Cooking at home: A multimodal narrative analysis of the Food Network

Accepted Manuscript Cooking at Home: A Multimodal Narrative Analysis of the Food Network Kelsi Matwick, Keri Matwick PII: DOI: Reference:

S2211-6958(16)30191-X http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dcm.2017.03.003 DCM 156

To appear in:

Discourse, Context & Media

Received Date: Revised Date: Accepted Date:

28 November 2016 19 March 2017 21 March 2017

Please cite this article as: K. Matwick, K. Matwick, Cooking at Home: A Multimodal Narrative Analysis of the Food Network, Discourse, Context & Media (2017), doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dcm.2017.03.003

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Title Page Title Cooking at Home: A Multimodal Narrative Analysis of the Food Network Authors details Corresponding: Kelsi Matwick, PhD Linguistics University of Florida [email protected] 3606 NW 24th Blvd, Apt 211 Gainesville, FL 32605 (678) 877-5465 Co-author: Keri Matwick, PhD Linguistics University of Florida [email protected] 3606 NW 24th Blvd, Apt 211 Gainesville, FL 32605 (678) 977-8012 Bios: Kelsi Matwick received a PhD and MA in Linguistics from the University of Florida. She has a BA and MA in Iberian and Latin American Studies from the University of Notre Dame. Her research specialities are Critical Discourse Analysis and language and gender. She served as an Officer in the U.S. Air Force with a tour in Anchorage, Alaska. In her research, she invariably works alongside a plate of her latest baked treat, a habit that reminds her of how her own identity is deeply bound up in the issues of food femininities. Like her twin sister, Keri Matwick received a PhD and MA in Linguistics from the University of Florida. She has a BA and MA in Iberian and Latin American Studies from the University of Notre Dame. Her research specializations are media discourse and narrative. She served as an United States Air Force Officer with a tour in Anchorage, Alaska. She experiences satisfaction from baking, especially when she discovers a new make-ahead trick (e.g., mascarpone whipped cream) after watching a television cooking show.

Cooking at Home: A Multimodal Narrative Analysis of the Food Network Abstract: This article explores the mediated discourses of food and gender in a multimodal narrative analysis of two Food Network instructional cooking shows hosted by female protagonists. Through a discussion of the openings and closings, side-narratives and evaluations, this article shows how multimodality advances the cooking show narrative. In examining the presentation of the women cooks in the context of their homes and family, the analysis illustrates how the mediated context facilitates the transition of women from underappreciated and expected caretakers in the kitchen to confident and empowered agents.

Key Words: media, gender, narrative, social semiotics, cooking shows, celebrity, ordinary expertise, multimodality Introduction Cooking shows have become a mainstay in contemporary media, producing celebrity cooking show hosts known on a first-name basis. Scholars have turned attention to this rise of celebrity chefs, from identifying a typology of “culinary personas” that relate to gender and social hierarchies (Johnston et al., 2014) to examining gendered ideology on celebrity chef cooking shows (Swenson, 2009) and in their cookbooks (Mitchell, 2009; Hollows, 2007; Brownlie & Hewer, 2007), to seeing how celebrity chefs work as cultural intermediaries (Piper, 2015), to analyzing how storytelling fosters intimacy between the cooking show host and viewer (Author & Author, 2014), to observing the material experience of celebrity chefs by consumers (Abbots, 2015). Part of this shift in relationships between the performer and audience on cooking shows is a result of a more fluid multimodal discourse of expert-friend talk. Hosts address their viewers in colloquial and informal ways (Chiaro, 2013), assume dual teacher/student roles (Davies, 2003), and act as the “ordinary expert” (Lewis, 2010) to build solidarity with their audience. The conversational set-up is achieved through rhetorical questions (Author, 2016), trademark expressions (such as Martha Stewart’s ‘It’s a good thing’) (Davies, 2003, p. 149), personal language (such as Jamie Oliver’s ‘mockney’) (Brunsdon et al., 2001, p. 39), and more. Hosts look directly at the camera, breaking the “aesthetic distance between 1

