Concepts and definitions of corridors: evidence from England’s Midlands

Journal of Transport Geography 11 (2003) 179–191 www.elsevier.com/locate/jtrangeo

Concepts and definitions of corridors: evidence from EnglandÕs Midlands David Chapman *, Dick Pratt, Peter Larkham, Ian Dickins School of Planning and Housing, University of Central England, Perry Barr, Birmingham B42 2SU, UK

Abstract This article reports upon some of the findings of the CORRIDESIGN research funded under the INTERREG IIC programme, focusing in particular upon the UKÕs West Midlands to London corridor. This corridor can be seen as a complex area of ÔbraidedÕ infrastructure. It reports upon the spatial dynamics of transportation, economic development, urbanisation and institutional functions of that area. The article explores some historic antecedents of corridor development; discusses the perceptions of key stakeholders in the study area; and outlines the key issues and potential policy-making building blocks that were identified. Finally the article reflects upon what the findings suggest about the concept and definition of transnational corridors between major urban agglomerations in north-west Europe. It develops MyrdalÕs concepts of ÔspreadÕ and ÔbackwashÕ, and of the ÔarmatureÕ as applied to the corridor concept.
2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Corridors; Megacorridors; West Midlands; Armature

1. Introduction The importance of transnational linkages––physically, institutionally and socially––has been increasingly recognised, particularly within the European Union. The broader significance of international flows of financial and intellectual capital has been explored by Castells (2000), while the European Spatial Development Perspective (CEC, 1999, p. 26) highlights the importance of integrating our approaches to infrastructure and access to knowledge. But, in reality, the physical linkages that do exist are often poor or compromised by barriers or bottlenecks. This article derives from research undertaken for the INTERREG IIC-funded CORRIDESIGN research project. The INTERREG programme is a European Community initiative which aims to stimulate inter-regional cooperation. It is financed under the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). It aims to strengthen economic and social cohesion throughout the EU, by fostering the balanced development of the continent through cross-border, transnational and interregional cooperation.

The INTERREG IIC programme sought to establish collaborative action across several regions and states within defined programme areas. The CORRIDESIGN project was one of over 40 operating in the North West Metropolitan Area (NWMA) programme. Other related projects included NETA: North European Trade Axis–– A strategy for Sustainable Development; EURBANET: Urban Networks in the North Western Metropolitan Area; HST: International Network of High Speed Trains in Urban Regions; OPTIMUM: Mobility Management and Spatial Planning; Spatial Planning and Freight Transport Corridors in the NWMA; and COFAR: Common Options for Airport Regions. The third INTERREG programme is now under way and, in addition to area-specific collaborations, special emphasis is being placed on integrating remote regions and those which share external borders with the candidate countries for EC membership. 1 The component of the CORRIDESIGN research programme reviewed here examined the nature of the transnational linkages between central and north-west England and north-west Europe, with specific reference to the spatial dynamics of transportation, economic development, urbanisation and institutional functions of

*

Corresponding author. Tel.: +44-121-331-5152; fax: +44-121-3315114. E-mail address: [email protected] (D. Chapman). 0966-6923/$ - see front matter
2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/S0966-6923(03)00029-2

1

See: http://europa.eu.int/comm/regional_policy/interreg3.

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Fig. 1. The wider study area of the West Midlands to London corridor.

the territory between London and the West Midlands (see Fig. 1 for the demarcation of the study area). The transnational dimension of the research led to this being termed part of a ÔmegacorridorÕ. The research was structured in three broad stages. First was a conceptual and data collecting phase, in which theoretical considerations were examined together with the range of concepts that could be found among key ÔplayersÕ in the field of spatial planning. The second stage sought to describe more precisely the actual dynamics and key issues affecting the study area and its wider context. The third stage involved the examination of potential policy responses to the key issues. This article concentrates upon the first stage, including the initial reflections on the concept of corridor development historically, the perceptions of the key players involved in the West Midlands to London study area, and the key issues that were identified. The article concludes with a brief outline of the types of policy building blocks that were identified through the research, and a reflection upon what the findings may suggest about the concept and definition of transnational corridors between major urban agglomerations in north-west Europe.

2. What is a corridor? Meanings, dimensions and approaches In planning history there is a lengthy tradition of concepts of urban structure taking the form of linear belts. These could have a strong link with the emerging concept of the ÔcorridorÕ as explored in this research, albeit at different scales. Probably the first such linear plan was envisaged by the Spanish engineer Soria y Mata in the early 1880s. As a concept this could be seen at the scale of a Ôlinear city regionÕ. But what was built was essentially a linear suburban development around

