Conflict in Campania: Waste emergency or crisis of democracy

Ecological Economics 70 (2010) 239–249

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Ecological Economics j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w. e l s ev i e r. c o m / l o c a t e / e c o l e c o n

Conflict in Campania: Waste emergency or crisis of democracy Giacomo D'Alisa a,⁎, David Burgalassi b,1, Hali Healy c,2, Mariana Walter c,2 a b c

Università di Foggia, Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche, Matematiche e Statistiche, Largo Giovanni Paolo II (71110) Foggia, Italy University of Pisa, Department of Economics, Via Ridolfi 10, 56124 Pisa, Italy Institut de Ciència I Tecnologia Ambientals, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, ICTA, Bellaterra (08193), Spain

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 2 November 2009 Received in revised form 18 June 2010 Accepted 20 June 2010 Available online 23 July 2010 Keywords: Post-normal science Environmental conflict Environmental justice Waste management Hazardous and urban waste Health Democracy

a b s t r a c t In 2008, the Italian Government issued a decree according to which obstructions or protests in the vicinity of landfills or incinerators became a penal felony. This was the outcome of a long process that began fifteen years before when regional waste treatment facilities became unable to cope with the waste accumulated in the region of Campania. This article studies the history of this conflict in order to identify a range of values and concerns about nature, health and democracy. It asserts that the decision-making process adopted by subsequent Italian governments, alongside repressive laws, oversimplified a complex crisis and obscured different emergent perspectives and values. Ultimately, denying the will of a large part of the population caused increased social unrest. © 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction On May 2008, under decree no. 90 issued by the Italian Government, protests taking place in the vicinity of landfills, incinerators or any plant related to waste management became a penal felony. After fifteen years of unsuccessful attempts to solve the waste management crisis in the region of Campania, and after eleven appointed National Commissaries, hundreds of local demonstrations and even guerrilla insurgencies, this decree was the solution devised by the Italian government to handle increasing social unrest and to repair the damage done to Italy's international image. The Italian Prime Minister declared that “the emergency is now over” as the streets of Naples were now clean (EDIE, 2008)3. This statement mirrored a perspective shared by the majority of Italian policy-makers and conveyed by international media (The Economist, January 10, 2008), that the problem was one of inefficient waste management and had to do with the inability of Campania's inhabitants to implement household waste separation. However, the Campania case has inspired a diversity of studies – by NGOs, activists, government institutions, historians, and social and

⁎ Corresponding author. Tel.: + 39 881 75 3730; fax: + 39 881 77 5616. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (G. D'Alisa), [email protected] (D. Burgalassi), [email protected] (H. Healy), [email protected] (M. Walter). 1 Tel.: + 39 050 22 16 372; fax: + 39 050 22 16 384. 2 Tel.: + 34 93 581 29 74; fax: + 34 93 581 33 31. 3 Also listen to the declaration of the Italian Prime Minister: http://www.governoberlusconi.it/page.php?idf=450&ids=451. 0921-8009/$ – see front matter © 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2010.06.021

medical scientists – from which a much more complex picture emerges. These documents have focused on distinct angles of the conflict: the importance of the toxic waste trade between the camorra (the regional mafia) and corporations across Italy and Europe (Fontana et al., 2008; Iacuelli, 2007), legal analyses (Lucarelli, 2007a,b,c; Raimondi, 2007), health risks and epidemiological assessments (Fazzo et al., 2008; Martuzzi et al., 2008; Senior and Mazza, 2004; Comella, 2007), the impacts of landfill sites (de Medici, 2007; Ortolani, 2008), the institutional responsibilities of waste mismanagement (Rabitti, 2008), the emergence of the inter-linkages between society and nature in environmental conflicts (Armiero, 2008), the role of activism (Musella, 2008), and the political implications of the crisis (Barbieri and Piglionica, 2007). Building on these studies, this paper aims to give an overview of the diversity of perspectives, and range of values and beliefs at stake throughout the conflict. This allows us to reveal how the complexity of the conflict was inadequately addressed by official decision-making procedures. Rather, politicians, public authorities and media have promoted a simplistic view which has served as a foundation for policies that do not address the roots of the problem, have negative environmental and social impacts, are barely legal (if not illegal) and erode democracy. Grounded in a post-normal science (PNS) approach, the present article highlights that the official resolution of the ongoing environmental conflict is unacceptable from political, social and ecological points of view. The authors stress the need to shift away from the current top-down approach of the National and Regional Governments and their reductionist and technically-led methods, to others

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more sensitive to the complexity of the Campania case. The approach adopted so far has obscured dangers posed to environmental and public health, and ignored repeated calls for community involvement in decision-making processes. In contrast, the current study elucidates the presence of a multiplicity of legitimate perspectives (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1994a; Giampietro, 2003; Munda, 2004) held by different actors and above all the irreducible uncertainty characteristic of the emergent problems. In this vein, the paper constructs a narrative that reflects the complexity of Campania's waste crisis. We propose a new conceptualization of the conflict, one embedded in a complex social system framework (Gallopín et al., 2001), that includes the values and concerns of lay people in environmental governance processes (Delgado and Strand, 2010). The purpose of this research is therefore not only to document what is happening in Campania, but to provide an improved understanding of and sensitivity to the issues of uncertainty, quality and complexity. The paper is organized into five sections. Section 2 presents the PNS framework, the background of our case study analysis, and describes the methods chosen to approach and characterise the conflict. Section 3 develops a contextual analysis, first describing the geographical, economic and institutional features of Campania and then deconstructing the main processes underlying the conflict. Section 4 discusses the history of the conflict and the core issues at stake, making explicit the multidimensionality of the crisis and its irreducibility to a single problem. Finally, Section 5 concludes by denouncing the repressive resolution of the problem as unacceptable from both political and ecological points of view, and proposing a more inclusive procedure whereby the different actors at different scales assume responsibilities through a deliberative approach.