performer and audience” (Adema, 2000, p. 115). In this combining of instruction with entertainment, cooking shows have become “less about how to cook and more about how to live” (Naccarato & Lebesco, 2012, p. 48). The domestic settings and inclusion of the celebrity’s private troubles and family life (Rousseau, 2012) are additional means that help construct seemingly personal relationships between celebrities with their audiences. Polan (2011) notes that a realness was performed by Julia Child with spontaneity and mistakes that were not edited out of the final shows. Polan (2011) suggests that Julia’s larger-than-life persona combined with her joy in cooking made her cooking show such a success, and ultimately, changed the genre of cooking shows. Personality in cooking show hosts becomes indispensable if not more so than their cooking skills to their success on the screen. Cooking shows are part of the cultural shift in mass media where “rather than public figures presenting themselves as awesome, distant or threatening, they increasingly strive to be as one of the neighbours” (Chaney, 2002, p. 109). This ordinarization of authority however does not make the expert less of an expert. As Lewis (2012) describes, “the new food expert tends to be constructed more as a mediator and an interpreter of knowledge than an overarching authority” (p. 51). The food expert’s legitimacy comes from the “discourse of familiarity and celebrity” (Lewis, 2012, p. 51), which suggests that commercialism and the mass media play an influential role in determining who to promote as an expert. Eriksson (2016) argues that the ordinarization of the celebrity chef does not make the cooking itself an ordinary experience. Instead, in a multimodal historical analysis of Swedish cooking show discourse, Eriksson (2016) proposes a paradox: the ordinarization of cooking expertise occurs alongside the “decoupling” of cooking from daily routines (p. 1). In comparing six series of cooking instruction shows from 1967-2013, he suggests that shows airing since 2001 emphasize more the aesthetics and taste of food and center cooking around festivities and weekend entertaining rather than everyday concerns of health and budget. At the same time, television production changes from a professional set to a home-like kitchen, aprons to casual clothes, and long shots to medium shots and close-ups of the chef or the food 2

(Eriksson, 2016). These multimodal changes along with the lively talk and simulated eye-contact between the expert host and the viewers are evidence of lifestyle television’s “strategies of ordinary-ization” (Taylor, 2002, p. 479). This present study also considers the interconnectedness of the semiotic modes but also addresses gender roles and a company’s social responsibility. In this context of media, culture, and gender, a multimodal narrative approach offers the possibility to identify analytically the narrative elements that are deployed in cooking shows and to show the semiotic modes’ meaning-making roles and to explain how their interrelations contribute to a discursive presentation of reality in the chosen data. As Kress and Van Leeuwen (2001), Toolan (2010), and Page and Herman (2010), among others, have observed, multimodal texts nearly always emphasize not just language, but all modes of meaning, such as images, sounds, gestures, and symbols that appear in a text, to convey meaning. Aspects such as the camera work, background music, screen text, paralanguage, and language project a certain version of reality. Political ideologies are promoted (Mackay, 2015), preferred lifestyle choices offered (Lorenzo-Dus, 2006), and “the making of” corporate films (Maier, 2014a) illustrated through strategic multimodal narrative. Previous studies present crucial insights into the gender of today’s cooking programs. For instance, Swenson (2009) provides a detailed description of cooking as gendered work in instructional Food Network shows, and Johnston et al. (2014) identify in a study of celebrity cooks that celebrity chef personas are gendered, racialized, and classed. Taking a historical lens of American television, Collins (2012) suggests that domestic cooking show women hosts continue “to teach, to entertain, and to sell”— roles they served more than fifty years ago (p. 17). Andrews (2003) takes these concepts one step further by pointing out a more overt sexualized consumption of food and cooking on two popular British instructional cooking shows as indication of an anxiety and reworking of domesticity and the boundaries between public and private spaces. 1 The potential readings of gendered identity formation, domesticity,

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Andrews (2003) discusses Nigella Lawson's Nigella Bites (1999) and Jamie Oliver's The Naked Chef (1999) primetime series shown on Channel 4 and BBC2, respectively.

