Contested discourses of a mixed-use megaproject: Cornubia, Durban

Habitat International 45 (2015) 185e195

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Contested discourses of a mixed-use megaproject: Cornubia, Durban Catherine Sutherland*, Vicky Sim, Dianne Scott School of Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 4041, South Africa

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Available online 21 July 2014

Housing for the urban poor remains a significant challenge in South African cities. Post 1994 the South African state engaged in a large-scale housing programme delivering over 3 million state subsidised homes. However, housing policy since 2004 has shifted away from the delivery of housing units to the development of integrated human settlements. The national state has identified large scale mixed use projects, such as Cornubia in Durban, as the new approach. This paper explores the discourses constructed by multiple actors, including the national and local state, the private sector, technical experts (consultants) and civil society as they have shaped the development of this mixed use ‘housing’ project over time. The paper reveals the multiple ways in which space is constructed in a megaproject that is intended to address both pro-growth and pro-poor goals. © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Megaprojects Large scale housing projects Human settlement discourses Housing policy Pro-growth agenda Pro-poor agenda

Introduction Megaprojects, or very large development projects, have emerged in cities across the globe as a reflection of state supported neo-liberalism. Defining characteristics of megaprojects are their complexity; the scale of new construction or rehabilitation; the state-led public-private partnerships and multiple developers which are usually required to produce them; their exceptionalism in relation to policy and planning; the transformation of land use in one contiguous area; the long period of time required for completion and the high cost of the development (Fainstein, 2009; Flyvbjerg, Bruzelius, & Rothengatter, 2003; van Marrewijk, Clegg, Pitsis, & Veenswijk, 2008). Two main types of large scale projects have been identified, namely economic projects, such as industrial estates or shopping malls; and infrastructure projects, including airports, roads and other transport infrastructure such as bridges and tunnels (Flyvbjerg et al., 2003; Kennedy, 2013). Fainstein (2009: 768) argues that the original large scale projects that were developed in American cities in the late 1990s as a response to pressures of the global economy were “very big, mixed use developments” that provided sites for housing and were attractive to multinational businesses. Housing continues to form part of megaprojects, such as accommodation included in mega-event developments, waterfronts, or mixed use projects, particularly as a result of the equity measures it addresses (Fainstein, 2009). However, housing is usually not the main focus of megaproject * Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (C. Sutherland). http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2014.06.009 0197-3975/© 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

development. Nonetheless, in South Africa the political, economic and social pressure associated with the post-democracy housing question has resulted in the development of human settlements being elevated to the level of large scale project development involving all three tiers of government (national, provincial and local). Large scale human settlement projects, which reflect a ‘megaproject’ approach to addressing sub-standard housing in South African cities, emerged from the ‘Breaking New Ground’ Policy (BNG) which was launched in 2004 to address housing backlogs and persistent urban segregation in South Africa cities. Ten years of post-democracy housing delivery under the 1994 Housing Policy and Strategy had resulted in the large scale provision of state subsidised formal housing units to the poor. However, this national housing programme did not adequately achieve its goals of addressing housing backlogs or of developing integrated sustainable human settlements; fundamentally, it did not reconstruct the geography of apartheid (Charlton, 2009; Department of Housing, 2004; Sutherland, Robbins, Scott, & Sim, 2013). The BNG was therefore introduced to address a number of shortcomings in the national housing programme. Two large scale human settlement projects, N2 Gateway in Cape Town (City of Cape Town) and Cornubia in Durban (eThekwini Municipality) were identified as presidential lead projects, which are now known as national priority projects (2011) to exemplify this new approach to housing the poor. In the early 2000s, the eThekwini Municipality, under the leadership of the then city manager Mike Sutcliffe, began to shift towards entrepreneurial urbanism, with a focus on the

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development of large scale projects or ‘mega-projects’. The Point Development, a large scale urban renewal project on prime coastal land within the inner city (see Hannan & Sutherland, 2014), was proposed in 2003 by the Municipality in partnership with private developers. At this time Moreland Properties, now known as Tongaat Hulett Developments (THD),1 in partnership with the Municipality identified mixed-use projects with a large scale housing component, as a specific approach to enhance economic growth, create employment, address housing backlogs and produce integrated human settlements. The ANC government had been successful in delivering housing units to the urban poor but these settlements created ‘islands’ of poverty as they lacked the facilities, employment opportunities, social integration and urban connections that transform housing projects in to integrated human settlements. This approach was aligned with the national housing department's BNG policy. Large scale developments were therefore being promoted at both a national and local government level to address the multiple challenges facing South African cities. According to Kennedy (2013) ‘megaprojects’ are a useful analytical tool for exploring urban governance and urban transformation. This paper focuses on the Cornubia megaproject development, a public-private partnership between the eThekwini Municipality and THD2 to produce a new ‘integrated human settlement’ consisting of a large housing component, commercial and light industrial development, and social facilities. The development was touted by the Municipal Housing Department Head and THD as being strategically positioned to contribute to the consolidation and integration of the area. It therefore represents an ‘economic’ mixed-use megaproject (Fainstein, 2009; Kennedy, 2013). The paper explores the strategies deployed by different sets of actors, namely the state, private sector, consultants and civil society, to wield control over space by reflecting on the dominant discourses that have emerged in this large scale project over the period 2005e2011. The paper reveals the tensions and entanglements between the different actors and their interests, as they have attempted to dominate the production of this large scale development, thereby shaping the future of the city.

Fig. 1. Locality Plan (Iyer, 2011: 9).

Fig. 2. Cornubia Land Ownership (SSI, 2011: 23).