2. Background and methods 2.1. Post-normal science The “Post-normal” epistemological framework (PNS) analyses the limitations of “normal” science approaches when facts are uncertain, values are in dispute, stakes are high and decisions are urgent (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1994a,b, 1997, 2002; Ravetz and Funtowicz, 1999; Gallopín et al., 2001). Normal Science (NS), according to Kuhn, is a puzzle-solving attempt to force nature to fit within a certain paradigm “predicated on the assumption that the scientific community knows what the world is like” (Kuhn, 1978, p. 23), quality assured by evaluation by peers. In contrast PNS emphasizes irreducible uncertainty, multiple perspectives and quality assurance by an “extended peer community”. The latter refers to the expansion of the peer group beyond certified experts to include all those with a stake in the issue such as “judges, journalists, scientists from other fields or just citizens” (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1994a p. 204). Such an extension improves the democracy of science for governance and enhances the quality of the process and the outcomes. As far as decision-making is concerned advocates of PNS argue that to face socio-environmental issues a change in approach is needed, from seeking an optimal solution, where single perspectives and criteria lead the process, to seeking the wisest solution, where multiple perspectives allow for a better understanding of the problem (Giampietro, 2003). In this context, we see a shift of emphasis from a “community of experts” (i.e. scientific peer community) in NS to an “expert community” (i.e. extended peer community) in PNS; the former is led by certified experts, while the latter emerges from a quality assessment of the political process able to articulate “extended facts”, i.e. the diversity of knowledge (e.g. scientific, local), values (e.g. economic, ethical) and beliefs (e.g. material, spiritual) at stake (Ravetz and Funtowicz, 1999).

The complexity of the waste crisis in Campania requires a PNS approach to elucidate the multidimensional aspects of the whole story and to avoid the application of reductionist policies in the future. Inspired by a PNS framework we try to express the plurality of epistemological (non-equivalent observers) and ontological (nonequivalent observations) views in the Campania waste conflict (Giampietro, 2003; Giampietro et al., 2006). This approach allows us to move some steps towards a more complex definition of the crisis, as perceived by the various social actors according to actual knowledge, being prudent in relation to the unavoidable existence of uncertainty and ignorance (Giampietro, 2003). 2.2. Methods In order to reconstruct the Campania case and to identify the different actors and their values and beliefs, we have developed a narrative based on diverse primary and secondary sources. Research was carried out in three stages. First, an initial collection and analysis of documents including official waste figures and trends in Europe, Italy and Campania, government acts, newspaper articles, video documentaries, journal articles, internet web pages, and NGO dossiers was done. This allowed us to characterize Campania's institutions, geography and economy, giving particular attention to waste production and treatment trends, and land use and landscape impacts. Second, primary direct information was collected via “participant observing” (Cattaneo, 2006; D'Alisa, 2010). This method stresses the participative role of the observer and the fact that the resulting observations emerge from the reflective ability of the participant. In this vein, the motivation of the participant is activism and the academic outcome is a by-product of this activism. D'Alisa has actively taken part in the Campania conflict since 2003 and has had access to a vast amount of documentation accumulated by activists and local organizations. During the second half of 2008, following a strategy designed by the all the authors (objectives and questionnaire structure), he conducted extensive discussions with local activists to identify with them the main events in the conflict and the main values at stake. What is relevant methodologically is not simply the access to these activist sources of information, but the fact that this conflict is part of D´Alisa's biography. Paraphrasing Armiero (2008), we were able to see the waste conflict like a protester. Hence, we approached the socio-natural processes through the lens of the conflict, which allowed us to expose the role of nature and society and the power relations informing them (Armiero, 2008). Third, we compared conflicting interpretations of events, descriptions of the values at stake over time and their relevance to the current state of affairs. An extended chronological description of the conflict was built identifying the key events, actors and issues at stake (Miles and Huberman, 1994), followed by an in-depth discussion aimed at delimiting, defining and characterizing the key stages of Campania's waste crisis. This analytical process allowed us to present our own narrative and understanding taking into account the different values and their weak commensurability (Martinez-Alier et al., 1998). 3. The Campania waste crisis 3.1. Context analysis Campania is a region in the southern part of Italy and the city of Naples is its capital. According to Svimez, the metropolitan area of Naples (Fig. 1a, b), which covers less than 20% of Campania's surface (Smarrazzo, 1999), accounts for 80% of the total regional population (about 4.5 out of 5.8 million people). Metropolitan area of Naples is the most densely populated area in Italy and one of the most in Europe, with an average density of about 2000 habitants per km2,

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Fig. 1. (a), 1b: Campania region and the metropolitan area of Naples. Source: own elaboration.

Fig. 2. (a), 2b: Aerial photo of a waste storage facility in the Province of Naples, with a red square highlighting a truck to indicate the dimensions of the area (Giugliano, Taverna del Re). Personal courtesy of Pacilio Raffaele.

increasing to 8500 in the central district, which holds one million inhabitants (Istat, 2005). The waste conflict addressed by this paper takes place mainly in this metropolitan area, a large and complex urban–rural system where more than 4 million inhabitants, agriculture, food production, industry, waste treatment and disposal activities coexist. Agriculture and food production industries play an important role in the economy of Campania, with more than half (54.80%) of the total regional surface under cultivation (Campania region, 2005b). This relates to the high fertility of land in the region4. In terms of GDP (in 2004 total GDP in Campania was 83 M€), Campania contributes to 8% (2.5 M€) of Italy's added value to the agriculture sector (32 M€). Contributions to national added value of industry and services sectors are lower (respectively 5% and 7%). One of the most important economic activities in Campania is food production (pasta, tomatoes, citrus and other fruits, and dairy products), mainly by small and medium 4 Campania is known for its fertility since the Roman Empire, when it was first called “Campania Felix” (“Happy Campania”).

enterprises, with fruit and vegetable production constituting almost 40% of total agricultural production. Exports of primary and food industry products show a growth trend (1.3 M€ in 2001), which allows for a positive balance of trade in the sector (+5%), while in the rest of Italy trends are negative (−17%) (Campania Region, 2007). The sector also influences livelihoods in the region. In Campania 110,543 people work in agriculture (2001 data), almost 7.5% of its population, compared to less than 5.5% for Italy as a whole (Istat, 2005). The agro-industrial profile system and landscape of the region is being affected by the provision of new waste storage and treatment facilities in the territory (see Fig. 2a5 and b) and, moreover, by the impacts of past and present – both legal and illegal – waste management activities on agriculture. Regarding waste production and treatment in Campania two points are noteworthy. First, the production of waste per capita in the region is not higher than that of the rest of Italy (Table 1) even

5

The box in Fig. 2a signals a truck, illustrating the scale of the facilities.