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and television are further illuminated by addressing the corporate social role of the television cooking channel, Food Network, in this present paper’s case. By examining the social semiotic modes’ functions, this analytical endeavor expands the existing research on gender and cooking shows, as the primarily textual focus of discourse analysis and gender theory (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2013; Sunderland, 2006; Talbot, 2010) is extended to a multimodal one. Intending to clarify some aspects of how gender issues are communicated in a mediated context, this study is focused on how a major lifestyle and food network, Food Network, communicates its involvement in society in order to enhance its image and reputation among its viewers. To do so, this paper analyzes the multimodal discourse of one particular format (how-to-cook) in one specific context (Food Network, United States) of two similar shows (female, single-hosted, domestic): Barefoot Contessa and The Pioneer Woman. Building on Van Leeuwen’s (2008) theory of discourse as recontextualization of social practice, we see women’s cooking as a social practice and examine how the patterned interplay of semiotic modes is used strategically to project a certain version of reality. Television cooking shows are multimodal mediums with visual and verbal communication elements that are played out in the cooking instructions and the narrative. The main research questions addressed in the present paper are: how do the hosts orient themselves towards the camera, both verbally and physically, in order to teach and relate to viewers? How are the women “doing gender” as they cook in the domestic space? How is the discourse of these values presented in the narrative structure of the episode and intertwined with multimodal strategies? Answering these questions demands a detailed form of discourse analysis that includes the talk and camera work and how the hosts orient themselves to viewers. A narrative approach (Labov, 1972) combined with social semiotics (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 2006) and gender studies (Cameron, 2009; Holmes & Marra, 2010) provides a useful frame for this study through which it is possible to map and explain the multimodal persuasive strategies employed by Food Network in its instructional cooking shows. 4

Data Generally, the traditional instructional cooking shows, similar to lifestyle improvement shows (Smith, 2010), have elements of a narrative structure: introduction, orientation, story, side narrative, evaluation, and conclusion. Simultaneously, these programs are similar to the first cooking shows that began appearing in the late 1940s in that they teach viewers not simply how to cook but how to live (Collins, 2009); but also different with a shift towards entertainment and the fostering of “synthetic personalization,” or intimacy with the audience (Fairclough, 2001). Actually, the distinct feature of the “how-to-cook” programs of this genre indicates a tension between formal instruction and recurrent persuasive discursive strategies of entertainment and ordinarization (Bonner, 2003). Chefs weave technical cooking language with ‘ordinary talk’ on topics such as consumption, family, and leisure, demonstrating that, as Tolson (2006) points out, “it [ordinariness] is a discursive practice; not a way of ‘speaking about’ but a way of speaking” (italics original, p. 131), or “on doing ‘being ordinary’” (Sacks, 1984). ‘Being ordinary’ does not mean that certain categories of persons or tv cooking shows are ordinary, but rather that presenting ourselves as ordinary is something that has to be worked at in order to be achieved, with the goal of gaining the audience’s support. The two chosen programs reveal this kind of tension. First, the programs revolve around the life and cooking of the hosts: Ina Garten and Ree Drummond, who are among the most popular contemporary celebrity chefs featured by Food Network (Collins, 2009; Swenson, 2009). Secondly, the hosts, through their cooking, products, and activities, are persuasively shown as experts, even though they are self-taught home cooks. The recurrent discourse strategies are rather simple. The traditional solution to the problem of feeding the family has always been the hard and unnoticed work of women at home. Public professional cooking has historically been a space dominated by men. The solution offered by the programs is to solve this with the emergence of female home-taught cooks as stars in the media. The transcription and analysis of these data have been made by segmenting the episodes by the level of shots and by using the analytical parameters of visual attributes, verbal attributes, sound, and

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context, in order to reveal some of the multimodal persuasive strategies employed in the communication of the Food Network. In the present analysis, the focus has been on the interplay of images, speech, sound, and written texts. The table below exemplifies the method employed for recording the transcription and analytical method. Shot, Time, and Episode

01:34 Barefoot Contessa: Back to Basics Season 11, Ep. 4: Bouquets and Barbecues Original air date: Aug 20, 2014 Episode: BX1104H

Visual attributes

Mid-shot Background (white, modern kitchen) Middle ground (Ina making gazpacho; chopping cucumber; smiling and talking, direct eye contact with viewers) Foreground (ingredients)

On & Off screen verbal attributes So, Antonia’s promised to show me how to make a small bouquet.