Megaprojects for economic growth and social transformation? In large cities, megaprojects are used as a “strategy of international competition to attract capital” and they “leverage the potential of cities as growth engines” (Kennedy, 2013: 5). They therefore form a core component of the pro-growth agenda of cities. However, in the case of South Africa, as a result of the country's post-apartheid commitment to economic growth and social redistribution, large scale projects are required to address both pro-growth and pro-poor imperatives. The tension between the pro-growth and pro-poor agenda is strongly evident in the country given its neo-liberal development approach and its continuing high levels of social inequality and poverty. Megaprojects in South Africa, particularly large scale infrastructure projects, are packaged and promoted as having the potential to drive economic growth, create employment opportunities, restructure the space economy of apartheid and ensure that benefits trickle down

1 Tongaat Hulett is a listed agri-processing business which engages in agriculture, land management and property development. 2 Initially a joint venture between the eThekwini Municipality and Tongaat Hulett, the Cornubia development has since been adopted by the South African Cabinet (2011) as a national priority project or Lekgotla Project, bringing all spheres of government in as official partners in the development.

to the poor and disadvantaged. Public-private partnerships are used as a mechanism through which to negotiate and implement both global economic and local redistributive imperatives (Houghton, 2013). However, using megaprojects as a driver of economic growth and as a means of social redistribution is challenging, as literature reveals the failure of megaprojects to address social concerns3 and to reduce poverty and inequality (Dupont, 2013; Fainstein, 2009; Follmann, 2015; Robbins, 2015). The pro-growth approach is evident within the eThekwini Municipality, with national, provincial and local government developing mega-projects and large scale investments to drive economic growth in strategic zones within the city (Hannan & Sutherland, 2014; Houghton, 2013; Robbins, 2015). Within this approach there is a clear focus on neo-liberal discourses of market driven growth, flexibility and locational competitiveness, with each city-region or city zone having a unique and competitive place-specific economic profile (Brenner, 2004). Megaprojects support the approach of

3 Bornstein (2010) argues however, that in megaprojects in Los Angeles, Montreal and Vancouver community concerns were taken in to account and social issues were embedded in to the design of the projects.

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Fig. 3. Spatial Concept for NUDC (eThekwini Municipality, 2011a: 8).4

entrepreneurial urbanism as they “channel investments into specific locations in the city” (Bornstein, 2010). Conversely, in most megaproject developments there is only a minimal commitment to socially just policies as their primary orientation is towards profitability and competitiveness (Fainstein, 2009). For example, in India the severe lack of space for new urban development and the state's response to urban informality has led to megaprojects being superimposed over informal spaces as a way of ‘formalising the city’ and creating ‘world class’ infrastructure and projects, resulting in large scale displacement, homelessness and social injustice (Dupont, 2013; Follmann, 2015; Roy, 2009). In Durban, megaprojects have been proposed and developed on both brownfield (the Point Development, the Moses Mabhida Stadium and the Back of Port project) and greenfield sites (Dube TradePort and Cornubia) which has altered the politics associated with these developments (Hannan & Sutherland, 2014; Scott et al., 2006). In the case of greenfield sites, the state has been able to avoid social issues associated with displacement and injustice. In the case of Cornubia, the informal settlers who live in Blackburn informal settlement, which is located on the site, have been promised formal housing in the Cornubia development. The state has ‘technically’ managed social impacts to Dube TradePort, through the relocation of informal settlers from Ocean Drive-In informal settlement to the formal housing project of Hammonds Farm (see Sutherland et al., 2013), and through the Environmental Impact Assessment for the new airport, with its associated social impact assessment. State/private megaproject development is favoured in many fast growing cities as it provides a mechanism through which ‘large scale planned development’ can be achieved, thereby meeting the goals and objectives of the national and local state in a technical and controlled manner. Most megaprojects reflect ‘exceptionalism’, as they are able to bypass mandated planning, funding and development procedures even though they are integrated into existing formal planning frameworks (Swyngedouw, Moulaert, & Rodriguez, 2002). As this paper reveals, the state and private

4 An urban development line (UDL) has been delineated between the NUDC and the Rural Corridor to ensure that the agricultural integrity of the Rural Corridor is maintained, both to maximise agricultural export opportunities linked to Dube TradePort but also to ensure food security for the city (Fig. 4). HPPTN is the High Priority Public Transport Network. KwaMashu and Phoenix are large townships established during the apartheid era.

developers have used the frame of a ‘planned large scale development’ to negotiate their way around the multiple objectives and competing rationales of urban development in Durban. A similar approach has been adopted by governments and elites in urban Asia, as they attempt to regain control of their cities (Follmann, 2015; Shatkin, 2011). New paradigms of megaproject development within the framework of competitive cities have enabled city actors more space to manoeuvre. Megaprojects are now more “flexible and diverse, rather than singular and monolithic” (Lehrer & Laidley, 2008: 786). The diversity and complexity of these mixeduse spaces simultaneously address and re-produce socio-economic segregation (ibid.), enabling the state and the private sector to promote social justice, while at the same time protecting the interests of capital and the elite. The large scale housing projects identified as lead projects for the progressive BNG Policy in South Africa, namely N2 Gateway and Cornubia, initially aimed at meeting the specific goals of the new housing policy. The BNG policy had argued for the development of integrated human settlements rather than the delivery of housing units; the inclusion of informal settlements and in-situ upgrades as part of the housing solution; the densification of housing; the inclusion of a social housing component (20% of housing units) in any new large scale middle to upper income housing development; enhancing the role of the private sector, and greater participation by communities in the housing process (BNG, 2004). However, urban politics in both Cape Town and Durban began to reshape the goals of these projects, as multiple actors engaged in and competed over their production. This paper identifies and explores the contextually specific discourses through which the state and other actors have attempted to facilitate or resist capital accumulation and enhance political domination through the development of a housing mega-project in eThekwini Municipality. The following section presents the history of the planning process for the Cornubia development so as to contextualize the power and socio-spatial relations that have emerged in the planning of this mega-project and social redistribution programme. The Development Planning of Cornubia: 2005e2011 Cornubia is located in the northern development corridor of eThekwini Municipality, 15 km south of the new King Shaka

