is that these cities experience significant disparities in water, resulting in fragmented systems that Bakker (2010) and Kjellén (2006) term archipelagos of service. In this type of system, small urban islands receive water, but the large surrounding areas
* Tel.: þ1 330 337 4228; fax: þ1 330 337 4122. E-mail address: [email protected]. 0143-6228/$ e see front matter Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2013.03.019
are not connected to water networks so must rely on other, often inadequate, sources. Another problem faced by many cities is past failures to improve water supply and distribution, often through privatization (Bakker, 2010; Bayliss, 2008). Even though Dar es Salaam is not the only city to experience these shortcomings in water provision, it still offers an important case study. Much of the existing literature on water in the city examines services at a large scale e either citywide or by municipality (Dar es Salaam City Council, 2004; URT, 2003). This study looks at a smaller scale within Dar es Salaam, focusing on wards and subwards. This smaller scale allows for a more accurate examination of water access since the large scales can obscure the reality of the city where some areas have higher levels of service provision and other areas completely lack any service. Even maps created by the city’s water agency obscure these realities; they indicate that the areas discussed here (Fig. 1) all receive piped water at least one day per week, but my surveys find that this water reaches very few households (DAWASA, 2011). Once we understand these everyday life realities of limited or even nonexistent water access, we can propose and evaluate potential solutions. This article traces out the history of water provision in both the colonial and post-independence eras and details the complexities of contemporary access in four areas of Dar es Salaam, focusing on reliability, quality, and cost. I also highlight communitybased water provision schemes as a potential way to improve the realities of everyday life in this city. Water provision in colonial Dar es Salaam Problems with water provision in Dar es Salaam date to the colonial era. Tanzania was first a German colony and later a British mandate. In 1887 the German government established its German
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Water provision in postcolonial Dar es Salaam
Fig. 1. Research areas in Dar es Salaam. Map created by Andrea Szell for the author.
East Africa colony. German colonial rule (which lasted until 1919) brought early development and infrastructure, but World War I prevented the full implementation of urban planning schemes. As a consequence of its role in the war, the League of Nations stripped Germany of all of its colonies and mandated many of these territories to other colonial powers. German East Africa was mandated to Great Britain and renamed Tanganyika Territory. The short nature of German rule, therefore, limited the scope of service provision in Dar es Salaam. Under the British mandate (1919e1961) Dar es Salaam grew substantially in both population and area. It is during this time that small areas of the city, primarily the European areas, received piped water. A 1931 report highlighted the contamination of water wells due to a reliance on pit latrines and recommended the provision of piped water to public kiosks in African residential areas (BNA CO 691/114). Unfortunately too few kiosks were ever provided, and by 1951, Dar es Salaam’s Chief Town Planning Officer Silvester White insisted that water kiosks should be provided before the construction of African housing (TNA, 41949). The development of Magomeni, a planned African neighborhood, illustrates how little attention was paid to White’s recommendations. In June 1951 Magomeni contained 3000 housing plots, but it was not until July 1953 that construction began on the area’s first water kiosk (TNA, 36707; TNA, 32575 Volume 2). In March 1954, the Medical Officer of Health expressed concern that Magomeni’s residents were drinking dirty surface water because of insufficient water kiosks (TNA, 32575 Volume 2).
In 1961 Tanganyika received its independence, and in 1964 it merged with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania. Independent Dar es Salaam inherited an inadequate water supply system, and it has seen little expansion or improvement in spite of significant population growth. This lack of expansion can be attributed, in part, to the country’s emphasis on rural areas under socialism and its subsequent economic decline. Under President Julius Nyerere, Tanzania implemented a program of socialist development in 1967 with goals of self-reliance, economic growth, and modernization. Under this program, rural areas were privileged over urban areas and urban policies emphasized smaller cities at Dar es Salaam’s expense. Tanzania never achieved this goal of self-reliance and instead accumulated large debts leading to the eventual implementation of economic reforms and structural adjustment. Although Briggs and Yeboah (2001) note that structural adjustment did lead to increased housing construction in Dar es Salaam, this growth occurred in peri-urban areas and had no real impact on existing housing stock or water provision. Instead these economic reforms inhibited the expansion of services and also led to failed privatization efforts. In spite of various policies, the provision of piped water in Dar es Salaam has remained a challenge in the postcolonial era. Early policy considered water a social good and provided it free of charge, but by 1985 the parastatal National Urban Water Authority began charging for domestic water use in Dar es Salaam (Mwandosya & Meena, 1998). These water tariffs e which increased dramatically until 1995 e were a reaction to Tanzania’s economic problems (Bayliss, 2008). In 1991, Tanzania created a National Water Policy that focused on water provision to rural areas, with the goal of bringing water within 400 m of every household. It also advocated for the use of water kiosks rather than direct home connections (Mwandosya & Meena, 1998). This policy resulted in substantially increased rural water access, but also decreased provision in Dar es Salaam (Bayliss, 2008). In the years after the 1991 Water Policy, multiple studies on Dar es Salaam’s water supply noted problems with supply, delivery, and revenue collection and advocated for increased water tariffs (Mwandosya & Meena, 1998). Yet with all of the changes implemented in the postcolonial era, there is less funding available to the water sector now than in the past (Bayliss, 2008). In fact, Dar es Salaam’s Mtoni water plant, which dates to the British mandate, is called a “piece of archaeology” that has “never been expanded nor really repaired in actual terms” (Kanywanyi, 1998: p. 199). Tanzania’s 2002 National Water Policy also recognizes the inadequacy of water provision and set ambitious goals for improvements. Specifically it seeks to reach universal access to safe water by 2025 (URT, 2002). To achieve this goal, people will be required to connect to piped water systems at their own expense, and private water sources in urban areas will be prohibited. Although the policy views water access as a human right, the expense of universal access will be daunting for many urban residents. Water agencies in contemporary Dar es Salaam The Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Corporation (DAWASCO) is the city’s piped water supplier. This corporation is part of the larger Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority (DAWASA), which owns all water infrastructure. DAWASCO was created after a failed attempt in 2003 to privatize the city’s water supply. This attempt at privatization was a requirement of structural adjustment policies and later of debt relief initiatives. Economic reform emphasized privatization as a way to improve water infrastructure in Dar es Salaam, but these improvements were not realized
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(Bayliss, 2008). The private company City Water set the ambitious goal of bringing piped water to eighty percent of Dar es Salaam residents, with most having twenty-four hour water service. This contract was terminated after just eighteen months because it made a bad situation worse (Bayliss, 2008). For example although City Water did increase billing, it also billed many customers for nonexistent water service. After the failure of City Water, DAWASA established a lease contract with DAWASCO, which created a 100 day rescue plan (Bayliss, 2008). This plan did achieve some improvements, but major problems still exist with Dar es Salaam’s water service. Specifically DAWASCO does not adequately supply Dar es Salaam with water. Some of this inadequacy can be attributed to the limited origins of the city’s water supply, but the city has also failed to expand this system in the postcolonial era. Its last major expansion was in 1975 in spite of rapid population growth. DAWASCO also has substantial inefficiencies in production. On paper, it produces a daily capacity of 300,000 m3, but in reality the actual production is much less (DAWASA, 2011). Glöckner, Mkanga, and Ndezi (2004) estimate that nearly two-thirds of the water supplied to Dar es Salaam is lost through decayed pipes and unauthorized use. Yet even if all of the water reached its customers, it would not satisfy the current daily demand of 400,000 m3 (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; Kyessi, 2005). Another issue affecting water supply in Dar es Salaam is the large number of wells in the city. Residents have several options available to them in terms of well construction. They may receive official permission to dig their own well by applying for a permit, receiving a license, and paying an annual fee to cover monitoring costs. They may also petition their Municipal Government to dig a public well. For these municipal-dug