Sound

Context

Light jazz music fading in and out between Ina’s recipe telling and storytelling

Ina is having her friend and florist Antonia over for lunch. In exchange for Antonia showing Ina how to make a bouquet, Ina makes Gazpacho with Goat’s Cheese Croutons.

Cooking soundsfood processor, chopping

Table 1- Sample multimodal transcribing method employed for analysis Data consists of 50 episodes of two programs shown or reshown from January-November 2016 on the Food Network television channel: Ina Garten’s Barefoot Contessa and Ree Drummond’s The Pioneer Woman. The shows are typically played back-to-back during the daytime and fringe programming blocks (Mon-Fri, 1 pm – 5:30 pm) as well as weekend mornings. Each episode averages 30 minutes (22 minutes minus commercials). Data extends to the first seasons of the shows, 2002 to present for Barefoot Contessa and 2011 to present for The Pioneer Woman. The shows were made available on cable television or on the channel’s website: www.foodnetwork.com, which allowed for replaying, transcribing, and selective viewing. Theoretical Framework and Methodological Tools The multimodal narrative framework intended to map and explain multimodal strategies employed by hosts in their cooking shows draws on an interdisciplinary methodological framework related to narrative, social semiotics, and gender studies. 6

As far as narrative is concerned, narrative studies provide concepts to identify how cooking shows are a form of televisual storytelling with a structure that follows a narrative arc; there is a clear beginning, middle, and end, with stories embedded in television shows (Author, 2016). The recipe telling and storytelling, marked by specific linguistic structures such as shifts in verb tense and subject, weave throughout the cooking activities (Norrick, 2011). As Author and Author (2014) point out in the context of instructional cooking shows, storytelling can be characterized with the framework proposed by Labov and Waletzky (1967) and Labov (1972) in which formal narrative properties are identified and related to their functions. 2 In an analysis of personal experience narratives, Ingraham (2017) also finds Labov’s (1972) micro-narrative structure still useful for identifying narratives from non-narrative components. Narrative is present across multiple discourse modes; Labov’s work is on verbal discourse, Ingraham turns to written text, and this present study examines multimodal discourse. If narrative can be distinguished in verbal and written forms, then the multimodal narrative of cooking shows can also be distinguished from other kinds of narratives. The social semiotics approach (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 1996, 2001) provides analytical tools for studying the multimodal form of television. The visual, aural, gestural, spatial, and linguistic dimensions are integrated in the creation of a televised “text” that communicates complex ideas and attitudes on television cooking shows. Having an awareness of television production’s stylistic components, such as editing, composition, point of view, angle, color, lighting, sound, and so on increases our appreciation for media content and raises our awareness of media messages. Through various production elements, media communicators create an experience for the audience, rather than just an understanding, of messages (Silverblatt et al., 2009). The very nature of the camera and lens frame delineates viewing, serving as a form of “invisible editing” (Chandler, 2007).

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In brief, Labov’s model, a “fully formed” narrative consists of 6 components: 1) abstract, which summarizes the story and its overall point, 2) orientation, which introduces the characters and scene, 3) complicating action, which consists of temporally sequenced clauses that build to the narrative's climax, 4) evaluation, which consists of clauses that follow and attempts to explain the importance of the story and its message, 5) resolution, or ending of the story, and 6) coda, a final comment that connects the show to the ‘real world’ and present moment.