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International Airport and Dube TradePort megaproject. The development is strategically located within eThekwini Municipality's northern development corridor, situated between historically disadvantaged townships, new post-modern high-income housing estates, regional shopping centres and the decentralised office parks of the Umhlanga Ridge. The total area of 1200 ha, 750 ha of which is developable, was originally owned by the private company, the Tongaat Hulett Group, as part of its extensive sugar cane lands (see Fig. 1). Negotiations between Tongaat Hulett Developments (THD) (the developmental arm of the sugar giant) and the Municipality in 2005 resulted in a publiceprivate partnership for a mixed-use development on the site, with the Municipality purchasing 580 ha from THD, the remaining 620 ha being retained by the owner (see Fig. 2). Cornubia has been strategically situated at different scales within a number of development corridors or growth areas identified since 2006 in provincial and local government plans and strategies for the north of the Municipality. 1. Cornubia is in the eThekwini/Umhlatuze corridor, which is identified in the Provincial Spatial Economic Development Strategy (DTLGA, 2006) as one of three Primary Corridors in the Province connecting the port of Durban to the port of Richards Bay. Together these function as the primary logistics gateway into South Africa, taking advantage of the development opportunities presented by the King Shaka Airport/Dube TradePort initiative (eThekwini Municipality, 2011a). 2. At local government level, Cornubia is also included in the Spatial Development Framework in the Municipality's Integrated Development Plan (IDP). 3. The Northern Spatial Development Plan supports the development of a high density mixed land use and transportation corridor which is called the Northern Urban Development Corridor (NUDC), that optimises the opportunities offered by the new airport node or “aerotropolis” which will create “a new mini-city for eThekwini” (The Mercury, 30/05/2012: p. 15). eThekwini Municipality (2010b) identifies ‘Dube Tradeport and surrounds’ as the main spatial investment driver for the northern area of the city. One of the spatial development strategies (expansion) for the NUDC is to “promote the establishment of the area of Cornubia as a new town to accommodate anticipated population and associated business growth in the north” (eThekwini Municipality, 2011a: 4) (see Fig. 3 showing Cornubia as a ‘new town’). The objectives for the Cornubia development, which are listed on the development's website, reflect a mixed-used, large scale project that is attempting to address both the pro-growth and propoor agenda. They include: “the creation of stakeholder value through the delivery of a balanced economic, environmental and social return which is financially viable and contributes to redressing inequalities and enhancing the quality of life and value of the area; to contribute to building, consolidating and integrating the social and economic base of the region; to ensure a sustainable, inclusionary mixed use development that maximises the development outcomes for housing, employment as well as investment and economic opportunities (www.cornubia.co.za). THD and the Municipality have framed the project as a ‘mixeduse’ development, which enables both the private sector and the local state to determine the mix of land use activities and to shift the priorities of the project as it evolves. However, at a national government level Cornubia is referred to as a large scale housing

project or a human settlements project, a remarkably different emphasis than that given by the THD and the Municipality. In his launch of the Cornubia development on 6 April 2014, President Zuma referred to the project as an “integrated housing project” emphasising the role of the project in providing housing and employment. The tension around the focus of the development is explored further on in the paper as the discourses of different actors reveal the multiple identities of Cornubia as both a large scale housing project that addresses the goals of the BNG policy and a strategic economic project that will facilitate growth in the north of the Municipality. In its original proposal the development aimed to provide 50,000 homes of which 20,000 were to be subsidised housing, 90 ha of industrial platform, over 1 million m2 of commercial space and 400 ha dedicated to a rehabilitated open space system. Projections included the creation of 48,000 permanent jobs and 15,000 construction jobs sustained over 15 years. The total investment of R24 billion was expected to generate rates of R 300 million per annum (www.cornubia.co.za). According to the Municipality and THD the project is a significant development that has “the real potential of creating substantial housing opportunities as well as employment and economic opportunities and will serve as a benchmark for future developments in South Africa” (www.cornubia.co.za). The Cornubia project consists of five phases e a pilot phase of developing 488 low cost housing units, followed by phases 1e4, which involve the development of a mix of land uses. In 2013 the first mini-factory park for small businesses was launched in Cornubia and phase 1 sold out within three weeks. By January 2014, 482 subsidised housing units had been built as part of Phase 1A and on 25 January 2014, 151 beneficiaries were moved from different informal settlements across the city into their new subsidised houses in Cornubia (New Age, 28/01/2014). Large scale infrastructure is currently being developed on the site with the NDHS providing additional funding for a link road between housing and the industrial park (www.cornubia.co.za). Negotiations over space within a privateepublic partnership The framing of the large scale development on the Cornubia site has been shaped by the interests of the private landowner (THD) and the local and national state. Cornubia has had the benefit of being developed by one large private company, THD, which has allowed for stability in the private sector approach adopted towards the project. However, the state is not monolithic and different sectors within the local state have adopted different positions in relation to the development. The eThekwini Housing Department has aligned with the national Department of Human Settlements, driving the housing agenda. However, the strategic economic and planning sectors have aligned more strongly with the mixed-use development concept, arguing that Cornubia should play a critical role in the future sustainable development of the northern zone. Moreland Developments (now THD) initially conceptualised a mixed use development for the site in 2004, when it “identified the potential to release a vast portion of sugar cane land for urban development” (www.thehda.co.za). Intensive negotiations with the eThekwini Municipality ensued, with the Municipality determined to ensure a mix of residential opportunities across the income spectrum, thereby introducing a stronger human settlement component to address the pro-poor agenda. The negotiations entered the political arena in November 2005 when the then Mayor, Obed Mlaba, councillors and officials met on the site to ‘unveil’ the plans for an integrated mixed income community of 15,000 to 20,000 families housed in homes ranging from R50,000 (low income) to R500,000 (middle income) in value (The Mercury,