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Table 1 Per capita production of urban waste (kg/per capita).

Table 2 Rates of sorted waste collection in main Italian cities.

Year

Campania

Italy

Cities

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

485 465 468 481 485 497 491

516 521 524 533 539 550 546

Daily production of waste per capita (2005)

% Waste separation (2001)

% Waste separation (2005)

Naples Rome Milan Turin Bari

1.43 1.82 1.35 1.43 1.34

4.89 3.83 37.87 20.46 5.97

7.71 11.79 43.35 36.36 10.31

Source: APAT, 2008.

Source: APAT, 2008.

though the province has the highest waste production per hectare in Italy (D´Alisa, 2010). With almost 10% of the total national population, the region has less per capita production of urban and industrial waste, producing under 9% of total national urban waste and 4% of total national hazardous waste (APAT, 2008). The second point is that while Naples is not performing particularly well in terms of waste collection and recycling, it's performance is no worse than that of many other big Italian cities. Sorted waste collection for recycling is gradually increasing across Italy (APAT, 2008) as well as in Campania. Naples and other cities such as the capital Rome or Bari lag behind leaders such as Milan and Turin (Table 2). In 2007 the percentage of sorted collection in Campania was 13.5%, while the national average is 27.5% (Ispra, 2008). Nonetheless, within Campania there are some municipalities, which are part of the national initiative of “The Club of Virtuous Municipalities” (http:// www.comieco.org), whose 35 members have committed to and successfully achieved a waste separation rate of over 35%. There are around 2500 contaminated sites throughout the region, mainly concentrated in the metropolitan area of Naples. Fig. 3 illustrates Campania's polluted sites and waste treatment facilities. However, in 2005, the per capita production of industrial hazardous waste in Campania (0.75 tons per person per year) was less than half the national average (1.82 tons per person per year) (APAT, 2008). Some authors attribute the contamination to the illegal trade and disposal of waste by the camorra (Naples's mafia), which has dumped toxic waste on Campania' s lands with the complicity of industrial companies since the 1990s (Iacuelli, 2007). This complicity has been key to the growth and success of the illegal waste trade between the mafia and corporations, an important part of the “ecomafia6” business (Fontana et al., 2008). 3.2. The conflict Not in my back yard! The problem is that we have no more yards. That is what unites us (Latteri and Santoro, 2008, Activists in Chiaiano). 3.2.1. Declaration of emergency In 1994 the Italian Prime Minister declared a regional waste emergency and delegated full power for waste management in Campania to a special authority: Committee for the Waste Emergency in Campania (Commissariato di Governo per l'emergenza rifiuti in Campania, hereafter the Commissioner). The reason was that Campania 's Regional Government did not develop and implement a regional waste management plan as required by Regional Law 10/ 1993 and the disposal capacity of the region was decreasing drastically.

6

This is the name used in Italy to label the illegal organizations doing business in the sectors of waste, the cement cycle, animal racket and other environmental resouce-related activities.

By that time, the Region had many illegal landfills and some legal landfills that were receiving illegally hazardous waste from all over Italy. Trade in illegal waste, between illegal associations such as the camorra and other legal entities, including industries and transportation companies, was thriving in Italy (Scalia, 2000). Legambiente, a very well known Italian environmental NGO active since 1989 in denouncing illegal hazardous waste disposal in Campania (Tortora, 1989) carried out the first study on this issue in collaboration with the Army of Carabinieri7 and the Eurispes research centre (Iacuelli, 2007). Shortly after the results were made public, Nunzio Perella, the brother of the camorra boss Mario Perella, was arrested. In 1992 Perella, who began collaborating with authorities, famously stated: “a` munnezza è oro” (‘the rubbish is gold”). Public prosecutors initiated the “King Midas” operation against camorra bosses for the illegal and waste business (Armiero, 2008). However, illegal trade by the ecomafia continued to expand (Fontana et al., 2008; Scalia, 2000). The Prefect of Naples was appointed as the first Waste Commissioner (Decree no 35, February 11, 1994), charged with the task of managing daily waste collection and disposal (Table 3). Meanwhile the Regional Council was rendered responsible for developing the waste management plan. Two years of inactivity and delay in the preparation of the plan led the Prime Minister to nominate a new Commissioner on March 18, 1996, this time the President of the Regional Council. He was granted authority to produce a waste management plan without the Regional Council's approval and in July 1997 a regional waste plan was finally approved (Official Journal Campania Region, July 1997). At that time, landfill saturation was forecast for 1999 and all scenarios pointed to a crisis, predictions which were fulfilled later. 3.2.2. The tender In 1998, a tender was launched for building and managing waste treatment plants in Campania (Rabitti, 2008). This included two incinerators and seven plants for transforming waste into refuse derived fuel, i.e. combustible waste blocks known popularly as “ecoballe” in Italy. The criteria for the tender were cost, speed of installation and implementation, technical proficiency of the corporation, and technical value of the installation. There were varying weights attached to each criteria8, the heaviest being cost/price and speed of completion. FIBE, a consortium of Italian and German enterprises (Italy's Impregilo and Fisia, Germany's Babcock Anlagen, Babcock Kommunal, and Evo Oberrhausen) won the tender on December 23, 1998. Had the tender assigned equal weight to all criteria (see the Best available technology scenario in Table 4) the result would have been very different, and the bid of Forster Wheeler would have won instead of FIBE. In effect, the weighting scheme applied was biased in favour of the adoption of the "Worst Available Technology", since even if FIBE had scored 0 in technical proficiency and value, it still would have won (option 0 in Table 4). 7 The national gendarmerie of Italy, policing both the military and civilian populations. 8 The formula for the aggregation of weighting used: Ev= (A⁎ Pa) + (B⁎ Pb) + pc+ pd (Table 4). Personal communication, P. Rabitti).