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What viewers see and hear in cooking shows has been filtered through various intermediaries, from the technological level to the ideological. Exploring all semiotic modes, not just language, responds to the acknowledgement within the last two decades of a need to avoid a partial view on communication and to explore how “people orchestrate meaning through their selection and configuration of modes” (Jewitt, 2009, p. 15). Moreover, this study responds to Van Leeuwen’s (2004) call to linguists to take more seriously the visual components of communication and to reconsider the conventionalized boundaries between language and communication. His notion of speech events as “‘performed’ genres” (Van Leeuwen, 2004, p. 8) is productive here in that “performance” brings to the fore the potential gestural and kinetic dimensions of speech, whether naturally occurring or scripted, as it is actualized in particular contexts. Televised performance permits the possibility of “staging” speech and draws attention to the performance aspects of language, not unlike Goffman’s (1959) classic concept of “presentation of self.” Celebrity chefs create a certain image or in Goffman’s terms a “front” of themselves in what they wear, how they live, what they cook and eat, etc. in order to give an idealized (or not) image of themselves. In close connection with the social semiotic understanding of discourse is the issue of gender. Investigating the representation of women and cooking entails considering gendered discourse and the interaction between the individual and the larger society. While the performance of gender (Butler, 1990) and “doing gender” (West & Zimmerman, 1987) suggests individual agency, Cameron (2009) clarifies that this does not mean freedom from social and historical constraints. Rather, Cameron (2009) asserts, “to make sense of what they [humans] are doing as creative, agentive language-users, we also have to consider the inherited structures (of belief, of opportunity or the lack of it, of desire and of power) which both enable and constrain their performances” (p. 15). Other gender and language specialists such as Holmes (2008), Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (2007), and Tannen (1994) similarly link gender to linguistic and symbolic representations, social practices, and social identities. Moreover, multimodal research has been employed for investigating gendered discourses in corporate communication (Maier, 8

2014b) and femininity, feminism, and gendered discourse in consideration of the interaction between the individual and the larger social structures (Holmes & Marra, 2010). Cooking has historically been considered part of a woman’s identity (Inness, 2001; Neuhaus, 2003; Shapiro 1986, 2005) and continues to be gendered work with divisions between (female) domestic cooks and (male) professional chefs (Hochschild & Machung, 2012). Swenson (2009) finds that the Food Network protects traditional understandings of masculinity and femininity, most prominently with the majority of instructional cooking shows hosted by women. While there are male instructional cooking show hosts, their masculinity is protected as cooking is constructed as a professional, public challenge or as a form of leisure rather than a domestic chore. This present study builds on Swenson’s work by inquiring how the multimodal narrative structure of television cooking shows promotes traditional understandings of femininity and masculinity and to what extent. In this explorative multimodal analysis, the focus is on how the two women hosts and their actions are recontextualized in the cooking show discourse. One of the main analytical aims is to reveal the persuasive communicative strategies that are employed in order to highlight the network’s impact on creating celebrity experts. At the same time, the Food Network company communicates in the cooking shows how its core values promote gender empowerment while simultaneously advertising its products. Discussion The following discussion explores the gendered discourse in cooking shows through an analysis of the cooking show narrative structure. Seven main components of the narrative are identified: 1) trademark opening (orientation), 2) introduction of the episode (abstract), 3) recipe telling (complicating action), 4) side narratives and storytelling (complicating action), 5) assessment discourse (evaluation), 6) closing scene (resolution) and 7) final credits (coda). We refine Labov’s narrative component, complicating action, into two: recipe telling and storytelling, as they have different linguistic and interpersonal functions. Narrative realizes and fulfills multiple communicative goals and functions simultaneously—provide information, build relations, and construct one’s identity—in multilayers. 9