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2005). The development was promoted by the Municipal Housing Department Head and Moreland Developments as being strategically positioned to contribute to the consolidation and integration of the area, and to include commercial, light industrial and social facilities in addition to housing. The National Department of Human Settlements (NDHS) identified Cornubia as one of eight National Priority Projects for 2011/ 12, hence raising the profile of the project to a national level, and also ensuring national financial support. According to a NDHS spokesperson (Julie Bayat, 31/05/2011), Cornubia fulfils the intent of the 2004 national Comprehensive Plan for Sustainable Human Settlements (BNG, 2004), by meeting the range of both social and economic criteria. In fact all the housing departments at national, provincial and local level support the project as an ‘integrated development’ which will go much further than just housing provision, to create a viable community through investment, economic development, and job creation. By linking the Cornubia project with the BNG policy, the national state is signalling that this project is part of its national agenda of creating integrated human settlements that address both the housing and economic development challenges of South Africa. Another area of protracted negotiation revolved around ownership of the land. In August 2008, frustration on the part of ANC councillors over the slow pace of negotiations with the owner (THD) led to a threat to expropriate the land if agreement could not be reached (The Mercury, 2008). Later on in that year, an agreement was signed between the Municipality and THD, leading to “a unique arrangement in the release of private land for public purposes” (HDA, 2011). The national Housing Development Agency (HDA)5 and the KZNDHS then entered into a strategic partnership with the Municipality, facilitating the purchase of 580 ha of land from THD and providing additional funding on an annual basis for project management, facilitation of land assembly and packaging, assistance with overall planning of the housing strategy, and participation in the project Steering Committee (HDA, 2011). As with other megaprojets, Cornubia was supported by decision making processes that took place outside the usual channels (exceptionalism) and drew in resources and support from all tiers of government. This reflects the exceptionalist process that is common in megaproject development (Follmann, 2015; Swyngedouw et al., 2002). The setting aside of mandated funding and planning policies and procedures has been justified by the political and strategic nature of the Cornubia project, particularly as a lead project for the BNG policy, and more recently as a national priority project, and its unique scale and focus on integration. The need for flexibility in planning as a result of THD's power in shaping development in the north of the municipal area, due to its large land holdings and its ‘proven’ track record of ‘successful’ high income commercial and retail development on the Umhlanga Ridge, has also played a critical role. Critical to the success of the project is ‘intergovernmental cooperation’ at all levels of government as well as intersectoral collaboration. At a meeting hosted on 31 May 2011 by the KwaZuluNatal Department of Human Settlements (KZNDHS) to facilitate intergovernmental co-operation, Departments at provincial and local government level were urged to prioritise Cornubia and to align their funding streams with the project time frames such that development could be undertaken in an integrated manner. This

5 The Housing Development Agency (HDA) was established in 2009 as a public development agency whose mission is fast-tracking the acquisition and release of state, private and communally owned land for human settlement developments. The HDA provides project management services for the development of human settlements (www.thehda.co.za).

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applies particularly to the provision of social facilities such as schools and clinics so that past problems of unserviced housing settlements would be avoided. A strong partnership approach to the development, both with the private sector and between government departments at all levels, has been promoted by national and local government. Negotiations over the details of the development, land ownership, the housing mix, roles and responsibilities of the different stakeholders, have been protracted over the past nine years, given the multiple goals that the project is required to achieve within a pubic-private partnership. The extent of housing opportunities to be provided, particularly in the lower income range has been one area of contention (The Mercury, 2008). Initially the project was aligned with the National Housing Minister's requirement introduced in 2004 that all new developments include 20% low-cost housing (Sunday Tribune, 2005). The politicians in the Municipality insisted on 15,000 low income units, while THD wanted to plan an integrated and sustainable development before making a decision on the appropriate number of low cost units. THD was reluctant to create another poor housing settlement without it being integrated with economic opportunities. In one of his regular newsletters, the City Manager suggested in 2008 that the development could yield over 70,000 houses as a “best case density scenario, aiming to be innovative on housing typologies to make the area work as a sustainable high use development” (Sutcliffe, 2008). Evidence shows that the allocation of space to low cost housing in Cornubia is a site of tension over how the pro-growth and pro-poor agendas of both local and national government and the private sector become integrated. The actual number of housing opportunities has waxed and waned over the planning period and has dwindled as negotiations have taken place over the years. The original EIA report in mid-2010 proposed a development of 50,000 units (The Mercury, 2011a, 2011b), but a Municipal press release in December 2010 spoke of 30,000 homes (eThekwini Municipality, 2010a). The subsequent amended Cornubia Framework Plan (CFP) (Iyer, 2011) and the amended EIA report (SSI, 2011) however indicate a much reduced development of 24,320 units, of which 11,664 would be low cost. In July 2010, the Municipality issued a regulation that no residential development would be permitted within the 55 dB noise contour (2035) of the new airport,6 which necessitated a review of the Cornubia Framework Plan. A Joint Planning Forum was set up by the Municipality to facilitate the review process. As a result of the discussions, the size of Phase 1 development footprint was substantially reduced from 614 ha to 295 ha to exclude most of the land within the noise contour (The Mercury, 2011a, 2011b). As a result, the residential component of Phase 1 was reduced from 11,600 units in the original EIA to only 2766 units (SSI, 2011). It was agreed by the Forum that “any shortfalls in social facility and housing targets … not accommodated within Cornubia will be addressed in the planning of the Cornubia North area and the Northern Spatial Development Planning at a regional level” (SSI, 2011: 20). Questions have been raised about the extent to which the 55 dB noise contour has become a convenient technical tool for controlling housing development in the north of the city. This contour line, in precluding the original extent of land for housing, serves to open up more land for industrial and commercial development, which is not restricted by noise impacts.