part of Madrid. It did, however, excite international interest, and the formation of the Association Internationale des Cit
es Lin
eares led by the French planner Benoit-L
evy (Soria y Pug, 1968). This is best known for influencing the planning of Russian towns in the interwar period, for example of Stalingrad by Miliutin. The idea of linearity outwards from an existing centre was developed in the MARS Plan for London (published as Korn and Samuely, 1942; Gold, 1995). The city centre was to be restructured axially, westwards from the Port of London and along a new transport route to Birmingham; residential and local service districts were envisaged as 16 linear areas at right-angles to the main city core. Between these areas, open space was to be protected for recreation and other purposes. A ring road would circle the entire city-region. This idealistic vision was not implemented. The MARS plan, being at such a large scale, could have a parallel for a new regional corridor particularly in the explicit separation between urban functions and open space, with the latter being protected from encroachment. The rigidity of the overall ÔladderÕ structure would not, however, superimpose well upon an existing network of settlement and transportation links; and more recent concepts of sustainability suggest that the separation of land-uses should be significantly reduced, and mixed-use development encouraged. As applied in the UK, linear concepts became fashionable particularly in the era of the post-war New Towns. In implementation, some linear ideas took the form of circuits and double circuits (e.g. Runcorn New Town) (Houghton-Evans, 1975, chapter 18), developing from CullenÕs Ôcircuit linear townÕ work (Cullen and Matthews, 1965). Others, although developed along a major routeway, began to spread sideways and took on some grid-plan characteristics. During this period in the UK, thinking was at the urban and sub-regional scale, rather than at regional or inter-regional scales. The most relevant UK plan was for a proposed new town at Caersws, Wales, which envisioned the stringingtogether of a series of ÔvillagesÕ (of perhaps 3000 inhabitants) along a new major road. This road would be paralleled by local roads, joining the main road at junctions perhaps a mile or so apart (Hall et al., 1966). The Caersws plan, the Ônecklace of beadsÕ approach, has apparently influenced more recent suggestions which propose a similar ÔstringÕ of larger new settlements along transportation corridors, termed ‘‘sustainable development corridors’’ (Hall and Ward, 1998, 162 ff). Caersws also made use of a number of broadly parallel routes, albeit that one was the new designated major through route. This could be seen, at a much larger scale, in the ÔbraidingÕ of existing transport routes along the London–Midlands corridor. Yet the concept of linearity fell out of favour in UK planning, and little was implemented.

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Instead, recent attention in the UK and elsewhere has focused on sustainable development patterns, and in particular the concept of the Ôcompact cityÕ (Jenks et al., 1996). From the late 1980s the idea of Ôpedestrian pocketsÕ has been advanced in the USA as ‘‘a new suburban design strategy’’ (Kelbaugh, 1989). In this concept a series of new pedestrian-orientated urbanisations are linked by a high-performance transit system. ‘‘The four key concepts are low-rise, high-density housing, mixed-use ÔMain StreetÕ, light rail transit, and either the regional shopping mall or computerised Ôback office’’Õ (ibid.). Hall and Ward (1998) developed this line of thought in reformulating the ideas of the Garden City for the twenty-first century. In particular, they proposed three new linear cities in the south-east of England in order to meet the predicted growth in households. Here they proposed the clustered development of a series of new towns or villages that would be strongly linked to strategic regional infrastructure comprising reopened railway routes and new light rail systems. The proposed Cities of Mercia, Anglia and Kent would be truly regional cities, if not city regions, if they are ever fully realised.

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sought to explore in later workshops were the ÔbusinessÕ and ÔinstitutionalÕ perspectives, as well as the perspectives of informed people from London, and south of London. The interviews were recorded, enabling key quotations to be used accurately in the analysis and publications (however, this article does not identify individual respondents by name). In addition to the structured interview schedule, each participant was asked to draw their own Ôconceptual mapÕ of the study area, on an overlay of a base map provided by the interviewer. Three pilot interviews were undertaken, followed by 11 further interviews. The pilot interviews were carried out with staff from the West Midlands Local Authorities who were supporting the project, in order to test structured interview schedule and the techniques for mental mapping. The pilot interviews demonstrated that the interview schedule was generally effective, although responses sometimes related to several questions, or later responses amplified answers given earlier. Both sets of interviews and the associated mental mapping exercise revealed valuable insights, and the main findings are outlined below. 3.1. Findings from the interviews

3. The key players: visions and conceptual mapping The first research stage of the West Midlands CORRIDESIGN study involved semi-structured interviews with 14 key experts, ÔstakeholdersÕ, from different fields. The purpose was to discover the stakeholdersÕ perceptions of the spatial dynamics and key issues affecting the study area in terms of transportation, economic development, urbanisation, and institutional functions. ‘‘The analysis of stakeholdersÕ motivation has a relatively long pedigree in research that seeks to investigate decisionmaking processes in the production and use of the built environment’’ (Carmona et al., 2002, p. 147). Interviewees were selected to represent a wide range of institutional interests both local and regional, and included planning, transportation, house building, private planning/development consultants, health, wildlife and environmental interests. They included officers of local authorities, government offices, local government associations, private consultancies, environmental agencies and commercial associations. Inevitably, though, these responses represent a mixture of the views of the individuals and of the organisations that they represented. While the interviewees selected represented a widespread and informed cross-section of knowledge and opinion about the study corridor, there were perspectives that may not have been fully represented. Nevertheless we felt confident that the information obtained enabled us to define more clearly the core of the study corridor and the key issues facing it. Areas that we

The interviews sought to explore the concept of the megacorridor––its usefulness, applicability, definitions, and alternative concepts––and each interviewee was asked if they had images of what a corridor could or should look like spatially and/or physically. The responses showed differences between those respondents with some background in town planning and those without. The former group all viewed the corridor in terms of infrastructure spines or HallÕs concept of Ôbeads on a stringÕ. Most emphasised that the corridor should not be one of continuous development (seemingly following the UK planning professionÕs move away from linearity identified above) and that open space for both recreation and nature conservation was important within the corridor. Overall, this discussion was summarised by the respondent who noted that there is a ‘‘need to develop acceptable models of higher-density compact urban form. This will allow spaces between clusters and spines to remain low-density open countryside’’. The Ônon-plannersÕ divided into two groups: the majority focused on linearity and movement between the two major centres; one of whom mentioned tensions between policies, e.g. those minimising the need for travel versus developments generating commuter travel. One respondent suggested a ÔstarfishÕ pattern of development, which would ‘‘enable a protection and interweaving of open space’’. However, the minority group had a more negative perception, suggesting that there is no such thing as an ÔidealÕ corridor as the circumstances