wells, residents are tasked with selling the water and maintaining the well. Kinondoni Municipality, for example, dug seven wells in 2010 and planned to dig ten more in 2011 although more wells were requested than actually dug (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). Yet the majority of city wells are unauthorized and dug without government knowledge (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). These illegal wells are not viewed positively by DAWASA and violate the 2002 National Water Policy (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; URT, 2002). Yet in an absence of sufficient public water, many residents view unauthorized wells as their only affordable and viable option. DAWASA does have plans to expand the city’s water supply, which should more than double the amount of water produced each day (DAWASA, 2011). This new water will be piped directly to homes and delivered to public water kiosks. These household connections should increase revenue, but new customers will incur significant expenses as they are required to pay for pipes and meters along with administrative fees (DAWASA, 2011). Of course the same problems that decrease daily water production now e such as leaks and illegal connections e will likely affect these new sources. Furthermore as the city’s population increases, demand for water will continue to grow. Survey methodology Dar es Salaam is comprised of three municipalities e Ilala, Kinondoni, and Temeke. These are divided into a total of seventythree wards, which are further subdivided into subwards called mitaa (streets in Kiswahili, the singular is mtaa). I surveyed 129 households in four of Dar es Salaam’s wards: Magomeni and Msasani in Kinondoni Municipality and Buguruni and Ilala in Ilala Municipality. By examining provision at the ward level, this research seeks to offer a new lens for studying water. Much of the existing data on water, especially statistics collected by the Tanzanian government, tracks provision at the larger municipality or city scales. There is great variation in these statistics; for example,
estimates of access to piped water in the city range from fifteen percent to seventy-two percent (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; URT, 2003). These differences in measurement can be attributed to how access is defined or even from counting pipes that no longer supply water (Bourque, 2010). In spite of this wide data range, all of those concerned with water provision do agree that access has declined in Dar es Salaam during the post-independence period. By examining the smaller ward and mitaa levels, it is possible to more accurately depict the realities of water in Dar es Salaam. This survey methodology also allows for an exploration of the concept of access. The questions asked e such as the location of water sources, its cost, its quality, and the reliability of its supply e provide a deeper understanding of the complexities of access. I selected these four survey wards deliberately. Ilala and Magomeni were two of the earliest planned African areas in Dar es Salaam while Buguruni and parts of Msasani e in particular the mtaa Mikoroshoni e were among the city’s earliest unplanned areas (Brennan & Burton, 2007). I chose this planned/unplanned dichotomy in order to determine whether planned areas were privileged in terms of service provision, however as I explain below, these areas had equally poor service provision. I also chose established areas since they have had sufficient time to be connected to the city’s water network. Initially I also sought to conduct surveys in Temeke and Keko Wards in Temeke Municipality, which were early planned and unplanned wards respectively. Unfortunately a local leader in Temeke Ward would not acknowledge my research permit and declined to give me access to the residents in his mtaa. In conducting these 129 surveys, I sought to obtain a random sample from across the wards; for example, in Magomeni I surveyed respondents in Mapipa, Makuti, and Kota mitaa. The majority of residents were surveyed at their homes, and I tried to visit only one home on a block in order to avoid repetition of results. Although I was not able to cover every block in each of these areas, I feel confident that I obtained a random sample. These were oral surveys, where I asked questions in Kiswahili and documented respondent answers. I conducted all of these surveys with a research assistant who aided with translation. During these surveys, my questions focused on water sources, cost, quality, and reliability. Survey results Dar es Salaam experiences major shortcomings in the provision of water. In particular the majority of survey respondents do not have water connections at their homes. Interestingly, no significant difference in access exists between planned and unplanned areas. In theory planned areas should have better amenities. Yet since the British colonial government ignored recommendations to provide services before beginning home construction, planned areas such as Ilala and Magomeni developed without connections to water infrastructure and instead relied on public water kiosks. Little has been done to improve amenity access since independence, resulting in UN-HABITAT’s observation of no real service and infrastructure differences between planned and unplanned areas (Nnkya, 2004). As Table 1 illustrates, a minority of survey respondents e just 30 of 129 e have household water connections. Of those connections, ten are connections to a well and twenty are connections to the DAWASCO piped water network. Thus the majority of survey respondents must either leave their property to obtain water or purchase it from roving water vendors. To these people, lacking a connection at their home means they lack access to water. Yet in a development context, many of these households are considered to have access since they live near a public distribution kiosk (Fig. 2) or purchase water from a neighbor. The following section explores the
S.L. Smiley / Applied Geography 41 (2013) 132e138 Table 1 Household water connections.
Buguruni Ilala Magomeni Msasani Total
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Table 2 Water supply reliability.
Well water connection
DAWASCO water connection
No household water connection
5 4 1 0 10
1 4 6 9 20
26 25 25 23 99
Buguruni Ilala Magomeni Msasani Total
Households with connections using multiple sources
Households without connections using multiple sources
Households with connections using single source
Households without connections using single source
2 3 1 0 6
3 4 10 1 18
4 5 6 10 25
23 21 15 21 80
complexities of water access in greater detail, focusing on other issues that affect water provision and use. Discussion of access complexity Having established the sources of water for the surveyed households, this section explores the concept of access in greater detail. In particular it focuses on the aspects of access ignored in the official development context such as the reliability, quality, and cost of Dar es Salaam’s water. Survey respondents indicate that water supply in Dar es Salaam is extremely unreliable. In fact, twenty-four households e including those with and without connections e receive water from multiple sources, a fact that emphasizes the inadequacies of water quantity and reliability in Dar es Salaam. As detailed above, DAWASCO does not produce enough water to satisfy daily demand, and many portions of the city connected to the piped water network do not receive water all day or even every day. Likewise, even alternative sources cannot be counted upon to provide a consistent supply of water. For example some residents in Ilala purchase water from a local mosque, but it only sells water for two hours per day (Table 2).
Fig. 2. Public water kiosk in Msasani ward, Dar es Salaam. Photo by author.
The most popular source of water for my survey respondents is the city’s ubiquitous roving vendors (Fig. 3). These vendors are not a recent addition to Dar es Salaam; in 1934, the British colonial government noted their importance in providing a needed and practical service (TNA, 10481/II). In postcolonial Dar es Salaam, the number of vendors has increased substantially (Kjellén, 2000, 2006). These vendors obtain their water from a variety of sources including wells, kiosks, homes, and even DAWASCO itself and resell this water at inflated prices. The city’s reliance on water vendors does not help meet the Millennium Development Goal of increasing access to clean and safe water since the quality of water purchased from vendors cannot be monitored after it leaves the tap (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011). Thus many Dar es Salaam es Salaam households pay more for officially unsafe water from vendors than they would pay for safe water from kiosks. This reality underscores the importance of defining access in a meaningful way (Table 3). Water quality is also an issue in Dar es Salaam and does contribute to some households using multiple water sources. Reweta and Sampath (2000: p. 409) suggest that DAWASCO water quality is not routinely monitored and that water mains are not regularly cleaned, resulting in water that is “aesthetically unsatisfactory and occasionally bacteriologically unsafe”. Every respondent indicated that their well water e whether their own well or well water purchased from other locations e was salty. An Engineer for the Kinondoni Municipality admits that the city’s well water does contain salt, but insists that it is potable and that its quality is routinely tested (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). In addition to salty well water, Chaggu, Mashauri, Van Buuren, Sanders, and Lettinga (2002) found wells contaminated with waste from pit latrines. Indeed I surveyed a resident in Buguruni who has a household well
Fig. 3. Water vendor and research assistant in Buguruni ward, Dar es Salaam. Photo by author.