6 This noise contour was derived from the Environmental Impact Assessment for the Dube Tradeport/King Shaka Airport.

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The state (national, provincial and local) and private sector, with their associated consultants, have played a major role in driving and shaping the planning and development of Cornubia, through a public-private partnership. However, local communities and civil society have also responded to the development, claiming their rights over space, which in the rhetoric of the proposed development, is dedicated to meeting the needs of the poor and marginalized through economic growth, the provision of low income housing and the creation of employment. The following section explores the dominant discourses of the main actors who are engaging in the production of a mixed-use megaproject in Cornubia.

increasing its profile as an innovative and sustainable large scale housing project. It will receive additional government funding, project management support, and the full backing of government going forward, which will also directly benefit the private partner, THD, as a result of their land interests in the area. At the Cornubia inter-governmental cooperation meeting held in Durban in 2011 (KZNDHS, 31/05/2011) all levels of government used the language of an ‘integrated human settlement’ or ‘integrated project’ to describe Cornubia and its range of housing values. This discourse supports the goals of the BNG policy and both the economic progrowth and social pro-poor agenda. Integration has been the main post-apartheid urban restructuring discourse given the fragmented and segregated nature of South African cities, and hence it is not surprising that the storyline of ‘integration’ has gained such traction and power in the Cornubia megaproject.

The landowner: Tongaat Hulett Developments

The local state: the Mayor, City Manager, councillors and officials

THD initiated the proposal of a mixed use development for its large land holdings in the northern corridor of the Municipality. THD defines Cornubia as

In 2005, the Mayor Obed Mlaba, as the representative of the ANC, together with local ANC councillors, said that the Cornubia plan was “another way to address the backlog in housing for shack dwellers” (Sunday Tribune, 2005). At the time, the Mayor stated that residents of the Kennedy Road Settlement, who are strongly aligned with Abahlali baseMjondolo8 (AbM), and who had protested in 2005 against the lack of housing delivery, would be first to move to the new site (ibid).9 In August 2008, AbM accused the ANC of using the Cornubia development proposal as a political ploy to gain votes, first in November 2005 (prior to the 2006 local government elections) and then again in 2008 (prior to the 2009 national elections)10 (AbM, 2008).11 In the same month, municipal councillors argued for the land to be expropriated as a result of the slow pace of the land negotiations (The Mercury, 2008). Housing delivery to their constituents plays a critical role in ensuring the political power and re-election of councillors in political wards in the Municipality. The Housing Committee chairman S'bu Gumede stated that expropriation would be considered within two to three months if agreement could not be reached. The position of the Mayor, housing officials and councillors reveals their political interests in promoting Cornubia as a large scale project that would address the critical housing backlogs in the Municipality. However, given that Cornubia is being developed as a mixed-use project by multiple actors, with the aim of achieving both pro-growth and pro-poor goals, housing could not remain as the central focus of the project. Housing numbers have thus steadily declined over time, as Section 3.1 shows. The City Manager's newsletters (29 August 2008 and 7 April 2009) indicated that the city perceives the Cornubia development as an opportunity to “undo what characterised the apartheid city”

Contested discourses in the development of a mixed-use megaproject

“a mixed use and mixed income development, spanning over 20 years, which will alter the skyline of Umhlanga in the future. Cornubia will be the home of the next major industrial area in the north, with approximately 90 ha coming onto the market in 2011. This will be a key industrial development with linkages to the new airport” (THD, 2011). The development is described in terms of the principles of sustainability, integration, high densities, meeting the housing and social facility needs of a wide range of income levels, and having a public transport focus. Certainly its strategic location from an industrial perspective is highlighted more by THD than by any other stakeholder, as well as its potential to create employment and economic opportunities due to its strategic location near Dube TradePort. When the development was first announced by the Mayor in 2005, THD argued that the land is “uniquely positioned to make a key strategic contribution to the consolidation and integration of the area” (The Mercury, 2005). This original concept/ discourse of integration, which was constructed by THD planners, has also become the dominant discourse of government for this project. THD's interests in the development is to maximize the value of their land holdings and their associated profits, which are significant in the north, through the development of ‘successful’ mixed used developments in this corridor. Their discourse is one of pro-growth couched within a sustainability framework. National and provincial government Durban was “voted champion of housing delivery in the country” in October 2008 (eThekwini Municipality, 2008). On this occasion, the National Minister of Housing, Lindiwe Sisulu, “pledged her support for the Cornubia Housing project, an initiative that will include low-income, middle-income and high-income housing in the north of eThekwini”. In 2011, Cornubia was further identified as one of three national Cabinet Lekgotla7 priority projects, providing the project with further national support and

7 The Cabinet Lekgotla is a special meeting of the Cabinet called to address critical issues, to outline the main interventions of the government and to prepare for the State of the Nation address. The President, Deputy President, Cabinet Ministers, Deputy Ministers, premiers, local government representatives, directorsgeneral from national and provincial departments attend the meeting.