Understanding the multimodal narrative structure in cooking shows leads to unpacking of messages, such as gender empowerment and domestic valorization. 1. Trademark opening (orientation) First of all, the identity of each of the female hosts is established linguistically through her brand’s name superimposed on the first shots, a process described by Van Leeuwen (2008) as “functionalization” (Van Leeuwen, 2008), when social actors are represented by what they do: she is a business owner and a home cook. The title of the television programs provides a first impression of the show and an indication of the host’s personality, reinforcing her credibility as a cooking expert. (See Figures 1 and 2). The women’s business names (Barefoot Contessa, The Pioneer Woman) lend the title, implying that, as Strange (1998) notes, “they are judged to be of sufficient popularity to entice viewers familiar with them as personalities” (p. 304). The strategic use of the business name conveys the host’s expertise: Ina Garten’s Barefoot Contessa was a hugely successful store celebrated both for its classic comfort food and its sophisticated New England style. Ree Drummond’s The Pioneer Woman is an award-winning blog and brand of country home cooking and colorful kitchen products. 3

Figure 1. Personal and brand identification of Ree Drummond as The Pioneer Woman

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Ina Garten sold her food store in 1996 after eighteen years of perfecting baguettes and chicken salad. She has made a business in cookbooks with over 10 million copies sold as of 2015. Ree Drummond’s blog, ThePioneerWoman.com, attracts more than 20 million page views per month and won Weblog of the Year (2011, 2010, and 2009).

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Figure 2. Personal and brand identification of Ina Garten as Barefoot Contessa Further, the women are also identified through visual individualization, which is influenced by production and editing techniques. Visual perspective affects the interpersonal relationship between the viewer and the represented. The women usually maintain eye contact while telling briefly their life story and the theme and dishes of the upcoming cooking show episode. The zoom-in shots minimize the distance between the hosts and the viewers, and together with the women’s accompanying words and the way in which these words are uttered, the close-ups contribute multimodally to the overall persuasive effect of the cooking show. In Figures 3 and 4, Ina and Ree are shown mid-waist and smiling at viewers, a visual perspective that establishes a level of social equality and intimacy (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 1996). Further, the “close shots position viewers in a relation of imaginary intimacy with what is represented...” (Van Leeuwen, 2006, p. 180). Viewers are embraced by the women’s open hands and invitation of trust. The individualization is also realized verbally through their words, for example, as in the selfidentification of Ina who introduces herself as “Hi, I’m Ina Garten” (Barefoot Contessa) in Figure 3.

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Figure 3. Ina introduces herself with an overlay of the show’s title running in the back. Simultaneous to the introduction, the title of the show runs behind her, again reinforcing the connection between the person (Ina) and the brand (Barefoot Contessa). Similarly, Ree introduces herself: “I’m Ree Drummond. I’m a writer, blogger, photographer, mother, and accidental country girl” (The Pioneer Woman shows) in Figure 4. Her description is not solely represented by age or gender, but also by her identity as a writer, blogger, and photographer that conveys her cooking expertise, while suggesting a positive, professional impact on society. While through their function as home cooks, Ree’s and Ina’s identities are represented “in terms of an activity,… for instance an occupation or a role” (Van Leeuwen, 1996, p. 54); through identifying themselves, they are individualized “in terms of what they, more or less permanently, or unavoidably are” (Van Leeuwen, 2008, p. 33). In the process of recontextualization, reality is transformed through the addition of legitimating multimodal elements, such as Ree’s open palm communicating friendliness and the background of the ranch supporting her role as a “country girl.”

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Figure 4. Ree’s open hand, direct eye gaze, and mid-shot scene match her welcoming narrative: “Welcome to my frontier!” The women are presented as having specific relations to other main actors to strengthen the identity change representation chosen by the Food Network. Ree’s role as a mother is played out in the kitchen, the homeschool classroom, and in videotaping her children’s sporting events. The traditional role as a wife is further enacted with interactions with their husbands. Ree’s cowboy husband is shown taking the leadership role on the family cattle ranch and often adds narrative about what is happening on the ranch, such as weaning the calves. Ina’s husband also is featured, often reading as he waits to be served and eat. In both cases, traditional values of heterosexual marriages are supported with frequent shots of affection, like Figure 5.