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Table 3 Water sources. Vendor Public DAWASCO Neighbor Multiple Household or private kiosk non-household connection well sources Buguruni 5 Ilala 15 Magomeni 20 Msasani 3 Total 43
8 2 0 0 10
0 0 0 5 5
11 6 5 14 36
2 2 0 1 5
6 8 7 9 30
but believes that water to be both salty and contaminated by sewerage; thus she only uses her free well water for washing and purchases expensive DAWASCO water for drinking. The vast majority of my survey respondents have pit latrines at their homes. The prevalence of pit latrine usage in Dar es Salaam can be attributed to the lack of a citywide formal sewerage system. The city’s 1979 Master Plan highlighted the failures of the existing system and proposed the total elimination of pit latrines (Marshall, Macklin, Monaghan Ltd., 1979). Today DAWASA estimates that only ten percent of the city is served by a sewerage system. This figure remains unchanged from 1988, when the World Bank began a project to increase access to sanitation (World Bank, 1991). A planned expansion of this system, as part of the city’s forthcoming Master Plan, will increase that coverage to thirty percent by the year 2017 (DAWASA, 2011). These sewerage improvements are scheduled for completion after water supply improvements since water is considered more important than sewerage (DAWASA, 2011). However it should not be assumed that flush toilets are necessarily the preferred type of sanitation. Although flush toilets should prevent well contamination, they require a large amount of water to operate. In a city already facing water shortages, it may be difficult to justify using water for toilets rather than drinking. The cost of water is an important component of access. According to data released by Tanzania’s National Bureau of Statistics, Dar es Salaam’s average household spends 154,904 Tanzanian Shillings (Tsh) per month, with over half of that figure spent on food alone (Karega, 2011). The remaining monthly expenditure covers rent, transportation, education, healthcare, electricity or other fuel, and water. According to UNESCO (2006), people need 20e50 L of water per day to meet their basic needs, and Tanzania’s 2002 Census indicates the average household size in Dar es Salaam is four people (URT, 2003). Using these statistics and the prices reported by my respondents, monthly household water costs can range from 2040 Tsh to 300,000 Tsh e potentially consuming most of total household expenditures. As the following paragraphs demonstrate, water costs vary in several ways. Not only are prices for DAWASCO water higher than for well water, prices rise and fall due to principles of supply and demand. Water is typically sold and priced in 20 L increments, but here I present costs for 1 L in Tanzanian Shillings. At the time of this research, one US dollar exchanged for 1575 Tsh. DAWASCO charges 0.85 Tsh (per liter) for its customers who are officially connected to the piped water network. Although costs for those people without direct water access vary considerably, they are much higher than these official rates. Even DAWASCO water itself is more expensive for those without household piped connections; at official DAWASO water kiosks, the price is 1 Tsh. According to my survey respondents, prices for water from other sources can range from 1 Tsh to 50 Tsh indicating that water prices are exceptionally fluid and depend on many variables including supply, demand, water source, distance from a source, and water quality. For example, an Ilala Ward resident explained that he normally pays his neighbor 1 Tsh for well water and 2.5 Tsh for DAWASCO water. Yet when the inevitable and frequent DAWASCO shortages occur, the price for piped water rises to 7.5 Tsh. This
resident also purchases water from vendors to supplement the supply from his neighbor. Vendors usually charge 5 Tsh for well water and 10 Tsh for DAWASCO water. During DAWASCO shortages, however, the price of piped water from vendors rises to 15 Tsh. Unlike some cities in South Africa that provide a small amount of free water to their poorest residents (Jaglin, 2008; Smith & Hanson, 2003), Dar es Salaam does not have a large-scale official free water program. Bayliss (2008) details a past program that provided a free allotment of 5000 L per month to the city’s poorest households. Likewise a DAWASA employee indicated the agency has a program to provide free low-water use connections to the poor (DAWASA, 2011). Yet none of the households I surveyed had benefited from either of these programs. Of course some people do not pay for their water access, whether by digging unauthorized wells or receiving free water from neighbors or mosques. Still the majority of Dar es Salaam residents incur significant costs obtaining water and often this water is inadequate in quantity or quality. Small-scale innovations in water provision Although water service expansions are planned by DAWASA, they are not of a scope to entirely alleviate the city’s complex access problems. It is therefore important to look at other options for increasing water access through the provision of reliable, clean, and affordable water directly to households. Academics, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and the Tanzanian and Dar es Salaam governments all point to community organizations as viable service alternatives (Bakker, 2010; Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; Dar es Salaam City Council, 2004; URT, 2002). Specifically the UNDP advocates for increased water provision through small-scale piped systems that are separate from the city’s main piped networks (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011). Dar es Salaam’s City Council (2004) views these community initiatives as complementary to official programs. Tanzania’s 2002 National Water Policy also acknowledges that coordination with community organizations is imperative to increasing access to water (URT, 2002). Although many actors suggest community organizations are the answer to amenity problems, these organizations are not without criticism. Community-based organizations (CBOs) exist around the world to address housing, amenities, and development issues, and their success levels vary greatly. They range from informal groups created by residents to address a specific problem to more formal groups with long-term goals (Hasan, 1990). Still all of these groups exist to fill a vacuum created by the government and to work alongside NGOs and the private sector (Tukahirwa, Mol, & Ooserveer, 2010). Yet inadequate funds and shortcomings in policy can prevent these organizations from achieving their goals (Hasan, 1990). Not all CBOs encounter such problems and some are instead able to create “micro-solutions” that can be incorporated into larger development plans (Gaye & Diallo, 1997: p. 10). Successful CBOs seem to have greater community involvement, where members contribute funds, labor, ideas, and advice (Gaye & Diallo, 1997). Dill (2009, 2010a, 2010b) has examined CBOs in Dar es Salaam and found problems similar to those identified elsewhere. Although these groups have broadly resulted in increased service provision, they also lack the necessary oversight to ensure that their revenues are spent appropriately (Dill, 2010a). Thus on one hand the strength of CBOs is their independence from the government, but on the other hand their weakness is their need for government oversight and resources to effectively meet their goals such as increased water access (Dill, 2010a). Another problem is that all community members may not benefit equally from these projects (Dill, 2010a). Dill (2010b) notes that Dar es Salaam has experienced a rapid growth in CBOs, with over half of the city’s mitaa having one of them. These groups generally serve as a bridge between the mtaa
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and another actor that can range from local to national to transnational in scope. Dar es Salaam’s CBOs exist out of necessity and opportunity; the responsibility for service provision has shifted somewhat from the national to the local level at the same time that the emergence of multi-party democracy provides more opportunities for community involvement (Dill, 2010b). These CBOs, however, have had a disappointing track record in mobilizing local resources and in getting broad participation from community members. CBOs are assumed to better represent and benefit a specific community group, yet as Dill (2010b) demonstrates, they are not the entire answer. These CBOs should be well-positioned to solve problems while integrating local knowledge and preferences into development planning and they should be more transparent and accountable, but a lack of funding has kept them from meeting these high expectations. I observed several of these small-scale community water provision initiatives in Dar es Salaam’s Ilala and Temeke Municipalities. I visited three mitaa that have constructed these ‘off-the-grid’ water projects advocated by the UNDP. At these mitaa I was able to speak with community leaders, observe the actual water infrastructure, and see community members selling and purchasing water. Each of these mitaa dug wells using a combination of local and foreign donor funds (including from governments and NGOs), installed water pumps and storage tanks, and now sell water to their community members. Water is sold at public kiosks for between 1 and 1.5 Tsh (per liter), which is less than what water vendors typically charge. The mitaa leaders were also quite proud of the cleanliness of their water kiosks and the high quality of their infrastructure. More impressive is that each of these mitaa also allows residents to connect their homes to these wells to provide direct piped water connections. These connections can be expensive, with one mtaa charging 50,000 Tsh for pipes and labor, but the process appears easier than obtaining a direct piped connection from DAWASA. Still the minority of homes in these mitaa have these connections. For example in the two mitaa I visited in Temeke Municipality, only sixteen total homes have these piped connections out of over 2000 homes. Of those few homes directly connected to these wells, water costs vary; two mitaa charge a flat monthly fee (of 15,000 Tsh and 20,000 Tsh) and the third uses meters to charge for actual water use (Ilala, 2011; Temeke, 2011a, 2011b). The mtaa leaders all expressed desires to expand these water schemes but noted that a lack of funding and equipment prevented their efforts. In particular, expanded schemes would require generators to run the electric water pumps during the city’s frequent power outages. Likewise larger water storage tanks would allow these projects to better serve their communities. A Temeke mtaa estimated an additional well would cost 3e4 million Tsh. The desire for additional community wells and kiosks should not give the impression that Dar es Salaam has an unlimited water supply. Officials have already expressed concern that the large numbers of unauthorized wells are negatively affecting the city’s groundwater supply (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). According to one mtaa leader in Ilala Municipality, the idea for this water provision scheme came from the community members themselves. This is an important point since the received wisdom is that CBOs are best-suited to provide development. Still in spite of the potential problems outlined above, a mtaa leader in Temeke suggested that community wells are more preferable than largescale government projects (Temeke, 2011b). He needed additional donor funds to expand his project, but this funding is often directed to the national or municipal government. These funds can take several years to actually reach his mtaa because of both bureaucracy and corruption. The small-scale projects I observed are not the only ones of their kind in Dar es Salaam. DAWASA (2000) documents a CBO project in