8 Abahlali baseMjondolo is a national shack dwellers movement which emerged in Durban in 2005. 9 Kennedy Road informal settlers were not the first informal settlers to move to Cornubia on 25 January 2014. The first recipients have been moved from 16 other priority settlements across the city (www.cornubia.co.za, accessed 08/02/2014). 10 A discussion with a new homeowner in Cornubia in January 2014 was revealing. The new beneficiary stated that “they have moved people from many different settlements into the first 151 houses. I am sure this is all to do with the elections” (which will take place on 7 May 2014). 11 On 6 April 2014, just one month before the South African national elections, President Zuma officially launched the R25 billion Cornubia project. He was accompanied by the Minister of Human Settlements Connie September, KwaZuluNatal Premier Senzo Mchunu and eThekwini Executive Mayor Councillor James Nxumalo. This highlights the significance of Cornubia in the politics of the ANC and the local and national state. In his address the President stated that over 12 million South Africans had benefited from the 3.6 million houses and serviced sites provided by government since 1994 (SABC News, 6 April, 2014).

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and to create an integrated settlement that “has a spatial locational advantage which will allow the northern corridor of the city to continue to expand rapidly” (Sutcliffe, 2008). The partnership or consensus approach to working with the landowner THD is clear in Sutcliffe's statements. He argued that the development is not driven so much by political imperative but by making the development sustainable to the Municipality and the land owner. There is no mention of consultation with poorer communities or even local stakeholders in this process. Of interest is that these statements were made just a week after the city's EXCO (i.e. the ANC councillors) threatened to expropriate the land (The Mercury, 2008). A disjuncture between city management and officials, on one hand, and the city's ruling party (ANC), on the other, in handling the planned development of Cornubia is evident, although at the time the City Manager did concur with the party that expropriation was an option. In 2005, the Head of the municipal Housing Department stated that the project provided the opportunity to meet the housing backlog and provide a range of housing typologies for people from those “who are living in shacks to people who have bonded houses from R80 000 to R500 000” (The Mercury, 2005). In his newsletter on 7 April 2009 (Sutcliffe, 2009), the City Manager alluded to the importance of the Cornubia project in addressing the city's housing backlog to continue its good track record in housing delivery. According to Sutcliffe (2009) “No city in the world can proudly say as we say that we have provided 90,000 houses for the truly poor over five years and this year may well provide 30,000 houses as Cornubia comes on stream”. At the 31 May 2011 meeting, the then Head of the municipal Housing Department lauded the project as an ‘integrated project’ which is different to what the Housing Department has done in the past, as it makes proper integration possible and viable. He stressed that provincial support and integration is critical to ensure that the project is successful and that Cornubia becomes a living environment where people can ‘live, work and play’ (Cogi Pather, 31/05/2011). The Municipality's objective of using the Cornubia development to address the legacy of apartheid, drive economic growth in the northern zone and meet the requirements of the BNG policy have been impacted by the long gestation period of the project, the entry of new actors such as Dube TradePort, the challenge of meeting both pro-growth and pro-poor interests and the politics of development in the Municipality. However, the dominant discourse of the national and local state has remained focused on redistribution and the pro-poor agenda as Cornubia is being used to address the housing backlog through an integrated human settlement that reflects the goals of the BNG (2004). “The technical experts” e Strategic planning consultants, EIA consultants and property specialists Much of the conceptual thinking around the development of the northern area of the city was undertaken by consultants. 1. The Northern Spatial Development Plan, the NUDC Spatial Concept and the Verulam-Cornubia Local Area Plan (LAP) was developed by planning consultants from SSI, an engineering and environmental consulting firm.12 The LAP provides detailed guidelines for development of the area (eThekwini Municipality, 2011b). 2. The Cornubia Framework Plan (CFP) was developed by Iyer Urban Design Studio in consultation with other urban design

12 These consultants had been part of the environmental consultancy ‘Futureworks’ at the beginning of the planning process.