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of each area are different, and that an ideal corridor would be invisible: ‘‘if you can see it, by definition it is intrusive’’! On the whole, respondents did not particularly favour the term megacorridor as applied to the Midlands– London axis. Here, there was a further divergence of opinion between ÔplannersÕ and others. The minority view, mostly held by those with a planning background, was that the term was adequate. Nevertheless there was disagreement within this group: one respondent qualifying this by saying that the corridor was not coherent, one suggesting that the term was only partly adequate, and one suggesting that the concept was appropriate but that this particular corridor (Midlands–London) was not ÔmegaÕ. However, nearly half of the respondents were definitely of the view that the concept was inadequate or inappropriate. Two said that the study area was not a ÔmegaÕ corridor as it contained no major urban areas within it; one noted the negative connotations of the term ÔmegaÕ which could imply too big, and ÔcorridorÕ which could imply too linear. Another noted that the Ôsustainability quotientÕ of corridors in general was low. One-quarter of respondents did not give a direct answer; one noting that ‘‘it depended on the context: the term is not in wide public use’’, while one interviewee suggested that the concept of a corridor could be used as an image or marketing device. Some respondents displayed a sub-regional rather than an inter-regional view of corridors. When the interviewees were asked if they would like to propose alternative concepts to that of the megacorridor, over half did not do so. Four, however, did elaborate on the megacorridor concept. One suggested that development should continue within existing settlements within the corridor, but that it was vital to avoid the production of a megalopolis-like continual ribbon (a recurring theme throughout most of the interviews). The term ‘‘fractured megacorridor’’ was suggested by one respondent for this corridor. Another noted that a new term was required which would incorporate the concepts of cohesion and linkages. A radically different view of the term ÔcorridorÕ was expressed by an environmentalist, who noted that wild birds have their own megacorridors in the form of ÔflywaysÕ which both precede by thousands of years and overlay by hundreds of metres those being constructed by humans. Alternatives to the term megacorridor were put forward by the remaining respondents, including the term Ôstrategic corridorÕ suggested by one interviewee, ‘‘especially as this one forms the spine of England’’. However, he did not elaborate on how this concept (as opposed to term) would differ from that of a megacorridor. The remaining respondents suggested a range of concepts focusing in one way or another on nodes and

their structure in networks, termed by one as ‘‘clusters of complementarity as in the ESDP’’. One explicitly referred to a ‘‘constellation or flotilla’’ of such nodes, ascribing this concept to Peter Hall. He suggested that this region could be seen as a box/grid/diamond/matrix of urbanisation, and that it would be illogical to select one node within this matrix and plan it in isolation from the remainder. One environmentalist reminded us that the Habitat Directive (Directive 92-43-EEC, see Hughes, 1994) encourages the development of land and landscape in corridors within the perspective of a 50-year time horizon that envisages likely climate change and sea level rises. 3.2. Demarcation of the study corridor In seeking to demarcate the corridor particularly for purpose of international comparison, interviewees were asked to outline the criteria that they would use to demarcate the corridor. Most respondents described physical bundles of infrastructure, and variously referred to them as ÔspinesÕ, ÔbraidsÕ, or a Ôskeleton of elementsÕ, often linking settlements. Specific connections identified were the territory between the Ml and the M40 but extendable eastwards as a ÔboxÕ to include the M11. The M6/M42 junction was referred to by one interviewee as a ÔmeganodeÕ. The other linear structures mentioned were the rail lines, particularly the West Coast and Chiltern lines. It was pointed out that the Ôheavyduty infrastructure linksÕ also contained heavy-duty barriers, created by congestion and capacity limitations. Other physical elements mentioned were fibre-optic connections and freight distribution networks. Pipelines were not identified as an issue by interviewees. However, various respondents not only mentioned the physical infrastructure connections but also business links and social geography. A house buildersÕ representative noted that housing markets are essentially sub-regional but are obviously fundamentally affected by conditions within megacorridors. One interviewee suggested that, because the study corridor has large expanses of agricultural, sparsely-settled, territory between its urban nodes, it is not comparable with the M4 and M11 corridors. He went on to argue that the absence of clear supply chain connections undermines the concept of a corridor in a functional sense. Most interviewees focused upon physical infrastructure and economic activity as the main dimensions of corridor coherence, although one respondent mentioned population density. No-one believed that the corridor was defined by institutions, although some respondents regretted the lack of institutional involvement. For example, it was suggested that Oxford University, an internationally-significant institution, does not contribute as much as it could to the corridor. Most mentioned social and business linkages and institutional structures;

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although virtually all said that there was not a single corridor-wide institution. Whilst most were agnostic about the idea of any kind of single governmental or quasi-governmental authority for the whole corridor, several respondents expressed the view that there was a need to co-ordinate central government policies with local land-use and transport policy at the corridor level. At the same time it was recognised that, even if all the policy linkages were in place, it was still doubtful whether the commercial processes could be controlled.