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Kijitonyama that dug boreholes in order to create an independent piped water system. Unfortunately, these boreholes do not supply enough water for direct household connections. More importantly is that many Kijitonyama community members prefer to purchase DAWASA water rather than the salty borehole water, and some residents still purchase water from neighbors rather than walking to the community taps. Certainly I do not suggest that CBOs can solve all of Dar es Salaam’s problems, but Myers (2005) notes that reform policies implemented in Dar es Salaam including those from the UN’s Sustainable Cities Program and the World Bank have generally not served the best interests of the people. Thus although these small-scale community schemes may not be perfect, they do fill the gaps created by these large-scale and often ineffective policies and provide an important service in the absence of government funding or infrastructure expansions. Conclusions The majority of my survey respondents do not have direct household water connections. Without these sources, residents do not consider themselves to have access to water. More problematic is that households also suffer due to unreliable, contaminated, and unaffordable water. Predictably I encountered residents who are extremely dissatisfied with their water access. One respondent commented that DAWASCO water was so rare and so valued that the days he received it were like a holiday. I also spoke with people who lacked a direct water connection at the time of the survey but had DAWASCO water provided to their homes in the past. One respondent’s water was turned off because of an unpaid bill. Another ten respondents had pipes in their homes but received no water. One man complained that he had not received water since 1997 while another woman said her water stopped flowing about two years ago. One woman even stated that she still received large monthly bills (30,000e40,000 Tsh) even though she only receives a little water in the middle of the night; each month she goes to the local DAWASCO office to deal with this billing problem. She claimed that these water shortages are worse now in the postindependence period than in the colonial era. Of course I have no way to verify these complaints, but they mirror similar stories in the existing literature. My respondents expressed dissatisfaction with other aspects of amenity provision. One woman who lives in Msasani’s Makangira subward told me about poor solid waste collection in her area. The Kinondoni Municipality used to collect it from those households who paid a monthly fee but has since stopped. She took me to see the area’s informal dump where I saw food waste, plastic bags, empty bottles, broken shoes, and even a computer monitor. Not only was this waste accumulating in an open space near many homes, some of it was on fire as residents tried to dispose of it themselves. I also spoke with a man who blamed all of his problems e including poor amenity provision e on the country’s political party. He believes that corruption consumes loans designated for development. My survey results highlight some significant problems with water in Dar es Salaam. Although official statistics suggest that many residents have access, these statistics obscure the realities of water in the city. DAWASA (2011) itself suggests that the four wards considered here e Buguruni, Ilala, Magomeni, and Msasani e all receive piped water, but my surveys show that very few residents are actually connected to this water network. In this way, Dar es Salaam experiences the archipelagos described by Bakker (2010). These pockets lacking water service contain large portions of the city’s population who are forced to use unreliable, contaminated, inadequate, and expensive water. Ultimately these problems with access force some residents to turn to unsafe, but free, water sources. In Buguruni one respondent showed me a broken
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DAWASCO pipe that created a small pool of standing water. I watched several women collect water from this puddle even though it was pooling directly on a dirt path and contained visible algae growth. This use of obviously unclean and unsafe water illustrates the realities of everyday life in Dar es Salaam. Even though Dar es Salaam is not unique in its poor amenity provision, it represents an important case study in understanding the complexities of water access. The problems with water provision are not new. During the British mandate period, European areas were provided with piped water while African areas were largely overlooked. Even though planners such as Silvester White insisted that African areas should have adequate service provision, these areas instead received too few water kiosks. Yet colonial policies cannot shoulder the entire blame for inadequate amenity access in contemporary Dar es Salaam. In spite of ambitious goals since independence e in Master Plans, National Water Policies, and even World Bank projects e water systems have seen few improvements over the past five decades. Rather these systems have deteriorated and not kept pace with the city’s rapid population growth. By looking at the city’s wards and subwards, it is possible to see actual gaps in service that may be obscured at larger scales and then seek to identify possible solutions, whether through small-scale community projects or larger government expansions of infrastructure systems. This case study of Dar es Salaam demonstrates that access is more complex than living near a water source. Access must also take into account the quantity and quality of this water as well as its cost and reliability. Acknowledgments This research was funded by a Summer Research and Creativity Appointment from Kent State University’s Research Council. Thank you to Hilary Hungerford for her valuable comments on urban water access and to James Browne for his assistance in Dar es Salaam. References Bakker, K. (2010). Privatizing water: Governance failure and the world’s urban water crisis. Cornell: Cornell University Press. Bakker, K., & Hemson, D. (2000). Privatising water: BoTT and hydropolitics in the new South Africa. South African Geographical Journal, 82, 3e12. Basu, S., & Main, H. (2001). Calcutta’s water supply: demand, governance and environmental change. Applied Geography, 21, 23e44. Bayliss, K. (2008). Tanzania: from nationalization to privatization e and back? In K. Bayliss, & B. Fine (Eds.), Privatization and alternative public sector reform in sub-Saharan Africa: Delivering on electricity and water (pp. 151e180) New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Bayliss, K., & Tukai, R. (2011). Services and supply chains: The role of the domestic private sector in water service delivery in Tanzania. New York: UNDP. Bourque, E. (2010). Urban governance and unequal geographies of water in Buguruni ward. PhD dissertation. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Kings College. Brennan, J., & Burton, A. (2007). The emerging metropolis: a history of Dar es Salaam, circa 1862e2000. In J. Brennan, A. Burton, & Y. Lawi (Eds.), Dar es Salaam: Histories from an emerging African metropolis (pp. 13e75). Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers. Briggs, J., & Yeboah, I. (2001). Structural adjustment and the contemporary subSaharan African city. Area, 33(1), 18e26. British National Archives (BNA), CO 691/114. Sewage schemes at Tanga and Dar es Salaam, loan allocation. Chaggu, E., Mashauri, D., Van Buuren, J., Sanders, W., & Lettinga, G. (2002). Profile: excreta disposal in Dar es Salaam. Environmental Management, 30, 609e620. Dar es Salaam City Council. (2004). Dar es Salaam city profile. Dar es Salaam: URT.
DAWASA. (2000). Tanzania case study: Strengthening the capacity of water utilities to deliver water and sanitation services, environmental health and hygiene education to low income urban communities. Dar es Salaam: DAWASA. DAWASA Engineer. (2011). Personal interview. Dill, B. (2009). The paradoxes of community-based participation in Dar es Salaam. Development and Change, 40(4), 717e743. Dill, B. (2010a). Publicepublic partnerships in urban water provision: the case of Dar es Salaam. Journal of International Development, 22, 611e624. Dill, B. (2010b). Community-based organizations (CBOs) and norms of participation in Tanzania: working against the grain. African Studies Review, 53(2), 23e48. Gaye, M., & Diallo, F. (1997). Community participation in the management of the urban environment in Rufisque (Senegal). Environment and Urbanization, 9(1), 9e29. Glöckner, H., Mkanga, M., & Ndezi, T. (2004). Local empowerment through community mapping for water and sanitation in Dar es Salaam. Environment and Urbanization, 16, 185e197. Hasan, A. (1990). Community groups and non-government organizations in the urban field in Pakistan. Environment and Urbanization, 2(1), 74e86. Hungerford, H. (2012). Water, cities, and bodies: A relational understanding of Niamey, Niger. PhD dissertation. University of Kansas. Ilala Mtaa Leader. (2011). Personal interview. Jaglin, S. (2008). Differentiating networked services in Cape Town: echoes of splintering urbanism? Geoforum, 39, 1897e1906. Kanywanyi, J. (1998). Issues in the water sector: panel discussion. In A. Tibaijuka (Ed.), The social services crisis of the 1990s: Strategies for sustainable systems in Tanzania (pp. 199e208). Aldershot: Ashgate. Karega, V. (2011). Tanzania: more than half of Dar residents’ income spent on food e survey. The Citizen, 2 January. Kinondoni Municipality Engineer. (2011). Personal interview. Kjellén, M. (2006). From public pipes to private hands: Water access and distribution in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. PhD dissertation. Stockholm University. Kjellén, M. (2000). Complementary water systems in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: the case of water vending. Water Resources Development, 16, 143e154. Kyessi, A. (2005). Community-based urban water management in fringe neighbourhoods: the case of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Habitat International, 29, 1e25. Marshall, Macklin, Monaghan Ltd.. (1979). Dar es Salaam master plan, technical supplements. Toronto: Project Planning Associates Limited. Mwandosya, M., & Meena, H. (1998). Dar es Salaam water demand: An end-use perspective. Dar es Salaam: The Center for Energy, Environment, Science and Technology. Myers, G. (2005). Disposable cities: Garbage, governance and sustainable development in urban Africa. Aldershot: Ashgate. Njoh, A. (2013). Colonization and sanitation in urban Africa: a logistics analysis of the availability of central sewerage systems as a function of colonialism. Habitat International, 38, 207e213. Nnkya, T. (2004). The sustainable cities programme in Tanzania, 1992e2003. Nairobi: UN-HABITAT. Obeng-Odoom, F. (2012). Beyond access to water. Development in Practice, 22(8), 1135e1146. Reweta, W., & Sampath, R. (2000). Performance evaluation of urban water supply in Tanzania: the case of Dar es Salaam city. Water Resources Development, 16, 407e423. Satterthwaite, D. (2003). The millennium development goals and urban poverty reduction: great expectations and nonsense statistics. Environment and Urbanization, 15, 179e190. Smith, L., & Hanson, S. (2003). Access to water for the urban poor in Cape Town: where equity meets cost recovery. Urban Studies, 40, 1517e1548. Swyngedouw, E. (2004). Social power and the urbanization of water. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tanzania National Archives (TNA). 10481/II, Water supply e Dar es Salaam. Temeke Mtaa Leader. (2011a). Personal interview. Temeke Mtaa Leader. (2011b). Personal interview. TNA, 32575, Vol. 2. African housing scheme, Dar es Salaam township e Magomeni. TNA, 36707. African housing scheme, Dar es Salaam e temporary housing. TNA, 41949. Health and sanitary measures Dar es Salaam municipality. Tukahirwa, J., Mol, A., & Ooserveer, P. (2010). Civil society participation in urban sanitation and solid waste management in Uganda. Local Environment, 15(1), 1e14. UNESCO. (2006). Water: A shared responsibility. The United Nations world water development report 2. Paris: UNESCO. United Nations. (2012). The millennium development goals report. New York: UN. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2003)Population and housing census, Vol. 4, Dar es Salaam: National Bureau of Statistics. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). (2002). National water policy. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Water. World Bank. (1991). Project completion report: Dar es Salaam sewerage and sanitation project. Washington, DC: Infrastructure Division.