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Fig. 3. Campania contaminated sites and some waste storages and treatment facilities. Source: Adapted from Campania Region, 2005a.

The weighting in favour of price and speed was so high that it violated the spirit of the EU Best Available Technologies (BAT) Directive (96/61/CE, decree 372/1999 in Italy), in a sense leading to the adoption of the Worst Available Technology (WAT). Furthermore, while the tender was still open, the General Manager of the Association of Italian Banks (ABI) proposed to the Commissioner: (a) the inclusion of a “deliver or pay” clause to force municipalities to guarantee a minimum amount of waste for

incineration and (b) that the waste blocks collected while the incinerators were under construction, would be stored in their vicinity, rather than sent to other existing plants outside Campania as was required by law (Ordinance No 2774). Following this suggestion the storage of ecoballe began (see Fig. 2a and b). The “deliver or pay” clause created a disincentive for municipalities to recycle. Incineration is considered a renewable source of energy under Italian National Law, unlike EU practices. Operators

Table 3 Commissioners of the Committee for the Waste Emergency in Campania during the fifteen years of the waste crisis, Presidents of Campania Region and Prime Ministers of Italy and their coalition membership during the Commissioner's tenure (when more than one, this means a change of Regional or National Government). Source: own elaboration. Starting date of the Commissioner's tenure

Commissioner

President of Campania Region

National Prime Minister

11 February 1994

U. Improta

G. Grasso (Centre) A. Rastrelli (Right)

18 March 1996

A. Rastrelli

A. Rastrelli (Right)

18 January 1999

A. Losco

A. Losco (Centre)

10 May 2000

A. Bassolino

A. Bassolino (Centre–Left)

27 February 2004

C. Catenacci

A. Bassolino (Centre–Left)

10 October 2006 6 July 2007 1 January 2008 11 January 2008 21 May 2008

G. Bertolaso A. Pansa U. Cimmino G. De Gennaro & G. Sottile G Bertolaso

A. A. A. A. A.

C. A. Ciampi (Centre–Left) S. Berlusconi (Centre–right) L. Dini (Technical govern) L. Dini (Technical govern) R. Prodi (Centre–Left) M. D'Alema (Centre–Left) G. Amato (Centre–Left) G. Amato (Centre–Left) S. Berlusconi (Centre–right) S. Berlusconi (Centre–right) R. Prodi (Centre–Left) R. Prodi (Centre–Left) R. Prodi (Centre–Left) R. Prodi (Centre–Left) R. Prodi (Centre–Left) S. Berlusconi (Centre–right)

Bassolino Bassolino Bassolino Bassolino Bassolino

(Centre–Left) (Centre–Left) (Centre–Left) (Centre–Left) (Centre–Left)

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Table 4 Criteria and weighting for waste management. Source: own elaboration based on P. Rabitti data. Ev = (A*Pa) + (B*Pb) + pc + pd. Ev stands for Evaluation; A represents the criteria: Price, A = (1 − Pi/Pmax); Pa is the weight of Price; B represents the criteria: Speed, B = (1 − Si/Smax); Pb is the weight of speed; Pc is the value of technical proficiency on a maximum of 10 in the WAT scenario and 25 in the BAT scenario; Pd is the value of technical value on a maximum of 10 in the WAT scenario and 25 in BAT scenario. Worst available technology

Competing tenders

Option 0

Criteria

Official weights

FIBE

Forster wheeler

Price (lire/kg) Speed (gg) Technical proficiency Technical value Total

Pa = 45 Pb = 35 Pc = 10 Pd = 10

83 300 7,4 4,2 31,63

110 395 8,6 8,6 17,2

were therefore guaranteed a constant stream of revenue as the government subsidized energy production from waste incineration (70 € per MW of energy produced in 2009). Hence, the biggest planned incinerator, in Acerra (a municipality in the north of Naples) with a foreseen 107 MW capacity would generate a revenue about 100 M€ per year (D'Alisa, 2010). This lobbying by the ABI was known only to FIBE, who had tied their proposal to the assumed inclusion of the deliver or pay clause and the possibility to accumulate, and not lose, the highly-valued ecoballe for the future incinerators (Rabitti, 2008). Based on this “hidden criteria” unknown to other competiting bidders, FIBE was able to reduce operational costs in its proposal. All this reflects the lack of transparency, legitimacy and democracy of the entire process. In effect, the tender process assigned a low value to technology, and by extension to environmental and health protection. Second, the existence of hidden criteria and information obscured the tender process (Rabitti, 2008). Third, after winning, FIBE was granted the power to decide the location of facilities without any local consultation or environmental impact assessment (EIA) as required by law. The company's only obligation was to obtain a vaguely defined Declaration of Environmental Compatibility from the Ministry of Environment, which did not stipulate any local participation (Rabitti, 2008).