3.3. Conceptual diagrams As part of the interview process, each interviewee was asked to draw, on an outline map of England, the main features of the West Midlands–London corridor as they saw them. Several general points can be made about this mental mapping exercise and the ways in which different people, from different backgrounds and representing very different interests, approached the question. First, there were divergent views of the geographical extent of the corridor. Most respondents defined the corridor as the territory between the West Midlands and London conurbations. Several explicitly considered that corridor in the wider spatial perspective of the linkages from, or across, the study corridor to mainland Europe, the north of England and into Scotland, Wales and Ireland. A few had a significantly narrower regional or sub-regional perspective. Secondly, it became evident that different people saw the study corridor most particularly in terms of different communication links. Many interviewees saw broad bands of ÔbraidedÕ north/south infrastructure links as the key components of the corridor. No-one identified the corridor in terms of a single infrastructure route. Most identified the area between the M40/Chiltern Line and the M6/M1/West Coast Main Line as the ÔkernelÕ of the corridor. Several, however, extended the corridor eastwards to include the A14/M11. Significantly, several interviewees also identified a range of east/west communication links, from the West Midlands to Europe via the East Coast, and to Ireland via Telford and Wales. The availability of direct connections from the West Midlands to the South Coast ports was also highlighted. These latter points relate to the general perception amongst these respondents that London constitutes a ÔblockageÕ––both physical and perceptual––to connections to mainland Europe, and thus there is a need to find alternative routes. The use of road, rail and canal corridors as the principal routes for fibre-optic cable systems was felt to reinforce the competitive advantage of the areas thus connected. It was also noted that, whereas there were some locations where bundles of infrastructure were tightly bunched, infrastructure is generally ÔbraidedÕ much more loosely.

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Although the range of conceptual diagrams provided a wide variety of perceptions, and various issues, it is possible to identify four principal perspectives. • First, the linear perception of a loose bundle of infrastructure in interweaving braids (Fig. 2). • Secondly, the perception by interviewees of a matrix or lattice of infrastructure, with multiple nodes where there is pressure or potential for growth (Fig. 3). • Thirdly, there was the conceptualisation of different regional or sub-regional visions of the spatial relationships that could exist (Fig. 4). • Finally, there were sectoral visions of key policy characteristics, issues or policy choices, including property and housing market strengths or weaknesses, institutional ÔdiscontinuitiesÕ (Fig. 5), and areas of environmental sensitivity or ecological importance. For example, the study corridor can be seen as important in terms of the Eastern Atlantic Flyway for birds, and

Fig. 2. The linear perception of a loose bundle of infrastructure in interweaving braids.

Fig. 3. The perception of a matrix or lattice of infrastructure, with multiple nodes where there is pressure or potential for growth.

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Fig. 4. The conceptualisation of regional or sub-regional visions of spatial relationships that could exist or be promoted.

Fig. 6. Identification of areas of environmental sensitivity or ecological importance, for example the Eastern Atlantic Flyway for birds, river systems and areas of special ecological importance or natural beauty.

were nature and landscape protection designations north of London (including the Chiltern Hills). There are large areas of high-quality productive agricultural land, much forming an historic managed Ôgentry landscapeÕ. A conceptual choice between corridor (or ribbon) development, and concentration of development at dense nodal points, was identified as a key issue for deciding future strategic planning policy. It was suggested by one interviewee that spatial planning issues concerning the study corridor were so inter-related that no one settlement within the study corridor could be planned in isolation from the other key nodes and settlements within the corridor. Fig. 5. Sectoral visions of key policy characteristics, issues or choices, property and housing market strengths or weaknesses, and institutional ÔdiscontinuitiesÕ.

that wildlife protection and bio-diversity plans need to be taken on board in strategic decision-making (Fig. 6). The conceptualisations were often closely related to each respondentÕs professional role; for example, those interviewees involved with regional spatial planning were more readily able to conceptualise the nature and trends of development within the study corridor. But, while those concerned with environmental issues seemed to have greater difficulty in representing issues spatially, they nevertheless identified several key considerations. There was a general recognition that much of the landscape within the study corridor is attractive and of high quality, and is subject to protection from development. The existing Green Belts were recognised as key considerations in the study corridor which could act as constraints to some forms of potential development, as

3.4. Opinions about functional coherence Opinions about whether the West Midlands–London megacorridor/region is internally coherent were mixed, and one interviewee questioned both the concept and value of coherence. There were, however, a number of areas where there was a strong level of consensus. The majority of those interviewed regarded the infrastructure linking the West Midlands with London as having a level of coherence. The existence of a variety of road, rail, canal, pipeline and cable infrastructures in a very broad corridor was widely recognised. The increasing opportunity of Ôthrough ticketing and pricingÕ of rail services was seen as a potential enhancement of coherence, although operational difficulties were seen to detract from its achievement in practice. The nature of this infrastructure was recognised as being of quite different character in different locations, for example the contrast between the character and surroundings of the M40 and the M1. There was also recognition that, while the M40 corridor was intended primarily to be one of movement, it was also coming under severe development pressures. It was also suggested that some types of