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Complexities of water access in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Sarah L. Smiley* Kent State University at Salem, 2491 State Route 45 S, Salem, OH 44460, USA
a b s t r a c t Keywords: Dar es Salaam Water Access
Water access is generally measured by the distance to a source of water. This concept of access overlooks important issues such as the reliability, quality, quantity, and cost of water. Using survey data from residents in four of Dar es Salaam’s wards, this paper explores the complexity of real water access. Many households have water access on paper, but in reality are forced to obtain water from a variety of sources, including some that are contaminated with salt or sewerage, and spend a significant portion of their incomes on this water. The inadequacies in water provision can be attributed in part to the colonial era, but a lack of expansion or improvement to water infrastructure since independence is also to blame. Community-based organizations have emerged as one way to improve water access. Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction Dar es Salaam suffers from inadequate water provision, and these inadequacies are not new. The city’s limited water infrastructure dates to the colonial era and has seen few improvements or expansions since that time. For the majority of Dar es Salaam’s residents, the reality of everyday life is poor or even nonexistent access to water. The importance of access to water is well-recognized by academics and policy-makers alike, and increasing access to water is one part of the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals (UN, 2012). Yet the term access is exceptionally problematic (ObengOdoom, 2012; Satterthwaite, 2003). In a development context, access is defined as living proximate to a source of clean water. This meaning of access, however, overlooks extremely important issues including the location of a water source as well as the reliability, cost, quantity, and equity of this water (Obeng-Odoom, 2012). In this article I demonstrate that water access in Dar es Salaam is very complex. Many households may have access on paper, but in reality face contaminated, inadequate, unreliable, or expensive water. Dar es Salaam is not the only developing world city to have low levels of water provision (see for example Bakker & Hemson, 2000; Basu & Main, 2001; Hungerford, 2012; Njoh, 2013; Smith & Hanson, 2003; Swyngedouw, 2004). A common theme throughout this literature is that these cities experience significant disparities in water, resulting in fragmented systems that Bakker (2010) and Kjellén (2006) term archipelagos of service. In this type of system, small urban islands receive water, but the large surrounding areas
* Tel.: þ1 330 337 4228; fax: þ1 330 337 4122. E-mail address: [email protected]. 0143-6228/$ e see front matter Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2013.03.019
are not connected to water networks so must rely on other, often inadequate, sources. Another problem faced by many cities is past failures to improve water supply and distribution, often through privatization (Bakker, 2010; Bayliss, 2008). Even though Dar es Salaam is not the only city to experience these shortcomings in water provision, it still offers an important case study. Much of the existing literature on water in the city examines services at a large scale e either citywide or by municipality (Dar es Salaam City Council, 2004; URT, 2003). This study looks at a smaller scale within Dar es Salaam, focusing on wards and subwards. This smaller scale allows for a more accurate examination of water access since the large scales can obscure the reality of the city where some areas have higher levels of service provision and other areas completely lack any service. Even maps created by the city’s water agency obscure these realities; they indicate that the areas discussed here (Fig. 1) all receive piped water at least one day per week, but my surveys find that this water reaches very few households (DAWASA, 2011). Once we understand these everyday life realities of limited or even nonexistent water access, we can propose and evaluate potential solutions. This article traces out the history of water provision in both the colonial and post-independence eras and details the complexities of contemporary access in four areas of Dar es Salaam, focusing on reliability, quality, and cost. I also highlight communitybased water provision schemes as a potential way to improve the realities of everyday life in this city. Water provision in colonial Dar es Salaam Problems with water provision in Dar es Salaam date to the colonial era. Tanzania was first a German colony and later a British mandate. In 1887 the German government established its German
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Water provision in postcolonial Dar es Salaam
Fig. 1. Research areas in Dar es Salaam. Map created by Andrea Szell for the author.
East Africa colony. German colonial rule (which lasted until 1919) brought early development and infrastructure, but World War I prevented the full implementation of urban planning schemes. As a consequence of its role in the war, the League of Nations stripped Germany of all of its colonies and mandated many of these territories to other colonial powers. German East Africa was mandated to Great Britain and renamed Tanganyika Territory. The short nature of German rule, therefore, limited the scope of service provision in Dar es Salaam. Under the British mandate (1919e1961) Dar es Salaam grew substantially in both population and area. It is during this time that small areas of the city, primarily the European areas, received piped water. A 1931 report highlighted the contamination of water wells due to a reliance on pit latrines and recommended the provision of piped water to public kiosks in African residential areas (BNA CO 691/114). Unfortunately too few kiosks were ever provided, and by 1951, Dar es Salaam’s Chief Town Planning Officer Silvester White insisted that water kiosks should be provided before the construction of African housing (TNA, 41949). The development of Magomeni, a planned African neighborhood, illustrates how little attention was paid to White’s recommendations. In June 1951 Magomeni contained 3000 housing plots, but it was not until July 1953 that construction began on the area’s first water kiosk (TNA, 36707; TNA, 32575 Volume 2). In March 1954, the Medical Officer of Health expressed concern that Magomeni’s residents were drinking dirty surface water because of insufficient water kiosks (TNA, 32575 Volume 2).