3.2.3. The emergency of the emergency In December 1999 all regional landfills reached their full capacity. With no new treatment plants built and no recycling measures put in place, the Commissioner implemented emergency measures to expand existing landfills until new facilities could be built, transforming Campania 's landscape. By 2001, the first plant producing waste blocks (ecoballe) was finished, but unable to handle the daily amount of waste. Ecoballe had to be stored in the surroundings of the plant, blocking the arrival of new waste. Between 2004 and 2007, public prosecutors intervened on several occasions to stop the activity of the plants, as their products did not conform to legal standards for the composition of combustible waste9. Plants were ordered to close. Waste began to accumulate again in the streets, creating discomfort and health hazards for city residents. The situation forced the government to admit what local activists had been saying for months: that the ecoballe was not suitable for incineration because it did not meet the minimum calorific power of 15,000 kJ/kg (Rabitti, 2008). In order to circumvent the legal ruling that would result in plant closure, waste was reclassified into either “dried”, or “wet” fraction, with the latter assigned to landfill. Despite the fact that the former could not be burnt under EU directives, the Italian Prime Minister approved its incineration in the Acerra plant with a special ordinance (Ordinance No 3567/2008). By 2002 the hazardous situation of several landfills led to legal action by municipalities and citizens. Two landfills, one in Tufino, Naples, and another in Motecorvino Pugliano, Salerno (Fig. 3) were 9 As mistrust grew, people began referring to the “ecoballe” as an “eco-lie” (“balla” in Italian means “block, ball” but also means “lie”).

Best available technology

Alternatives

FIBE

Equal weights

FIBE

Forster wheeler

83 300 0 0 19,4

Pa = 25 Pb = 25 Pc = 25 Pd = 25

83 300 7,4 4,2 41

110 395 8,6 8,6 43

closed due to heavy and persistent pollution of groundwater. This measure led the region into a severe waste crisis, labelled “the emergency of the emergency” by authorities. The Commissioner requested help from nearby regions to dispose of Campania's waste, while ecoballe storage commenced in Taverna del Re, Naples. Some years later, this would become a conflictive site of tragic events. The situation worsened during this period as the camorra diversified their illegal waste disposal strategy: 1) transporting and dumping hazardous waste in the countryside by truck; 2) dumping waste in illegal caves or holes; 3) mixing toxic waste with textiles to avoid explosions and then burning it; and 4) mixing toxic with urban waste for disposal in landfills and incinerators (Iacuelli, 2007). 3.2.4. Local opposition In 2002, FIBE received approval from the Commissioner for the construction of two incinerators. One in Acerra, in the province of Naples, and another 15 km away in Santa María la Fossa, in the province of Caserta. Local communities on hearing these plans began to mobilize. In Acerra, protesters had four grievances the first was based on the absence of local consultation; the second on the use of outdated incineration technology; the third related to the environmental and health impacts of incineration; and the final complaint focused on historical injustices regarding the lack of action towards industrial pollution (petrol-chemical facility) and illegal urban and toxic waste dumps concentrated in the area. In September 2003, citizens from Acerra together with members of local movements of the unemployed and Social Centre collectives (young activists transforming abandoned buildings into political, cultural, and recreational centres), began guarding the site of the planned incinerator. In August 17, 2003, the first clash with the police drove the activists out of the area, but twelve days later, a public protest was organised in Acerra, considered to this day the most important demonstration against incineration in Campania. Residents, local authorities, social movements, organizations of unemployed and members of the local Communist Party demanded the dismissal of the project and the remediation of contaminated land. The demonstration was ended by violent police repression: teargas was thrown at protesters, and many people were injured and hospitalised. As a result of this violent oppression the number of people participating in protests diminished, though other mobilisation strategies started taking shape. Local committees (neighbours working in assemblies) began to spearhead information campaigns on the environmental and health impacts of incineration (e.g. dioxins and furans), the state of land pollution and the need for land remediation. 3.2.5. The “Triangle of Death” On September 5th, 2004, an article entitled “The Triangle of Death” was published in The Lancet Oncology (Senior and Mazza, 2004). This paper showed a correlation between increasing cancer rates and the presence of landfill sites (both legal and illegal), and other polluted spots in the Campania region, labelling this area “the Triangle of Death” (Fig. 4). However, shortly after, a study carried out by the

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laypersons in collecting and analyzing information, marshalling and directing the resources of experts in order to understand the epidemiology of a disease (Brown, 1997), Assise still sees intellectuals and experts as unique leaders and guides of the lay population.

Fig. 4. The triangle of death. Source: Senior and Mazza, 2004.

Commissary for the Waste Emergency concluded: “there is no foundation in the data for the so-called “bad-health waste epidemic”, none of the described elements sustain an association between waste and diseases” (Commissariato di Governo, 2008, pp.123). In 2008, the Department of Civil Protection ordered a study, coordinated by the World Health Organization, to further examine the health impacts of waste in Campania. It concluded that there was a statistical correlation between cancer mortality and congenital anomalies in areas where legal and illegal landfills of urban and toxic waste were present (Fazzo et al., 2008; Martuzzi et al., 2008). Although the Commissioner dismissed the health impacts of waste management, the local population largely acknowledged the multiplying cases of human and livestock health problems all over the region and continued to argue for land remediation (as depicted in the documentary “Biutiful Cauntri”, 200710). Since 2000, hundreds of sheep in Acerra had been losing wool and dying. In 2005, a striking documentary was screened on national television (“Waste of Italy”, RAI3 12 July, 2005) denouncing the serious problem of Campania and associating the environmental crisis with the mismanagement of the Commissioner and the entrance in the business of the camorra.11 The struggle for environmental health became a personal matter as people discovered the connection between their illnesses and the conditions of their working and living environments (Armiero, 2008). However citizens' accounts, priorities and needs were ignored and the gap between expert and lay knowledge grew, as the government underplayed public concerns and insisted on the need for even more robust scientific knowledge. The conditions of Campania's waste conflict could well have led to the adoption of a post-normal science framework, (uncertain facts, disputed values, high stakes and urgent decisions) as has been the case in other communities around the world where popular epidemiology has emerged in response to situations similar to the Triangle of Death (Brown, 1997). This was not the case in Campania however. Instead, the Assise12 opened a citizen–scientist debate on morbidity and mortality, but with a philosophy far from that of postnormal science or popular epidemiology. Instead of seeing a role for 10 This documentary appeared in 2007, directed by Calbria E., D'amboriso A. E Ruggiero. It gave voices to the sheep farmers around the area of Acerra. 11 The documentary showed shocking images of a misshapen lamb with its eyes below its chin and one sheep breeder's figure indicated deaths of over a thousand animals in three years. Some months later, he was also dying of cancer. 12 The “Assise Della Città di Napoli e del Mezzogiorno d'Italia” is a free academia founded by a citizen assembly. For more on the Manifesto of the Assise look: http:// www.napoliassise.it/.