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journey were inevitably generating pressures for development; for example the trend for centrally-located warehousing (i.e. increasingly located within the corridor region) is also increasing food and product mileage. Some respondents pointed to inconsistencies within the transport infrastructure. Examples commonly cited were the differential degree of access created by toll roads, such as the M6 Toll (formerly known as the Birmingham Northern Relief Road) as opposed to non-toll motorways. Another example was the unfavourable comparison that could be made between the West Coast Main Line and the Chiltern Line. Although the West Coast Main Line produces a half-hour shorter journey from Birmingham to London, the Chiltern Line rolling stock is much more modern and fares are also considerably lower for many types of travellers. (The West Coast Main Line upgrade has been delayed until 2005/6 and will still not permit 140 mph trains.) A respondent representing interests at the north-west end of the corridor stressed that the corridor continues north-west through Wales to Ireland and that Telford forms a focal point of this extended corridor. Thus, in transnational terms, the West Midlands–London ÔfragmentÕ of this European megacorridor must not be viewed in isolation. Road and rail congestion and capacity limitations are seen as reducing the coherence of the infrastructure. Weaknesses and blockages were also identified at each end of the corridor, and one particularly powerful finding was that both the London and West Midlands conurbations are seen as major blockages to transnational linkages. Although an unpopular perception in London (and in government: see DETR, 2001), the road and rail connections from the West Midlands, through London, to mainland Europe were perceived to be particularly problematic (Fig. 7). Other difficulties were perceived in the connections and performance of the

corridor across the West Midlands conurbation. The lack of direct air services from the West Midlands to, and poor rail connections with, London airports was also regarded as a weakness in the coherence of the corridor. The development of a number of east-west linkages ÔacrossÕ the study corridor was identified as an important factor that was tending to reduce the north/south coherence of the corridor, while also reinforcing the significance of key nodal points within it. Several interviewees highlighted the potential ÔcompetitionÕ between the ÔtraditionalÕ north/south corridor and the alternative east/west link to the East Coast and mainland Europe. There was a widespread perception that the level of institutional coherence is low. There were felt to be very few organisational linkages or institutions that operated at the level of the study corridor. Although crossboundary consultations did take place, for example in relation to the development of the Regional Planning Guidance (RPG), it was felt that the level of interaction and co-ordination across administrative boundaries was low. 2 A study by the South East Economic Development Agency (SEEDA, 2000) also suggests that its proposals would Ôfounder if constrained to regional administrative boundariesÕ. There was a clear indication that the study corridor is not, and has not been planned as, a development corridor, and that therefore Ôwhatever is happening, is evolving despite planningÕ. There were mixed opinions about the level of economic coherence between London and the West Midlands. A qualitative difference was perceived by some because of the continuing reliance of the West Midlands upon manufacturing industry. But the corridor was seen as an area of Ômarket strengthÕ, with the development pressure in the south-east exerting considerable pressure up the corridor and into the south-west of the West Midlands conurbation. The question was raised about whether the efforts which are proposed to improve the economy of the poorer-performing parts of the West Midlands would require putting ÔbrakesÕ upon existing and emerging growth points. Another view was that stronger connections between the West Midlands and London could diminish development pressure in the north of the corridor, especially north of the conurbation. It was clearly seen that there are considerable differences in ÔflowsÕ and market strength between the south-east of the West Midlands conurbation and the north-west and the Black Country. This is demonstrated by house prices where, for example, South Warwickshire

2

Fig. 7. The principal flows of movement showing the ÔbarrierÕ and diversionary effect of the London conurbation.

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Regional Planning Guidance is issued by the Secretary of State and it serves as a framework for the Regional Plan and local council Structure Plans.

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is very buoyant whereas the old coalfields of North Warwickshire are very stagnant. It was further observed that the study corridor possesses two major ÔanchorsÕ at each end (London and Birmingham) as well as a number of significant nodal points within it. One interviewee (an independent planning consultant) argued that there was a conceptual choice to be made about whether the West Midlands wished to become part of the Ôhot spotÕ of Europe. He asked whether accessibility to London was a positive or a negative factor for the West Midlands. But it was also suggested that if direct rail connections through London to Europe had been made possible, this would have supported the north-south corridor much more effectively. In summary, it was felt that the study corridor could not be regarded as a coherent corridor as it currently stands, but that it has the potential to be developed as a broad coherent corridor of spatial planning and infrastructure development.

4. Revealing goals and key strategic issues Seven goals were identified for further research in the study area in terms of the transnational level. These were: protecting environmental and cultural assets and distinctiveness; better transnational and regional connections and collaborations; optimising the capacity of existing infrastructure and establishing more effective inter-modal linkages; reducing peripherality and spreading economic benefits more equitably; improving competitiveness generally; promoting polycentricity and creating more Ôbalanced communitiesÕ, and maximising the benefits of information and communications technology so reducing energy use, pollution, and the need to travel. Following the research and consultation described above, it was important to identify and consider the key

issues that are of central importance to the purpose of this project. An overview of the entire CORRIDESIGN research, and bilateral discussions with the team examining the London–Channel study corridor, identified key issues of common significance as follows: 1. Poor transnational connectivity, particularly the lack of effective connections from north and west of London through to mainland Europe for road and rail, passengers and freight. 2. Conflicts between long-distance and short-distance traffic, and the resultant barriers to both local and transnational connection. 3. The inability to manage infrastructure congestion, together with the lack of effective multi-modal integration of air/rail/bus. 4. Competitive pressures and inequalities between regions, towns and districts, as well as between nodes and different sectors of policy-making, infrastructure provision and operation. 5. Environmental impact of increasing demands for mobility and development, and the imperative to prevent and reverse environmental damage to natural systems and ecologies. 6. Development patterns increasing the need to travel, including the challenges of decentralisation, urban sprawl, the separation of function and activity, and poor urban quality. 7. Institutional discontinuities and lack of co-ordination in decision-making, and the difficulty of integrating policy-making and management across various institutional boundaries, and differences in operating standards, regulations and taxation regimes across borders. Table 1 provides a simplified visual summary of the key issues in terms of their spatial scale and their relationship with the main themes of this study.