In 1961 Tanganyika received its independence, and in 1964 it merged with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania. Independent Dar es Salaam inherited an inadequate water supply system, and it has seen little expansion or improvement in spite of significant population growth. This lack of expansion can be attributed, in part, to the country’s emphasis on rural areas under socialism and its subsequent economic decline. Under President Julius Nyerere, Tanzania implemented a program of socialist development in 1967 with goals of self-reliance, economic growth, and modernization. Under this program, rural areas were privileged over urban areas and urban policies emphasized smaller cities at Dar es Salaam’s expense. Tanzania never achieved this goal of self-reliance and instead accumulated large debts leading to the eventual implementation of economic reforms and structural adjustment. Although Briggs and Yeboah (2001) note that structural adjustment did lead to increased housing construction in Dar es Salaam, this growth occurred in peri-urban areas and had no real impact on existing housing stock or water provision. Instead these economic reforms inhibited the expansion of services and also led to failed privatization efforts. In spite of various policies, the provision of piped water in Dar es Salaam has remained a challenge in the postcolonial era. Early policy considered water a social good and provided it free of charge, but by 1985 the parastatal National Urban Water Authority began charging for domestic water use in Dar es Salaam (Mwandosya & Meena, 1998). These water tariffs e which increased dramatically until 1995 e were a reaction to Tanzania’s economic problems (Bayliss, 2008). In 1991, Tanzania created a National Water Policy that focused on water provision to rural areas, with the goal of bringing water within 400 m of every household. It also advocated for the use of water kiosks rather than direct home connections (Mwandosya & Meena, 1998). This policy resulted in substantially increased rural water access, but also decreased provision in Dar es Salaam (Bayliss, 2008). In the years after the 1991 Water Policy, multiple studies on Dar es Salaam’s water supply noted problems with supply, delivery, and revenue collection and advocated for increased water tariffs (Mwandosya & Meena, 1998). Yet with all of the changes implemented in the postcolonial era, there is less funding available to the water sector now than in the past (Bayliss, 2008). In fact, Dar es Salaam’s Mtoni water plant, which dates to the British mandate, is called a “piece of archaeology” that has “never been expanded nor really repaired in actual terms” (Kanywanyi, 1998: p. 199). Tanzania’s 2002 National Water Policy also recognizes the inadequacy of water provision and set ambitious goals for improvements. Specifically it seeks to reach universal access to safe water by 2025 (URT, 2002). To achieve this goal, people will be required to connect to piped water systems at their own expense, and private water sources in urban areas will be prohibited. Although the policy views water access as a human right, the expense of universal access will be daunting for many urban residents. Water agencies in contemporary Dar es Salaam The Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Corporation (DAWASCO) is the city’s piped water supplier. This corporation is part of the larger Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority (DAWASA), which owns all water infrastructure. DAWASCO was created after a failed attempt in 2003 to privatize the city’s water supply. This attempt at privatization was a requirement of structural adjustment policies and later of debt relief initiatives. Economic reform emphasized privatization as a way to improve water infrastructure in Dar es Salaam, but these improvements were not realized
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(Bayliss, 2008). The private company City Water set the ambitious goal of bringing piped water to eighty percent of Dar es Salaam residents, with most having twenty-four hour water service. This contract was terminated after just eighteen months because it made a bad situation worse (Bayliss, 2008). For example although City Water did increase billing, it also billed many customers for nonexistent water service. After the failure of City Water, DAWASA established a lease contract with DAWASCO, which created a 100 day rescue plan (Bayliss, 2008). This plan did achieve some improvements, but major problems still exist with Dar es Salaam’s water service. Specifically DAWASCO does not adequately supply Dar es Salaam with water. Some of this inadequacy can be attributed to the limited origins of the city’s water supply, but the city has also failed to expand this system in the postcolonial era. Its last major expansion was in 1975 in spite of rapid population growth. DAWASCO also has substantial inefficiencies in production. On paper, it produces a daily capacity of 300,000 m3, but in reality the actual production is much less (DAWASA, 2011). Glöckner, Mkanga, and Ndezi (2004) estimate that nearly two-thirds of the water supplied to Dar es Salaam is lost through decayed pipes and unauthorized use. Yet even if all of the water reached its customers, it would not satisfy the current daily demand of 400,000 m3 (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; Kyessi, 2005). Another issue affecting water supply in Dar es Salaam is the large number of wells in the city. Residents have several options available to them in terms of well construction. They may receive official permission to dig their own well by applying for a permit, receiving a license, and paying an annual fee to cover monitoring costs. They may also petition their Municipal Government to dig a public well. For these municipal-dug wells, residents are tasked with selling the water and maintaining the well. Kinondoni Municipality, for example, dug seven wells in 2010 and planned to dig ten more in 2011 although more wells were requested than actually dug (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). Yet the majority of city wells are unauthorized and dug without government knowledge (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). These illegal wells are not viewed positively by DAWASA and violate the 2002 National Water Policy (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; URT, 2002). Yet in an absence of sufficient public water, many residents view unauthorized wells as their only affordable and viable option. DAWASA does have plans to expand the city’s water supply, which should more than double the amount of water produced each day (DAWASA, 2011). This new water will be piped directly to homes and delivered to public water kiosks. These household connections should increase revenue, but new customers will incur significant expenses as they are required to pay for pipes and meters along with administrative fees (DAWASA, 2011). Of course the same problems that decrease daily water production now e such as leaks and illegal connections e will likely affect these new sources. Furthermore as the city’s population increases, demand for water will continue to grow. Survey methodology Dar es Salaam is comprised of three municipalities e Ilala, Kinondoni, and Temeke. These are divided into a total of seventythree wards, which are further subdivided into subwards called mitaa (streets in Kiswahili, the singular is mtaa). I surveyed 129 households in four of Dar es Salaam’s wards: Magomeni and Msasani in Kinondoni Municipality and Buguruni and Ilala in Ilala Municipality. By examining provision at the ward level, this research seeks to offer a new lens for studying water. Much of the existing data on water, especially statistics collected by the Tanzanian government, tracks provision at the larger municipality or city scales. There is great variation in these statistics; for example,
estimates of access to piped water in the city range from fifteen percent to seventy-two percent (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; URT, 2003). These differences in measurement can be attributed to how access is defined or even from counting pipes that no longer supply water (Bourque, 2010). In spite of this wide data range, all of those concerned with water provision do agree that access has declined in Dar es Salaam during the post-independence period. By examining the smaller ward and mitaa levels, it is possible to more accurately depict the realities of water in Dar es Salaam. This survey methodology also allows for an exploration of the concept of access. The questions asked e such as the location of water sources, its cost, its quality, and the reliability of its supply e provide a deeper understanding of the complexities of access. I selected these four survey wards deliberately. Ilala and Magomeni were two of the earliest planned African areas in Dar es Salaam while Buguruni and parts of Msasani e in particular the mtaa Mikoroshoni e were among the city’s earliest unplanned areas (Brennan & Burton, 2007). I chose this planned/unplanned dichotomy in order to determine whether planned areas were privileged in terms of service provision, however as I explain below, these areas had equally poor service provision. I also chose established areas since they have had sufficient time to be connected to the city’s water network. Initially I also sought to conduct surveys in Temeke and Keko Wards in Temeke Municipality, which were early planned and unplanned wards respectively. Unfortunately a local leader in Temeke Ward would not acknowledge my research permit and declined to give me access to the residents in his mtaa. In conducting these 129 surveys, I sought to obtain a random sample from across the wards; for example, in Magomeni I surveyed respondents in Mapipa, Makuti, and Kota mitaa. The majority of residents were surveyed at their homes, and I tried to visit only one home on a block in order to avoid repetition of results. Although I was not able to cover every block in each of these areas, I feel confident that I obtained a random sample. These were oral surveys, where I asked questions in Kiswahili and documented respondent answers. I conducted all of these surveys with a research assistant who aided with translation. During these surveys, my questions focused on water sources, cost, quality, and reliability. Survey results Dar es Salaam experiences major shortcomings in the provision of water. In particular the majority of survey respondents do not have water connections at their homes. Interestingly, no significant difference in access exists between planned and unplanned areas. In theory planned areas should have better amenities. Yet since the British colonial government ignored recommendations to provide services before beginning home construction, planned areas such as Ilala and Magomeni developed without connections to water infrastructure and instead relied on public water kiosks. Little has been done to improve amenity access since independence, resulting in UN-HABITAT’s observation of no real service and infrastructure differences between planned and unplanned areas (Nnkya, 2004). As Table 1 illustrates, a minority of survey respondents e just 30 of 129 e have household water connections. Of those connections, ten are connections to a well and twenty are connections to the DAWASCO piped water network. Thus the majority of survey respondents must either leave their property to obtain water or purchase it from roving water vendors. To these people, lacking a connection at their home means they lack access to water. Yet in a development context, many of these households are considered to have access since they live near a public distribution kiosk (Fig. 2) or purchase water from a neighbor. The following section explores the
S.L. Smiley / Applied Geography 41 (2013) 132e138 Table 1 Household water connections.
Buguruni Ilala Magomeni Msasani Total
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Table 2 Water supply reliability.
Well water connection
DAWASCO water connection
No household water connection
5 4 1 0 10
1 4 6 9 20
26 25 25 23 99
Buguruni Ilala Magomeni Msasani Total
Households with connections using multiple sources
Households without connections using multiple sources
Households with connections using single source
Households without connections using single source
2 3 1 0 6
3 4 10 1 18
4 5 6 10 25
23 21 15 21 80
complexities of water access in greater detail, focusing on other issues that affect water provision and use. Discussion of access complexity Having established the sources of water for the surveyed households, this section explores the concept of access in greater detail. In particular it focuses on the aspects of access ignored in the official development context such as the reliability, quality, and cost of Dar es Salaam’s water. Survey respondents indicate that water supply in Dar es Salaam is extremely unreliable. In fact, twenty-four households e including those with and without connections e receive water from multiple sources, a fact that emphasizes the inadequacies of water quantity and reliability in Dar es Salaam. As detailed above, DAWASCO does not produce enough water to satisfy daily demand, and many portions of the city connected to the piped water network do not receive water all day or even every day. Likewise, even alternative sources cannot be counted upon to provide a consistent supply of water. For example some residents in Ilala purchase water from a local mosque, but it only sells water for two hours per day (Table 2).
Fig. 2. Public water kiosk in Msasani ward, Dar es Salaam. Photo by author.