Figure 5. Ina is frequently shown kissing her husband (Barefoot Contessa) While shown serving and helping their men, Ree and Ina are also shown having the stronger role in their households: men have to be served and helped. Paradoxically, part of the women’s empowerment is their acknowledgement and acceptance of their traditional status of a wife and mother. In helping her husband feed the cattle, Ree wonders out loud: “I never know when I go feeding with you if you want me for the companionship or for the gate opening,” to which Ladd answers, “both,” validating her as an individual and recognizing her work (Episode: WUSP03H). Ree represents the traditional role of the wife providing moral and domestic support to her husband, even when her work is recognized.

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An essential element in the opening of the show is the music, which communicates specific knowledge about the hosts. On a production level, music distinguishes the show from loud, clashing sounds and shouting voices typical of commercials, and creates “cues” that indicate to viewers what they should feel while watching a program (Berger, 2005). On a narrative level, music sets the scene, such as strumming guitars, fiddling, and harmonica chords evoking the country spirit of The Pioneer Woman and light jazz creating a sophisticated tone in Barefoot Contessa. Furthermore, the theme songs of The Pioneer Woman and Barefoot Contessa aid recognition and memorability, often even more effectively than visual images (Huron, 1989). The music volume increases and decreases to match the mood of the narration and the images shown. A part of speech is the relative amount of silence, or in musical terms, “beats on which speech do not occur,” in Scollon’s (1982) definition (p. 339). There are “useful silences” that allow for speaker interchange or hearer processing (Scollon, 1982, p. 339). Here, background music functions as what this study calls “useful music silences”; that is, pauses in music are useful for instructional and storytelling shifts and give time for viewers to digest the information. For instance, the music pauses as Ree gives a voiceover: “Here’s what’s happening on the ranch.” The discourse is matched by text that is superimposed on a shot of the family walking on the ranch towards the viewers. The combined music, speech, and written text marks a shift in the narrative from the orientation to the abstract (see Figure 6).

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Figure 6. The text, voiceover, and pause in music mark the transition between the orientation and abstract. Besides music, the location of the program inscribes a show host’s personality (Strange, 1998). Long shots of seemingly unspoiled open ranch (The Pioneer Woman) or close up shots of vibrant flowers and herb gardens (Barefoot Contessa) are combined with the private, enclosed, secure setting of the domestic kitchen, all serving as an extension of the host’s warm, friendly personality. Consequently, both the exterior and the interior settings contribute to the ambience. It becomes evident that the physical identification and naming of these empowered women who talk so positively about home cooking for family and friends confirm that Food Network is interested in minimizing the distance not only between the viewer and these women, but also between the viewer and the company. The women approach viewers in a friendly, open manner, as in Figures 3 and 4. The multimodal direct address establishes an imaginary contact with viewers, encouraging their loyalty to the show and to the overall company. According to Food Network’s parent company, Scripps Networks Interactive, “our loyal, engaged audiences are passionate about creating the best possible life for themselves and their families. In short, they do what they view” (Scripps Networks Digital advertising package). The network is instrumental in representing what a desirable life looks like. In under one minute, the show hosts have introduced themselves, described their cooking, and established their authority. In Ree’s and Ina’s shows, family and friends validate their expertise with recipes that have to be approved by “cowboys, hungry kids, and me” (The Pioneer Woman). In other cooking shows, such as competition shows, validation comes from culinary professionals, such as food writers, restaurant critics, cooking instructors, and chefs who taste and publicly assess the food. The domestic setting and format of the shows support traditional roles of the women as wives and mothers; at the same time, an empowered version of women is projected in the identification of them as business owners, experts, and individuals. 2. Introduction of the episode (abstract) Following the opening is a voiceover by the hosts that frames and provides a commentary on the sequence of food images with which the viewer is presented. The narrative is highly stylized and “staged” 15