Table 1 Matrix of key issues Local/regional

Cross-border

NWMA level

Infrastructure and transport

Conflicts between local/long-distance traffic Inability to manage or control infrastructure congestion

Conflicts between local/long-distance traffic

Poor transnational connectivity

Economic development

Inequalities between regions, towns and districts

Inequalities between regions, towns and districts

Environmental impact of increasing demands for mobility and habitation

Urbanisation

Development patterns increasing the need to travel through decentralisation Environmental impact of increasing demands for mobility and habitation

Development patterns increasing the need to travel through decentralisation Environmental impact of increasing demands for mobility and habitation

Development patterns increasing the need to travel through decentralisation

Institutional context

Institutional discontinuities and lack of co-ordination

Institutional discontinuities and lack of co-ordination

Institutional discontinuities and lack of co-ordination

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5. Regional disparities and theoretical responses Inequalities and opportunities within the study area are spatially patterned in five principal ways. First, there is a strong north/south distinction. In the buoyant and at times over-heated Greater London region, higher rates of pay are offered for work of equal kinds, and considerably higher prices sought for properties of similar qualities, than is the case in other UK regions. ‘‘Concerns about increasing symptoms of peripherality which may arise from over concentration of infrastructure and activity in the south-east and that do not take account of regional impacts’’ have been raised (Wong, 2001). There are also disparities across the study region. These differences reflect long-term investment preferences of the market, and indeed of the state. Secondly, new growth phenomena have been identified (Henry et al., 1996; DETR, 2000; Advantage West Midlands, 2001) linked to newer knowledge-based industries in a long crescent from Cambridge, east of the corridor, around to Southampton, south-west of the corridor. These growth opportunities are associated with perceived environmental advantages, associated with other high-tech industries and research establishments including universities and defence-related procurement. Thirdly, there is a perceived environmental advantage associated with the freestanding smaller towns over the conurbations. This appears to drive residential choice and company location based upon desire to attract and retain key workers. This factor must be taken in association with the previous ones in order to appreciate that the more peripheral small towns exhibit similar signs of stress, for example unused or underused retail space in high streets. Small towns within the main braids of the megacorridor, for example Banbury, fare far better. Fourthly, the conurbations themselves must be also understood to include core areas and peripheries with some city centres (such as Birmingham) undergoing a renaissance of investment and attractiveness whilst others struggle to maintain vitality and viability (for example historic Dudley). Fifthly, rural locations experience sharp differences in opportunities and this follows particularly from the collapse of older industries (e.g. the North Warwickshire coalfield) contrasting with the rise of new industries (e.g. South Oxfordshire and the British Motor Sport Industry) superimposed on the overall problems of the UK agricultural economy. It is assumed that the future design of the megacorridor can have an influence upon these inequalities by shaping investment decisions. Loss of economic functions can provoke public authorities into promoting policies to gain economic growth at a high cost to mobility and the environment through increasing local congestion on through routes and degrading the natural

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environment. Equally, local disadvantage can be addressed through a planned approach to accessing the megacorridor. In this context, the model that distinguishes ÔspreadÕ from ÔbackwashÕ effects (Myrdal, 1957) is relevant. 5.1. ‘Spread’ and ‘backwash’ in theory and application For Myrdal, the ÔbackwashÕ of economic activity from a region to a major, often colonial, growth pole was a negative phenomenon. He regarded the subsequent ÔspreadÕ of economic activity from the growth pole into its surrounding areas as a weaker, but more positive, position (Myrdal, 1957). He was concerned that the development of underdeveloped regions proceeds in an uneven way, and that it often involved the concentration of advantages to settlements around connections to the wider world, whilst denying and even draining resources from other areas. The former effects are described as ÔspreadÕ and the latter are ÔbackwashÕ (see Fig. 8). For Myrdal, the actual economic expression of backwash would have been depopulation, abandonment, dereliction and decline. Whilst this may currently be experienced in the more remote regions of the most economically developed countries of the European Union, backwash in the developed regions would be experienced as the absence of development pressures. Such absence is welcomed by many groups in society from a number of perspectives. Tranquillity, solitude, and serenity are qualities associated with nature. Society increasingly values nature for its own sake, and environmental economics attempts to identify the intrinsic or inherent value of natural resources in contrast to the exchange values that may be released from their exploitation (Dombrowski, 1997). Public policy seeks to restrain the economic exploitation of such areas. Application of these simple principles to contemporary conditions in the study area and more widely in north-west Europe suggests that corridors with few access points will have stronger backwash effects at those points which do exist, whilst corridors with many access points will have more pronounced spread effects. Other, more flexible, mechanisms such as environmental protection policies and appropriate road charging schemes should also be utilised as, in combination, these two measures could be extremely effective. Spread and

Fig. 8. Simple representation of spread and backwash.