The most popular source of water for my survey respondents is the city’s ubiquitous roving vendors (Fig. 3). These vendors are not a recent addition to Dar es Salaam; in 1934, the British colonial government noted their importance in providing a needed and practical service (TNA, 10481/II). In postcolonial Dar es Salaam, the number of vendors has increased substantially (Kjellén, 2000, 2006). These vendors obtain their water from a variety of sources including wells, kiosks, homes, and even DAWASCO itself and resell this water at inflated prices. The city’s reliance on water vendors does not help meet the Millennium Development Goal of increasing access to clean and safe water since the quality of water purchased from vendors cannot be monitored after it leaves the tap (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011). Thus many Dar es Salaam es Salaam households pay more for officially unsafe water from vendors than they would pay for safe water from kiosks. This reality underscores the importance of defining access in a meaningful way (Table 3). Water quality is also an issue in Dar es Salaam and does contribute to some households using multiple water sources. Reweta and Sampath (2000: p. 409) suggest that DAWASCO water quality is not routinely monitored and that water mains are not regularly cleaned, resulting in water that is “aesthetically unsatisfactory and occasionally bacteriologically unsafe”. Every respondent indicated that their well water e whether their own well or well water purchased from other locations e was salty. An Engineer for the Kinondoni Municipality admits that the city’s well water does contain salt, but insists that it is potable and that its quality is routinely tested (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). In addition to salty well water, Chaggu, Mashauri, Van Buuren, Sanders, and Lettinga (2002) found wells contaminated with waste from pit latrines. Indeed I surveyed a resident in Buguruni who has a household well
Fig. 3. Water vendor and research assistant in Buguruni ward, Dar es Salaam. Photo by author.
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Table 3 Water sources. Vendor Public DAWASCO Neighbor Multiple Household or private kiosk non-household connection well sources Buguruni 5 Ilala 15 Magomeni 20 Msasani 3 Total 43
8 2 0 0 10
0 0 0 5 5
11 6 5 14 36
2 2 0 1 5
6 8 7 9 30
but believes that water to be both salty and contaminated by sewerage; thus she only uses her free well water for washing and purchases expensive DAWASCO water for drinking. The vast majority of my survey respondents have pit latrines at their homes. The prevalence of pit latrine usage in Dar es Salaam can be attributed to the lack of a citywide formal sewerage system. The city’s 1979 Master Plan highlighted the failures of the existing system and proposed the total elimination of pit latrines (Marshall, Macklin, Monaghan Ltd., 1979). Today DAWASA estimates that only ten percent of the city is served by a sewerage system. This figure remains unchanged from 1988, when the World Bank began a project to increase access to sanitation (World Bank, 1991). A planned expansion of this system, as part of the city’s forthcoming Master Plan, will increase that coverage to thirty percent by the year 2017 (DAWASA, 2011). These sewerage improvements are scheduled for completion after water supply improvements since water is considered more important than sewerage (DAWASA, 2011). However it should not be assumed that flush toilets are necessarily the preferred type of sanitation. Although flush toilets should prevent well contamination, they require a large amount of water to operate. In a city already facing water shortages, it may be difficult to justify using water for toilets rather than drinking. The cost of water is an important component of access. According to data released by Tanzania’s National Bureau of Statistics, Dar es Salaam’s average household spends 154,904 Tanzanian Shillings (Tsh) per month, with over half of that figure spent on food alone (Karega, 2011). The remaining monthly expenditure covers rent, transportation, education, healthcare, electricity or other fuel, and water. According to UNESCO (2006), people need 20e50 L of water per day to meet their basic needs, and Tanzania’s 2002 Census indicates the average household size in Dar es Salaam is four people (URT, 2003). Using these statistics and the prices reported by my respondents, monthly household water costs can range from 2040 Tsh to 300,000 Tsh e potentially consuming most of total household expenditures. As the following paragraphs demonstrate, water costs vary in several ways. Not only are prices for DAWASCO water higher than for well water, prices rise and fall due to principles of supply and demand. Water is typically sold and priced in 20 L increments, but here I present costs for 1 L in Tanzanian Shillings. At the time of this research, one US dollar exchanged for 1575 Tsh. DAWASCO charges 0.85 Tsh (per liter) for its customers who are officially connected to the piped water network. Although costs for those people without direct water access vary considerably, they are much higher than these official rates. Even DAWASCO water itself is more expensive for those without household piped connections; at official DAWASO water kiosks, the price is 1 Tsh. According to my survey respondents, prices for water from other sources can range from 1 Tsh to 50 Tsh indicating that water prices are exceptionally fluid and depend on many variables including supply, demand, water source, distance from a source, and water quality. For example, an Ilala Ward resident explained that he normally pays his neighbor 1 Tsh for well water and 2.5 Tsh for DAWASCO water. Yet when the inevitable and frequent DAWASCO shortages occur, the price for piped water rises to 7.5 Tsh. This
resident also purchases water from vendors to supplement the supply from his neighbor. Vendors usually charge 5 Tsh for well water and 10 Tsh for DAWASCO water. During DAWASCO shortages, however, the price of piped water from vendors rises to 15 Tsh. Unlike some cities in South Africa that provide a small amount of free water to their poorest residents (Jaglin, 2008; Smith & Hanson, 2003), Dar es Salaam does not have a large-scale official free water program. Bayliss (2008) details a past program that provided a free allotment of 5000 L per month to the city’s poorest households. Likewise a DAWASA employee indicated the agency has a program to provide free low-water use connections to the poor (DAWASA, 2011). Yet none of the households I surveyed had benefited from either of these programs. Of course some people do not pay for their water access, whether by digging unauthorized wells or receiving free water from neighbors or mosques. Still the majority of Dar es Salaam residents incur significant costs obtaining water and often this water is inadequate in quantity or quality. Small-scale innovations in water provision Although water service expansions are planned by DAWASA, they are not of a scope to entirely alleviate the city’s complex access problems. It is therefore important to look at other options for increasing water access through the provision of reliable, clean, and affordable water directly to households. Academics, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and the Tanzanian and Dar es Salaam governments all point to community organizations as viable service alternatives (Bakker, 2010; Bayliss & Tukai, 2011; Dar es Salaam City Council, 2004; URT, 2002). Specifically the UNDP advocates for increased water provision through small-scale piped systems that are separate from the city’s main piped networks (Bayliss & Tukai, 2011). Dar es Salaam’s City Council (2004) views these community initiatives as complementary to official programs. Tanzania’s 2002 National Water Policy also acknowledges that coordination with community organizations is imperative to increasing access to water (URT, 2002). Although many actors suggest community organizations are the answer to amenity problems, these organizations are not without criticism. Community-based organizations (CBOs) exist around the world to address housing, amenities, and development issues, and their success levels vary greatly. They range from informal groups created by residents to address a specific problem to more formal groups with long-term goals (Hasan, 1990). Still all of these groups exist to fill a vacuum created by the government and to work alongside NGOs and the private sector (Tukahirwa, Mol, & Ooserveer, 2010). Yet inadequate funds and shortcomings in policy can prevent these organizations from achieving their goals (Hasan, 1990). Not all CBOs encounter such problems and some are instead able to create “micro-solutions” that can be incorporated into larger development plans (Gaye & Diallo, 1997: p. 10). Successful CBOs seem to have greater community involvement, where members contribute funds, labor, ideas, and advice (Gaye & Diallo, 1997). Dill (2009, 2010a, 2010b) has examined CBOs in Dar es Salaam and found problems similar to those identified elsewhere. Although these groups have broadly resulted in increased service provision, they also lack the necessary oversight to ensure that their revenues are spent appropriately (Dill, 2010a). Thus on one hand the strength of CBOs is their independence from the government, but on the other hand their weakness is their need for government oversight and resources to effectively meet their goals such as increased water access (Dill, 2010a). Another problem is that all community members may not benefit equally from these projects (Dill, 2010a). Dill (2010b) notes that Dar es Salaam has experienced a rapid growth in CBOs, with over half of the city’s mitaa having one of them. These groups generally serve as a bridge between the mtaa