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consultants. Originally developed for THD, the Municipality later became a joint client with THD. The CFP (Iyer, 2011) provides an overview of the land use mix and residential yield proposed in the development. The two plans produced by the two different consulting teams are presented in Fig. 4 (Verulam-Cornubia Local Area Plan) and Fig. 5 (the Cornubia Framework Plan) below. Currently there is a partial disjuncture between what is proposed in the Verulam-Cornubia LAP and the CFP around the location of the main nodes and spines, and the mix, location and quantum of different land uses. In his presentation to government officials on 31 May 2011, the planning consultant from Iyer Rothaug, a planning and design firm, who developed the CFP spoke of Cornubia as an ‘integrated human settlement’ echoing the integration discourse of the housing officials from all three spheres of government. He stated that Cornubia is in a strategic position where it has the potential to ‘stitch together communities’ as the proposed road network will link surrounding communities. It was proposed that community cohesion will be promoted through a series of residential clusters surrounding social facilities. It is striking that both the Verulam-Cornubia LAP and the CFP were approved by the Municipality's Economic Development and Planning Committee on 3 March 2011. While there are many points of convergence between the CFP and the LAP, there are also some key areas of the CFP that contradict or are misaligned with the LAP, despite their approval on the same day by the Committee. In summary, the plans are generally aligned around the core road network and open space structure, which together provide the framework for the development.13 They are also aligned around the noise contour restriction of no residential development within the 2035 noise contour, and the provision of a mix of residential opportunities at medium to high densities, and specifically along and near the public transport network. The plans diverge around the conceptual nature and location of the development nodes. The LAP proposes a ‘new Town Centre’ in the south-central part of the site and a neighbourhood level centre located further north. The town centre is envisaged as a public transport intermodal hub providing a mix of commercial and social services to the Cornubia population, and including residential development. The CFP proposes two nodes e a mixed use node in the south-eastern corner of the site, with a bridge link to the Gateway mixed use precinct across the N2 (essentially an extension of the Gateway precinct which was developed by THD in the late 1990s), and a key intermodal transfer point (public transport hub) located in a similar position to the LAP's new town centre. From a spatial planning perspective, the LAP's town centre node is more optimally situated than the CFP's mixed use node, being more centrally positioned in the site and thus more accessible to the full range of residents and employees of the area. However, a contradiction in the LAP is that the Town Centre is situated within the 2035 noise contour and hence no residential development will be permitted.14 This may already mean that the new town centre concept is not feasible in its proposed location, and that the alternative proposed in the CFP will become fixed in the development concept for Cornubia. The other main area of divergence between the LAP and the CFP is the quantum and location of the main land uses, in

13 Although there are some differences at a detailed level around the need for a new interchange on the N2 as well as alignments of some access spines. 14 This issue appears to have not been resolved in the LAP process, with SSI (the consultants)’ town centre proposal being misaligned with the city's noise contour policy.

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Fig. 4. Verulam-Cornubia Local Area Land Use & Activity Framework (eThekwini Municipality, 2011b: 59).

particular light industry and business. The LAP expressly advises against large-scale mono-functional office park developments, and in particular along the N2, promoting instead mixed use development. However, the CFP includes extensive areas to be zoned for General Business use along the M41 and N2, which then surround the mixed use node, reflecting THD's interests of maximizing large scale business development. It is

anticipated that these would repeat the same urban form and character of the Gateway retail and office park precincts on the eastern side of the N2 which were previously developed by Moreland Properties (now THD), and which the LAP seeks to avoid. Furthermore, again due to the noise zone restriction, the CFP was amended to include a considerable increase in the area set

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Fig. 5. Cornubia Land Use Zones (Iyer, 2011: 38).

aside for light industry and business by replacing the residential development originally proposed along the north-south mobility spine. Both the LAP consultants and THD's planner have indicated that the development area is now over-subscribed with these uses. However, it is noteworthy that those prime areas assigned for business purposes have not been reassigned to make up the shortfall of housing, pointing perhaps to the power of THD in the negotiating process in the Joint Planning Forum. The noise contours have certainly added a complex dynamic to the process of negotiating a development concept for the site. Through the Joint Planning Forum the land use mix was revised to accommodate the noise restriction, but to the detriment of housing provision. It is important to debate the trade-offs of subjecting residents to airport noise impacts versus a development concept that is lacking in certain areas, including an oversupply of business and industrial land which may be difficult to sell because it is poorly located, although mostly in city ownership, a reduced residential supply, thus negating the benefits of high density, mixed use new town opportunity, and a town centre in a less than optimal position. As a Council-approved strategic level document, the LAP holds the most weight, yet the nature of the partnership between the Municipality and THD is such that the co-owned Framework Plan may ultimately have more power. The spatial concepts underpinning the LAP were developed by consultants who are ‘outsiders’ to the negotiation processes that have been going on between the city and THD. If the city's own planners have not taken full ownership of the LAP, in the sense of defending its key spatial concepts and the rationale behind the specific spatial structure proposed in the LAP for Cornubia, it is quite possible that the development concept of the CFP will overshadow the LAP and will become the lasting spatial structure that is translated into reality on the Cornubia site. However, it is not improbable that the city may still exert pressure

on THD to change elements of the CFP going forward. The city was able to exert pressure to prevent residential development within the 2035 noise contour, even though this is a position not supported by its own consultants or some planners from THD, as this is considered to be overly restrictive and impacts on the integrity of the whole development. As this analysis suggests, there are many issues that still need to be resolved within the Municipality between officials in different sectors and between officials and politicians, and then between the Municipality and THD, to ensure that the Cornubia development meshes well with the development of the broader region, and also functions optimally as a new town. Hence the development of the Cornubia site is still in a state of flux despite the dominant discourse of integration, and is likely to continue to remain so as it progresses. The local community and civil society organisations The local community in the north corridor is not homogenous and it represents the divisions of both class and race, which remain entrenched in the fabric of South African society. The initial response to the announcement of the Cornubia integrated mixed income development was met with a mix of responses. The wealthier communities of Umhlanga and Durban North were concerned about the impact of the development on their property values and were concerned that their lives would be ‘overwhelmed’ by the size of the low cost housing area. According to a resident of a high income residential gated estate, the development would be acceptable “as long as they don't stick it next to the high-priced houses, it would work” (Cozens, Sunday Tribune, 2005). Lower income residents in surrounding areas were very positive about the development, as they believe it will provide them with the opportunity to live in the area, closer to amenities