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Table 2 Historical spread and backwash characteristics observed in the study area of Central England Backwash

Spread

Few nodes/interchanges Few access points to the corridor

Many nodes/interchanges Many access points to the corridor

Land-use policies Planning restrictions on development between nodes e.g. Green Belt, strategic gaps, AONBs (areas of outstanding natural beauty) Social/political restrictions e.g. ÔgentryÕ landscapes

Land-use policies Land releases for development on the edge of existing urban areas e.g. for business parks, housing,

Urban form Compact settlements, high density uses, emphasis on townscape quality

Ex-urban form Urban sprawl, low density developments, emphasis on landscape quality

Economic development policies Those relying on, or promoting Ôpath-dependencyÕ

Economic development policies Those promoting technological dispersal/diffusion

Spatial concentration of uses Central business districts Legal & financial services (front office functions) Location of internet protocol addresses Hubs for movement of traditional automotive components

Urban/rural fringe relocations New business parks Legal & financial services (back office functions) Prime industrial sites British motor sports industries Information communication technology spokes e.g. ISDN and ASDL network development

New industrial space ÔCambridge PhenomenonÕ in the 1980s

New industrial space ÔCambridge PhenomenonÕ in 2000s Cambridge––Milton Keynes––Oxford ÔTechnology ArcÕ

Population ‘churn’ Of young people (including students) Recent migrants

Population ‘churn’ Of affluent young families Retired people (increasingly taking early retirement)

Housing Social, lower cost ownership in the 1970s–1980s City centre apartments/lofts/gated settlements

Housing Speculative and higher cost in the 1970s–1990s Social, lower cost ownership in the 2000s

Public transport-dependent behaviour

Private car-dependent behaviour

backwash effects can be observed in a number of different spatial forms within the study area, and these are summarised in Table 2. This research reinterprets the concepts of spread and backwash (Pratt, 2002). The more recent spread of economic activity and development from the historic urban centres to their regions can be viewed as a powerful, and often negative, force leading to urban sprawl, and the potential Ôhollowing-outÕ of the older industrial cities, which is also feared elsewhere (House of Commons, 2002). We therefore regard the possibility of encouraging backwash effects into the historic urban centres as a potentially positive step. In addition, we see the analysis and regulation of competition between growth poles as a potential means of ÔpumpingÕ economic activity from areas of strength to areas of relatively lesser strength or weakness.

6. Possible policy building blocks Suggestions for useful policy building blocks have emerged from the research in historical and policy

documentation, key stakeholder interviews and a series of workshops with other stakeholders undertaken in this research stage. These could be created through consideration of policies and mechanisms for the following. • Removing or bypassing barriers to transnational connectivity within existing infrastructure systems. • Functional differentiation of local and long-distance infrastructure to separate local access movement from long-distance transnational movement. • Promotion of collective transport and inter-modal connections. • Infrastructure demand and use management. • Land-use strategies that reduce the demand for travel and increase local access to services and facilities by creating more balanced communities. • Strategic investment and location decisions to reduce regional disparities or redirect ÔpressureÕ, e.g. from areas of environmental value. • IT strategies that can increase collaboration and reduce the demand for travel. • New institutional approaches to developing spatial vision and integrating decision-making.

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Each of these potential building blocks are explored in greater detail in our detailed corridor-specific research report (Chapman et al., 2001) and the overview report of the CORRIDESIGN research project itself (Ipenburg et al., 2001). Central to this research has been the search for ways in which spatial policy and infrastructure investment and management can be more closely integrated across the complexities of administrative and sectoral boundaries. We suggest that the concepts of spread and backwash may offer potential principles, which could positively assist in both assessing policy options in relation to each of these proposed building blocks, and for guiding economic and urban development. These potential principles could include the following. • The functionality of each existing infrastructure braid, and the predicted impacts of proposed infrastructure, should be evaluated in terms of its spread and backwash characteristics. • Infrastructure should be used to support strategic regional development through the planning and management of its spread and backwash effects. • Infrastructure ÔbraidsÕ in the study corridor should be planned and managed to primarily support spread or backwash effects, but not both in the same braid. (This principle would also support the differentiation of infrastructure functionality between long-distance and local movement.) In applying these principles to the study corridor, and in particular the issue of which road and rail infrastructure should perform which function, the following suggestions arose. • The M40, M6 Toll and West Coast Main Line should be developed and managed primarily to support longdistance movement, and consequently backwash effects upon economic and urban development. This should be achieved by both physically restricting access points and applying restrictive land-use development policies to land adjacent to any access points, and by introducing through traffic management measures. • The M6/M1/A43 and the Chiltern Railway should be developed and managed to support spread effects as significant contributions to economic and urban development within the study area. • The A14 and east-west rail connections to the EastCoast Haven Ports should be maintained and developed to support long-distance movement. This emerging corridor should be managed to minimise spread effects, which could generate local traffic that would compromise the long-distance movement. • Outside these strategic north-west/south-east infrastructure braids there should be consideration of

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the relative functioning of lateral or orbital braids of infrastructure, differentiating them to support long-distance or local movement, and spread or backwash effects. They may comprise linear or polycentric settlement on effective local public transport corridors, or strategic long-distance routes with few access points. It was further suggested that competition between regions or nodes should be managed strategically to avoid counterproductive competition, which both wastes resources and is likely to accentuate conflicts between long-distance and local movement systems.