3.2.6. Local activism and social networks Over the following years, diverse networks and alliances among local, national and international (zero-waste platform) activists formed. Popular Committees of neighbours, environmentalist groups and members of collectives of Social Centres engaged in sit-ins and numerous public assemblies, generating and disseminating information about the environmental problems caused by the waste treatment facilities. In 2005 the “Rete Campania Ambiente e Salute” (Campania Network for Environment and Health) was founded. This coalition brought together organizations, communities and movements grounded in an anti-capitalist narrative. In this period, the “Comitato Allarme Rifiuti Tossici” (Alarm for Toxic Waste Committee) was also born. This was a network of civil society, non-government, cultural and religious organisations, and intellectuals concerned with the illegal disposal of hazardous waste in the region and its health consequences. Their strategies were mainly legal, denouncing the abuse of government power, making pleas to the European Commission, and drawing attention to Italian government measures that would legalize illegal and/or unconstitutional practices. The different narratives and strategies applied by these social movements make clear the complexity of the conflict, highlighting the multidimensionality of claims, such as those demanding a clean environment, healthy livelihoods, preservation of natural landscapes, respect for legal procedures, justice and participative policies. 3.2.7. The landfill struggles By 2005, with growing international and national pressure, the government's main objective became “to clean all streets of waste”. Law, order, and the national and international image of Naples were given paramount importance by decision makers. The pressure on the Commissioner to build new landfills increased along with conflicts at the proposed sites, such as in Montesarchio, in Benevento Province, which ironically has one of the lowest per capita rates of waste production in Italy (APAT, 2008). Protesters there claimed that the site chosen for landfill was inappropriate due to its location between two Regional parks. However, the Commissioner only acquiesced to reduce the planned capacity by 40%. Also, in Montecorvino Rovella, Salerno, residents protested the opening of a new landfill. In the same year another significant struggle took place in the city of Campagna, Salerno where the community fought against the opening of a landfill.13 Here a 35 year old protester died tragically of heart attack from exposure to cold during the second night of protest (La Repubblica, February 24, 2005). 3.2.8. The consistency and legitimacy of the tender With no incinerators or effective recycling in place, the amount of ecoballe to be stored grew daily, giving shape to a new camorra-led business: the buying and renting of land to FIBE for the storage of ecoballe. The resulting financial strains were crippling to FIBE, adding to its inability to fulfil its contractual commitments, and putting into question the legitimacy and consistency of its entire waste management procedure. FIBE had declared in its proposal for example that it would complete installation in 300 days, offering its services at the price of 83 lire/kg (41.50 €/t). At the time of writing of this article, the incinerators were still incomplete and FIBE's operating costs were about 88.44 €/t without accounting for asset depreciation and corporate profit (Rabitti, 2008). 13 A local comity blocked transport infrastructures for a week, closing all the routes to the south of Italy.

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In light of the gravity of the situation and the procedures against FIBE initiated by the Prosecutor of Naples, the Italian government decided to rescind its contract with the company on November 30, 2005. A new tender for waste management was issued, but no corporate bids were submitted. Without the subsidies to burn the ecoballe nobody was interested in the messy waste business. So with Ordinance no 3657/2008 the Italian Government guaranteed large subsidies (as highlighted in “The tender” subsection 3.2.2 above), to be financed by a 7% increase in electricity bills, even though the European Commission had declared this incentive incompatible with the European directive on electricity from renewable energy resources (2001/77/CE). In fact, the amount of accumulated combustible waste across Campania is today estimated at 7 million tons, equivalent to one billion Euros to be potentially generated from combustion (D´Alisa, 2010). In October 2008, the government, without issuing a tender, appointed a company called A2A to manage waste in Campania. However, FIBE continues to hold the rights to finish the incinerator at Acerra, even though the company is undergoing legal action and a possible precautionary impounding of assets valued at 750 million € (Rabitti, 2008). This lack of transparency and consistency in the tendering process damaged trust between local inhabitants and the government, fostering further unrest. 3.2.9. Barricades against “new” landfills In 2007 as pressure for new landfills increased, new conflicts emerged. On May 19, the Campania Network for Environment and Health in collaboration with Alarm for Toxic Waste organized a national demonstration showing new bonds of cooperation. The crisis was no longer perceived as a local problem, but of one with a visible and common “connecting structure”. More and more people were actively opposing the top-down response to the crisis. Meanwhile, in Giuliano, Taverna del Re (Fig. 2a and b) the local Committee was opposing the disposal of more waste. In a five kilometer radius there was already one illegal landfill and four old landfills, all undergoing investigation for the presence of illegal toxic waste disposed of by the camorra (Musella, 2008). For two months there were daily clashes with police and the facility closed and reopened several times. A shocking episode took place in March 2008 when a protestor set fire to herself, risking her life. Throughout 2007, tons of ecoballe were shipped by train to Germany. Despite this partial solution, new sites were needed for its storage. The Commissioner proposed the use of an old abandoned tobacco manufacturing plant and the re-opening of the Pianura landfill in the Pisani district, both of which were located in the Municipality of Naples and were contaminated sites requiring land remediation. For the last 35 years, Pianura had been the only official landfill of Naples, with much hazardous waste dumped there and residents still awaiting land remediation. When the Commissioner ordered the re-opening of Pianura, he faced a massive public outcry. Fires were lit across the Province and Molotov bombs hurled at police and political party offices. Buses were hijacked and used to build barricades hundreds of metres long to stop the army and the trucks bringing waste. It was a genuine guerrilla affront by autonomous people against the government that not even the appointment of the former Police chief as new Commissioner could calm. Pianura became a no-go zone, and after weeks of confrontation the government decided to look for another place to store the ecoballe. With the situation growing urgent, Chiaiano became the new option. Local Committees in defence of this quarry and the metropolitan parks of Naples rapidly emerged, but their efforts to block the access of technicians, sent by the government to analyse the eligibility of the site, failed. Meanwhile, coordination among local committees, civil and religious associations, groups of intellectuals, and NGOs took on a more formal structure with an official delegation and a scientific committee (The Regional Waste Coordination Committee of Campania). The Campania Network for Environment and Health decided not to remain affiliated with this committee because it didn't agree with