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and work. Two residents in the north corridor stated that “I stay in Ballito and work at Gateway. I would like to live closer to work, even in the proposed low cost housing if I could” (Sibanda, Sunday Tribune, 2005) and “now this place will be accessible to average people” (Ndlela, Sunday Tribune, 2005). However, many low income residents indicated that they would like to live in Cornubia but they were concerned “that the prices are too high” (Nqwele, Sunday Tribune, 2005). Residents recognized the trade-offs that need to be made between high income and low income residents when integrated developments are proposed to address the inequalities of the past. Some consider these as acceptable while others deem that the intrusion of this approach into the neo-liberal property market is unfair. According to one resident “people pay R2 million for a flat over here, but now people will be getting houses in this area for next to nothing. It won't be fair on those who have paid so much” (Vithal, Sunday Tribune, 2005). In a press release on 24 August 2008, AbM berated all those involved in the Cornubia development process, including the Municipality, the Mayor and political parties and the technical experts for not consulting the un-housed poor in their discussions. They reject the top down planning of the project: “if shack dwellers are not included in the planning of this project it will fail like the N2 project failed in Cape Town ( … ) Planning must not just be technical talk that excludes people. Democracy is not just about voting. Democratic planning is the way forward”. Their main argument is that the private ownership of considerable land holdings in the Municipality by THD has compromised housing provision in eThekwini Municipality. AbM believes that THD should relinquish their rights because “many generations suffered on their plantations” and because “Tongaat Hulett has continued to separate the rich from the poor after apartheid by building a separate gated world for the rich on the old sugar cane fields”. They support the expropriation of Tongaat Hulett's land for housing the poor. However, they welcome the fact that government now speaks about integrated development. AbM state that the Cornubia development must provide ‘no-cost housing’, unlike the N2 Gateway project which was “taken over by politicians and companies who saw an opportunity to exploit the development for their own profit”. Ultimately the very poor were excluded from the development. They also argue that Cornubia cannot be the solution to housing all shack dwellers, and people must not be forced to move to Cornubia. AbM favours the upgrade of existing settlements rather than relocations, and the provision of new housing in Cornubia should not be used to deny upgrades or the provision of services to existing settlements. They also wanted clarity about housing allocations and timing of the development. During the run-up to the 2011 municipal elections ANC representatives, including the Minister for Economic Development and Tourism and the ward councillor, visited the Blackburn informal settlement, located within the Cornubia site. The informal settlement has been in existence for 30 years yet no services have been provided, causing the residents to feel “abandoned by government” (The Mercury, 2011b). As stated in the Mercury article, “Blackburn residents have their eyes set on the multibillion-rand Cornubia development”. The ward councillor Musa Dladla stated that he hoped that everyone in the settlement could be housed in Cornubia (ibid). The dominant civil society discourse is centred on social justice, however, the NIMBY discourse of the upper and middle classes reflects their concerns about how integrated mixed use developments impact on property values in the upper end of the market.

Conclusion The different discourses constructed by the multiple actors involved in the Cornubia project reflect the struggle of competing goals in a mixed-use megaproject that is required to meet progrowth and pro-poor imperatives. The plans for the project remain in a state of flux, with two different ‘plans’ (the LAP and the CFP) reflecting the interests of the dominant actors. The research reveals the complexity that arises in new mega-projects which are more flexible and which contain multiple elements, as actors compete to promote their interests and agendas. By constructing a mixed-use megaproject the hope is that contestation will be reduced, as the project seemingly contains ‘something for everyone’. However, as this study has shown meeting both progrowth and pro-poor objectives is ‘easier said than done’. It is evident that the Cornubia megaproject reflects many of the main characteristics of other large scale urban development projects across the world. Globalisation and liberalisation of the South African economy have led cities such as Durban to adopt an entrepreneurial approach to urban development, concentrating economic assets in competitive, well located spaces in the municipal area and using large scale development as mechanisms of growth. Cornubia has been able to draw on a new form of governing which allows for exceptional measures in relation to large scale projects. However, AbM, which is a well-established grassroots movement, as well as the mobilised community of Blackburn, have challenged the lack of participation in project planning and the progrowth priorities of the project. The real tensions around the propoor agenda will be evident once the allocation of low income housing begins in earnest in Cornubia, as to date a significant number of ward councillors in the north have informed informal settlers within their wards that they will be relocated to Cornubia in the future. In contrast to many other large scale projects, which are poorly integrated into wider urban processes and planning frameworks (Swyngedouw et al., 2002), the Cornubia project has taken cognisance of the broader planning frameworks and development plans for the Municipality. The extent to which Cornubia will be an internally ‘integrated development’ that is well incorporated with the broader area is yet to be seen. THD continues to promote strong linkages between Cornubia and the existing Gateway retail/ commercial development, although this would appear to undermine other more important development goals of the project. The challenge for the development in the future is the way in which it integrates different classes within a mixed-use development so that it avoids the socio-economic polarisation that is common in so many large scale developments (Swyngedouw et al., 2002). The ability of Cornubia to draw in all three tiers of government right from the outset of the project has been striking. Cornubia was initially conceptualised by the private sector but the discourses mobilised to promote it, which focus on integration and meeting both economic development and social redistribution needs in eThekwini, have elevated it into the arena of national government, particularly the Department of Human Settlements, who at the time of Cornubia's inception was searching for projects that could epitomise the approach of the BNG policy. The use of Cornubia as a political platform for the ANC just one month before the national elections in 2014 reflects the importance national government places on this megaproject and its offer of housing, employment and economic growth opportunities for the poor. By analysing the discourses constructed for the development of a mixed-use megaproject in Durban, it is evident that these large scale projects act as a useful lens for exploring political, social and economic relations in cities (Kennedy, 2013; Swyngedouw et al., 2002).

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