7. Conclusions Within architecture and urban design, the concept of corridors and their desirable performance characteristics is reasonably clear. Their primary purpose is as a means of giving access to a variety of different rooms, spaces or activities. Functionally and economically, it is desirable to make the corridor as short as possible while still providing effective access to all of the accommodation required. The corridor can be seen as a dynamic space but, at the same time, produced to create a range of experiences in their own right. By contrast, corridors of development and infrastructure may need to perform in a variety of different ways. A wide range of requirements may be being served, or not served, in the same corridor. Indeed, conflicts may arise between the range of potential functions of these corridors. The European Spatial Development Perspective (CEC, 1999) seeks to promote ÔpolycentricityÕ as a means to more balanced forms of development and a policy tool. The policy options of the ESDP could be listed under three separate general objectives, namely ÔBalanceÕ (policy options 1–23), ÔDevelopmentÕ (policy options 24–39), and ÔProtectionÕ (policy options 40–60) (Davoudi, 1999). In the context of corridor design, such polycentricity suggests that Ôbundles of infrastructureÕ could be configured in a linear fashion in what we identify as ÔbraidsÕ. This ÔbraidedÕ approach applies to the lines of mobility and development, thereby providing a means of reducing congestion in any single ÔbraidÕ, spreading access and development opportunities across a wider corridor, whilst providing opportunities for balance and protection between the ÔbraidsÕ. Transport and communications constitute a major economic generator of activity in their own right. Therefore the positive aspects of this (cultural exchange, financial returns) deserve to be strongly promoted, and the negative aspects (congestion, delays and environmental impact) should be minimised.

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7.1. Corridor or armature?

7.2. Definitions and conceptions

The theoretical starting point for the CORRIDESIGN research project is the idea that corridors can exist as axes of infrastructure, economic development, and urbanisation or of institutional development, but these four dimensions can also be seen as qualitatively and functionally quite different. The dimensions may coexist but they can also be seen as acting at quite different scales (Romein et al., 2000). Although the term ÔcorridorÕ clearly suggests connection and access, it may fail to adequately suggest all of the subtle but crucial aspects implied in four dimensions. The term ÔcorridorÕ also suggests a served and serving relationship, rather than a supporting synergy, and inevitably it raises questions of scale and extent. It also implies physical and linear geographical form more than institutional structure, and homogeneity rather than distinctiveness. While linkages that are coherent and perform effectively at the infrastructural and institutional levels are clearly desirable, it is less clear that similar high levels of coherence are ÔneededÕ in terms of economic development or urbanisation. In view of this it is suggested that an additional conceptualisation, which embraces the values of both infrastructural and institutional linkage as the framework for developing economic competitiveness and quality of life and the local level, would be useful. One possibility could be offered by the idea of armature. An armature can be defined as a wire framework which supports the modelling of a sculpture, but the term has been developed (Roberts et al., 1999) as much more than a mere framework of support. There are several factors that make it attractive. First, the armature can be conceptualised as multi-layered and multi-dimensional, in which infrastructure and flows can be represented as the complex matrix which actually exists, rather than confining them to a potentially limited linear zone. The interactions between different infrastructural and institutional systems at various nodal points can readily be represented in this model. Secondly, the concept can allow for the territory associated with the armature at a local level to vary in terms of urbanisation and economic development while functioning coherently at a transnational scale. A variety of institutional relationships can be related to the armature concept as a supporting framework. The armature concept could, therefore, provide a foundation for incorporating the many essential linkages that do not follow linear corridors, for example air links and telecommunications networks. It provides a multi-layered model with transnational megacorridors as their spine, together with a framework which can relate to development corridors at the national, regional and sub-regional scale.

It is clear from this research that there are many different conceptions of corridors and of the scale and spatial relationships over which the corridor idea may be seen to operate. But there is one fundamental characteristic that must be present in the definition or conceptualisation of any corridor at whatever scale. That characteristic is that of connection. Irrespective of any other policy objective, but often in pursuit of them, a corridor must enable the free and easy flow or transmission of people, goods or information. The identification of this truism hardly requires extensive research, but it is important, simply because it means that those areas that are not defined or designated as corridors must have a quite different role to play in, for instance, spatial visions. Our research suggests that the CORRIDESIGN concept can have great value because it can guide the use of Ôbundles of infrastructureÕ as the basis for integrated economic and urban development, and also to provide a clear differentiation of spatial functions so that infrastructure management can clearly differentiate between the needs of long-distance linkages and more local connections. 7.3. Corridors and normative concepts of spatial development It would be appealing to be able to report that the corridor concept offers a clear way to address regional disparities, to promote economic development and to protect and repair environments. Unfortunately the results from this stage of the research cannot do so at all unequivocally. This is not because the integration of infrastructure and spatial policy is not critical to the achievement of these aims, but because the performance criteria implied cannot be achieved uniquely in the corridor model. Instead this is a concept (along with several others) within which these performance criteria may, or may not, be fulfilled. We would argue, therefore, that it is not the assertion of the effectiveness of any of the normative concepts of spatial development that is important. Rather we suggest that what is important is the means of critically evaluating performance and functionality of heterogeneous development patterns (polycentric, monocentric, linear) against clearly defined local, regional and transnational aims and objectives (see Romein, Trip and de Vries elsewhere in this issue). Our adoption of the idea of the armature as a framework of infrastructures, networks and governance is thus consistent with the need for clearly declared performance criteria for policy and monitoring, and it recognises the potential value of diverse spatial devel-

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opment patterns. The development of MyrdalÕs concepts of ÔspreadÕ and ÔbackwashÕ may then offer the basis of a valuable tool for evaluation.

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