the formal organization of the movement. Nonetheless, the two networks continued to maintain the same zero-waste platform. 3.2.10. Government response: the new decree In response to the unrest the Government approved a new decree (no 90 on May 2008 which was converted into law 123/2008). This: (i) delegated resolution of waste problems to an Undersecretary of the State under the Presidency of the Cabinet; (ii) labelled the location of all waste management facilities sites of “strategic State interest” so that any citizen obstructing State activity risked imprisonment; (iii) rendered environmental impact assessments non-obligatory; (iv) allowed FIBE to continue managing waste in Campania, despite ongoing investigations into its activities; (v) opened ten landfills, which were already existing dumpsites of all sorts of waste; and (vi) authorized construction of four incinerators and ten landfills. This decree illustrates the intensification of authoritarian trends in Italy. Over the past 15 years, decisions affecting the future of 6 million people in Campania have been taken without any consideration of their concerns, values or proposals. No genuine participation has been organised in the decision-making processes, nor has the fragile equilibrium of the territory or its inhabitants, livelihoods been contemplated. Meanwhile, the peoples' right to peaceful protest has been completely stifled under threat of imprisonment. It is difficult to predict what will happen in the near future. Currently many authorities of the Commissarial organization are under investigation. Local Committees are reorganizing, implementing autonomous recycling schemes and waiting for the Government's next steps. There is a growing awareness amongst citizens' movements that they are now facing a much more hardened state reaction. 4. Discussion On July 17, 2008, the Italian Prime Minister declared the “end of the emergency” due to the absence of waste in the streets. This statement can be seen as an accurate reflection of the National and Regional governments' perception of the problem as one of inefficient waste management, the inability of Campania's residents to implement separation of household waste for recycling, and the tainted international reputation of Campania and Italy. This representation of the waste problem neglects the ecological, economical, political, social and health complexities of the problem that have thus far been underlined by those social movements borne of their impacts (Table 5). In this light this paper argues that Campania's waste problem cannot be analysed as one of simple waste mismanagement for several reasons: 1) Waste generation figures alone do not explain the problem. The rapid saturation of landfills should also be seen as resulting from the import of external urban and toxic waste by the camorra over the last twenty years.14 2) The procedure for contracting the waste management system was not very legitimate and inconsistent, fuelling mistrust in the government. 3) The decision to locate the main waste treatment facilities in the area known as the “Triangle of Death has no congruence with any notion of sustainability or precautionary principle. These choices put at risk the agriculture and public health and under-valued the importance of the agro-food chain for the regional economy. Moreover, evidence about the increased morbidity and mortality of humans and livestock in the area support the citizens' rights to claim for land remediation and the implementation of healthy solutions. 4) The policy of the Italian government to subsidize incineration is perverse and against EC practices. On the disposal side landfill 14 Even if the authors acknowledge the relevance of the mafia in Campania´s conflict, the complexity and magnitude of the subject deserve a specific study beyond the reach of this paper.

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Table 5 Actors and interests. Dimension

Actors Government

Political

Economic

Social

Social movement and local committees

National Government's wish to maintain Increased transparency in decision-making its political stronghold in the region by local, regional and national authorities Appearance of political unity Efficient waste disposal Protection of agricultural livelihoods Negative effects on trade and tourism in the region

International reputation Public order

Environmental “Clean streets”

Participatory processes

Industrial organizations

Criminal organizations

To continue “business as usual”

To continue “business as usual”

Maximizing Profit Governmental 's subsidies for incineration Subcontracting Transport operation

Maximizing profit Renting land to store the ecoballe Transport operation To control over the territory To guarantee some job to their people

Safeguarding of public health including quality of food protection and remediation of land Looking for best practices of disposal methods and facilities No incineration No mega-landfill

Source: own elaboration.

planning has been environmentally and socially unsound. This is evident in view of past management failures such as in Lo Uttaro, Pianura and Montesarchio, but also for the last decisions to site landfills where: tons of asbestos have been recovered and persistent hydrological problems are present (Chiaiano); in areas where the risk of landsides is high (Sant'Arcangelo Trimonte); or even in National Parks (Terzigno). Governments' decisions have on the whole favoured the interests of corporations over the interests of natural resources, livelihoods and the safety of citizens. 5) State inability to control illegal, toxic dumping and illicit trade with companies from northern Italy and Europe in the camorracontrolled area has made efforts to find a workable solution to the waste problem futile. Government inaction and inefficiency and the flourishing business of the Camorra created a positive feedback loop. Indeed, Government failure to handle the waste problem led to the expansion of opportunities for illegal activities, which further impeded the ability of the Government to solve the waste problem, which in turn enabled greater profit generation by the camorra and associated enterprises.