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and another actor that can range from local to national to transnational in scope. Dar es Salaam’s CBOs exist out of necessity and opportunity; the responsibility for service provision has shifted somewhat from the national to the local level at the same time that the emergence of multi-party democracy provides more opportunities for community involvement (Dill, 2010b). These CBOs, however, have had a disappointing track record in mobilizing local resources and in getting broad participation from community members. CBOs are assumed to better represent and benefit a specific community group, yet as Dill (2010b) demonstrates, they are not the entire answer. These CBOs should be well-positioned to solve problems while integrating local knowledge and preferences into development planning and they should be more transparent and accountable, but a lack of funding has kept them from meeting these high expectations. I observed several of these small-scale community water provision initiatives in Dar es Salaam’s Ilala and Temeke Municipalities. I visited three mitaa that have constructed these ‘off-the-grid’ water projects advocated by the UNDP. At these mitaa I was able to speak with community leaders, observe the actual water infrastructure, and see community members selling and purchasing water. Each of these mitaa dug wells using a combination of local and foreign donor funds (including from governments and NGOs), installed water pumps and storage tanks, and now sell water to their community members. Water is sold at public kiosks for between 1 and 1.5 Tsh (per liter), which is less than what water vendors typically charge. The mitaa leaders were also quite proud of the cleanliness of their water kiosks and the high quality of their infrastructure. More impressive is that each of these mitaa also allows residents to connect their homes to these wells to provide direct piped water connections. These connections can be expensive, with one mtaa charging 50,000 Tsh for pipes and labor, but the process appears easier than obtaining a direct piped connection from DAWASA. Still the minority of homes in these mitaa have these connections. For example in the two mitaa I visited in Temeke Municipality, only sixteen total homes have these piped connections out of over 2000 homes. Of those few homes directly connected to these wells, water costs vary; two mitaa charge a flat monthly fee (of 15,000 Tsh and 20,000 Tsh) and the third uses meters to charge for actual water use (Ilala, 2011; Temeke, 2011a, 2011b). The mtaa leaders all expressed desires to expand these water schemes but noted that a lack of funding and equipment prevented their efforts. In particular, expanded schemes would require generators to run the electric water pumps during the city’s frequent power outages. Likewise larger water storage tanks would allow these projects to better serve their communities. A Temeke mtaa estimated an additional well would cost 3e4 million Tsh. The desire for additional community wells and kiosks should not give the impression that Dar es Salaam has an unlimited water supply. Officials have already expressed concern that the large numbers of unauthorized wells are negatively affecting the city’s groundwater supply (Kinondoni Municipality, 2011). According to one mtaa leader in Ilala Municipality, the idea for this water provision scheme came from the community members themselves. This is an important point since the received wisdom is that CBOs are best-suited to provide development. Still in spite of the potential problems outlined above, a mtaa leader in Temeke suggested that community wells are more preferable than largescale government projects (Temeke, 2011b). He needed additional donor funds to expand his project, but this funding is often directed to the national or municipal government. These funds can take several years to actually reach his mtaa because of both bureaucracy and corruption. The small-scale projects I observed are not the only ones of their kind in Dar es Salaam. DAWASA (2000) documents a CBO project in
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Kijitonyama that dug boreholes in order to create an independent piped water system. Unfortunately, these boreholes do not supply enough water for direct household connections. More importantly is that many Kijitonyama community members prefer to purchase DAWASA water rather than the salty borehole water, and some residents still purchase water from neighbors rather than walking to the community taps. Certainly I do not suggest that CBOs can solve all of Dar es Salaam’s problems, but Myers (2005) notes that reform policies implemented in Dar es Salaam including those from the UN’s Sustainable Cities Program and the World Bank have generally not served the best interests of the people. Thus although these small-scale community schemes may not be perfect, they do fill the gaps created by these large-scale and often ineffective policies and provide an important service in the absence of government funding or infrastructure expansions. Conclusions The majority of my survey respondents do not have direct household water connections. Without these sources, residents do not consider themselves to have access to water. More problematic is that households also suffer due to unreliable, contaminated, and unaffordable water. Predictably I encountered residents who are extremely dissatisfied with their water access. One respondent commented that DAWASCO water was so rare and so valued that the days he received it were like a holiday. I also spoke with people who lacked a direct water connection at the time of the survey but had DAWASCO water provided to their homes in the past. One respondent’s water was turned off because of an unpaid bill. Another ten respondents had pipes in their homes but received no water. One man complained that he had not received water since 1997 while another woman said her water stopped flowing about two years ago. One woman even stated that she still received large monthly bills (30,000e40,000 Tsh) even though she only receives a little water in the middle of the night; each month she goes to the local DAWASCO office to deal with this billing problem. She claimed that these water shortages are worse now in the postindependence period than in the colonial era. Of course I have no way to verify these complaints, but they mirror similar stories in the existing literature. My respondents expressed dissatisfaction with other aspects of amenity provision. One woman who lives in Msasani’s Makangira subward told me about poor solid waste collection in her area. The Kinondoni Municipality used to collect it from those households who paid a monthly fee but has since stopped. She took me to see the area’s informal dump where I saw food waste, plastic bags, empty bottles, broken shoes, and even a computer monitor. Not only was this waste accumulating in an open space near many homes, some of it was on fire as residents tried to dispose of it themselves. I also spoke with a man who blamed all of his problems e including poor amenity provision e on the country’s political party. He believes that corruption consumes loans designated for development. My survey results highlight some significant problems with water in Dar es Salaam. Although official statistics suggest that many residents have access, these statistics obscure the realities of water in the city. DAWASA (2011) itself suggests that the four wards considered here e Buguruni, Ilala, Magomeni, and Msasani e all receive piped water, but my surveys show that very few residents are actually connected to this water network. In this way, Dar es Salaam experiences the archipelagos described by Bakker (2010). These pockets lacking water service contain large portions of the city’s population who are forced to use unreliable, contaminated, inadequate, and expensive water. Ultimately these problems with access force some residents to turn to unsafe, but free, water sources. In Buguruni one respondent showed me a broken
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DAWASCO pipe that created a small pool of standing water. I watched several women collect water from this puddle even though it was pooling directly on a dirt path and contained visible algae growth. This use of obviously unclean and unsafe water illustrates the realities of everyday life in Dar es Salaam. Even though Dar es Salaam is not unique in its poor amenity provision, it represents an important case study in understanding the complexities of water access. The problems with water provision are not new. During the British mandate period, European areas were provided with piped water while African areas were largely overlooked. Even though planners such as Silvester White insisted that African areas should have adequate service provision, these areas instead received too few water kiosks. Yet colonial policies cannot shoulder the entire blame for inadequate amenity access in contemporary Dar es Salaam. In spite of ambitious goals since independence e in Master Plans, National Water Policies, and even World Bank projects e water systems have seen few improvements over the past five decades. Rather these systems have deteriorated and not kept pace with the city’s rapid population growth. By looking at the city’s wards and subwards, it is possible to see actual gaps in service that may be obscured at larger scales and then seek to identify possible solutions, whether through small-scale community projects or larger government expansions of infrastructure systems. This case study of Dar es Salaam demonstrates that access is more complex than living near a water source. Access must also take into account the quantity and quality of this water as well as its cost and reliability. Acknowledgments This research was funded by a Summer Research and Creativity Appointment from Kent State University’s Research Council. Thank you to Hilary Hungerford for her valuable comments on urban water access and to James Browne for his assistance in Dar es Salaam. References Bakker, K. (2010). Privatizing water: Governance failure and the world’s urban water crisis. Cornell: Cornell University Press. Bakker, K., & Hemson, D. (2000). Privatising water: BoTT and hydropolitics in the new South Africa. South African Geographical Journal, 82, 3e12. Basu, S., & Main, H. (2001). Calcutta’s water supply: demand, governance and environmental change. Applied Geography, 21, 23e44. Bayliss, K. (2008). Tanzania: from nationalization to privatization e and back? In K. Bayliss, & B. Fine (Eds.), Privatization and alternative public sector reform in sub-Saharan Africa: Delivering on electricity and water (pp. 151e180) New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Bayliss, K., & Tukai, R. (2011). Services and supply chains: The role of the domestic private sector in water service delivery in Tanzania. New York: UNDP. Bourque, E. (2010). Urban governance and unequal geographies of water in Buguruni ward. PhD dissertation. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Kings College. Brennan, J., & Burton, A. (2007). The emerging metropolis: a history of Dar es Salaam, circa 1862e2000. In J. Brennan, A. Burton, & Y. Lawi (Eds.), Dar es Salaam: Histories from an emerging African metropolis (pp. 13e75). Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers. Briggs, J., & Yeboah, I. (2001). Structural adjustment and the contemporary subSaharan African city. Area, 33(1), 18e26. British National Archives (BNA), CO 691/114. Sewage schemes at Tanga and Dar es Salaam, loan allocation. Chaggu, E., Mashauri, D., Van Buuren, J., Sanders, W., & Lettinga, G. (2002). Profile: excreta disposal in Dar es Salaam. Environmental Management, 30, 609e620. Dar es Salaam City Council. (2004). Dar es Salaam city profile. Dar es Salaam: URT.
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