5. Conclusions The problem of waste disposal in Campania is not just a problem of technical, economic and logistic mismanagement, reducible to the inability of Campania's citizens to deal with their own waste. Nor is it one of Italy's tarnished international reputation. Policies based on these assumptions will continue to fail even if anchored by repressive measures designed to stifle civil unrest. This conflict risks remaining unsolved if policy-makers continue to deny that behind these conflicts lies a discrepancy of values generating different policy choices (Martinez-Alier et al., 1998, Martinez-Alier, 2001). Over the years, the National Government and Commissioners have taken an authoritarian stance, imposing solutions that have put the lives and livelihoods of local communities at risk: this behaviour still continues even if the emergency has been declared resolved. Deliberate exclusion of communities from decisionmaking processes has evolved into a violation of human and constitutional rights, including rights to a clean environment, good health, dignified livelihoods and free expression. Abuses of power through the continued violation of European, Italian and Regional laws, have increased mistrust towards government at all levels. The development and implementation of waste policies in

Campania have been characterised by an overwhelming absence of participation. The waste conflicts of Campania are not simply NIMBY conflicts. International agreements including the Aarhus and Basel Conventions continue to be openly flouted in violation of the peoples' right to maintain their traditions and landscape, and to engage in decisionmaking processes aimed at ending the trade of illegal hazardous waste, reducing waste production, and promote zero-waste policies. Activists are not asking for financial compensation within an economic valuation framework. They are arguing in terms of landscape, health, ecology and democracy. In this sense, the escalation of the conflict is linked to new voices expressing different values from those of decision makers, voices which have found themselves unacknowledged in decision-making processes so far. Campania's social unrest can easily be understood as a manifestation of an environmental justice movement. Actors are concerned not only with waste management efficiency, but also with the increasing amount of waste in Campania coming from elsewhere, the presence of illegal toxic dumps, abuses of political power, anomalous increases in disease rates, dangers posed to future agricultural production, and the right to be heard. Moreover, cost-shifting from industrial to rural areas is a structural feature of modern societies. Illegal businesses were allowed to flourish from toxic dumping with little interference from the national Government. Locals perceive this as an additional sign of injustice: the Government was soft on the camorra and organized crime, but is now being tough on citizens, sending the army to deal with unarmed civilians that are fighting only to preserve their health and the future of their land and children. To guarantee the quality of a process for a long term solution to the crisis in Campania it is not possible merely to refer to accredited experts discovering “true” facts upon which to base good policies to be imposed by the power of the Army. In such a post-normal context where facts are uncertain, stakes high and decisions urgent, the legitimacy of different perspectives and the value commitments of all actors should be accounted for. The authors propose that reliance must be passed from a community of experts to an expert community, where accredited scientists or experts continue to play a key role in quality control but where lay persons (the so-called extended peer community) also assess the quality of scientific results in reallife situations. This would give life to an “expert community” necessary to create wise and shared solutions. For this reason it is crucial for the science of governance to integrate the extended facts and knowledge that laypersons bring with them (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 2002).

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Repressive laws have failed to address the multiple facets of the conflict, oversimplifying the complexity of the crisis and denying the will of a large number of citizens. Indeed, during the revision of the paper, a sentence issued by the European Court of Justice condemned the Italian Government for its approach to the resolution of Campania waste mismanagement, ratifying some of the local concerns.15 The effective resolution of this conflict requires instead an approach that takes into account a much wider consideration of values and beliefs at stake. This cannot be accomplished through authoritarian processes but more inclusive ones, whereby different actors at different scales assume responsibilities through a deliberative perspective. This consideration is essential if preventive approaches are to be developed and applied to waste issues, instead of perpetuating the use of current end-of-pipe solutions whereby problems are dealt with reactively. Finally, the waste conflict in Campania also allows more general conclusions to be drawn regarding the assessment of environmental conflicts which are to come in Italy and elsewhere. Current trends show that waste generation and proper waste disposal are in general, problems of economic growth. If current trends do not change, the proliferation of similar crises is likely to occur in developed countries, as it is already on a daily basis in the majority of developing countries. Discussions about environmental conflicts therefore, should focus on the engagement of extended peer communities, and on the need to reduce economic flows and their consequent waste by-products. Acknowledgements Thanks to J. Martinez Alier, M. Giampietro, A. Armiero and A. Genovese for their fruitful comments. We would also like to extend our particular thanks to R. Pacilio for Fig. 2a–b to R. Carro for the maps of Campania and to P. Rabitti for the information provided about the criteria and their weighting for evaluating waste management contract bids. Finally, this work could not have been finished without G. Kallis and the editorial work of A. Cardenas. We thank the two anonymous reviewers for their useful comments. This work is dedicated to the community of activists of Campania. References Armiero, M., 2008. Seeing like a protester: nature, power, and environmental struggles. Left History 13 (1), 59–76. APAT (Italian Environmental Protection Agency), 2008. Waste Report. Available Online at: http://www.apat.gov.it/site/it-IT/APAT/Pubblicazioni/Rapporto_Rifiuti/ (Last accessed on 28 March 2010). Barbieri, R., Piglionica, D., 2007. Commissione parlamentare d'inchiesta sul ciclo dei rifiuti e sulle attività illecite ad esso connesse. (Doc. XXIII no 2). Parliamentary report. Available online at http://www.camera.it/_dati/leg15/lavori/documentiparlamentari/ indiceetesti/023/002_RS/pdfel.htm (Last accessed on 28 March 2010). Brown, P., 1997. Popular epidemiology revisited. Current Sociology 45, 137–156. Campania Region, 2005a. Land use Chart. Government of the Campania Region. Available online at: http://www.sito.regione.campania.it/agricoltura/pedologia/ programmi.htm (Last accessed on 28 March 2010). Campania Region, 2005b. Regional Plan of Land Reclamation. Campania Region Government. Available online at: www.sito.regione.campania.it/burc/pdf05/ burcsp09_09_05/pianoregionale_bonifica.pdf (Last accessed on 28 March 2010).

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