(Van Leeuwen, 2004, p. 8) in both a literal and a metaphoric sense in the performative aspects of language. The script is designed to hook the viewer/listener through effective use of narrative strategies; the events of the episode are sequenced and articulated to provide a rationale or motivation to watch the show and make the recipes. Close-up images of the food serve to highlight it and to focus our attention on its details, rather than inscribing it in a wider context. The sequence of images are also crucial in making sense of the narrative, so that our understanding of it is a product of the editing process as well as of the viewer’s ability to recognize the production cues. The women project enthusiasm with positive adjectives, such as this introduction by Ina: I’m whipping up easy gazpacho with goat cheese croutons to share with my friend Antonia who’s a perfumer and a florist. Then, I’m firing up the grill to make juicy, mustard-marinated flank steak, and fast and easy grilled Sicilian swordfish. And finally, Antonia is going to show me how to make a wonderful, fresh flower bouquet. (Garten, 2014, Episode: BX1104H) The narrative is a staged performance in which the host and author of the scripted text is conscious of cueing in the viewer/listener by means of design and delivery. Ina positions herself as an arbiter of good taste in food and decorating. The discourse promotes the cooking as appetizing (“juicy”) with restaurant-like language (“mustard-marinated”; “grilled Sicilian swordfish”). Close-up shots of the food, such as melting, gooey cheese, not only coincide with and reinforce the host’s discourse and cooking skills, but also suggest the multiple functions of cooking shows: they can act as an ideological advertisement, serve a political or social agenda, and/or provide culinary instruction. Cooking shows can also be a source of “gastro-porn” (Dennis, 2008) and “vicarious consumption” (Adema, 2000); they heighten the excitement and also the sense of the unattainable by proffering close-up, colored images of various completed dishes. Alongside the appetizing adjectives are the technical aspects of the recipes, which are promised as “fast and easy.” The female hosts position themselves as approachable home cooks who understand the needs and wants of the average home cook for quick and easy cooking. The use of cooking terms such as “whipping up” and “firing up” and recipe titles like Ree’s “Killer Brownies” and “Killer Kale Salad,”

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though likely given in the spirit of enthusiasm, evoke power and control with its aggressive connotations. The empowered hosts are just as comfortable in the female domain of baking as they are in the masculinedominated spaces of grilling and outdoor cooking. While the expert on cooking and grilling, Ina later assumes the student role and learns from her friend how to arrange a bouquet, a feminine art, which confirms conventional gender roles. As Davies (2003) points out, like any good teacher, the host constantly seeks to add to her knowledge. By learning how to decorate the home (flower making, table setting, etc.), Ina gains new knowledge and credibility in lifestyle and demonstrates to viewers additional aspects of “cultural capital” (Bourdieu, 1984) of the upper-middle class besides food and cooking.

Figure 7. Ina models the learning of “cultural capital” in floral arrangement (Garten, 2014, Episode: BX1104H). During the flower demonstration, Ina aligns herself with her friend with verbal signals like “wow” and visual cues of smiling, laughing, and nodding. Her listening practices demonstrate highinvolvement and solidarity, which may indicate broader cultural assumptions about politeness, gender, and listening and speaking practices (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2013; Tannen, 1994). Ina not only models cultural learning but also proper social interaction, particularly between women (DeCapua, Berkowitz, & Boxer, 2006).

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It should be noted too that although it appears that there is a shift of authority to the host’s friend Antonia, there is no question that Ina is still the ultimate authority of the show. In the preceding scene, Antonia is buying flowers at the local floral shop, and says to the owner, also a friend of Ina’s, “I’m getting some flowers to do bouquets with Ina. She’s going to teach me to cook. I’m going to teach her how to make bouquets” (Garten, 2014, Episode: BZ1104H). The filming directs the viewer’s attention towards Ina during the bouquet demonstration (which is made with her favorite flowers), making Ina still the main character of the story and her guest the supporting character. In addition to audible signals like spoken words and music and editing, Food Network relies on visual signals in presenting values and stereotypes in the programs. For instance, clothing, size, postures, and gestures play a role in the casting of characters and are parts of the ‘expressive equipment’ or what Goffman (1959) calls one’s “personal front” (p. 14). Ina’s button-down, single-colored shirts and Ree’s blouses that are “without a waistline, I’ve had four children, you know how it goes....The more floral, fun, feminine, and colorful the better” (Drummond, 2016, Season 13, Episode 3) have become signature looks to their brand, even when it becomes an object of self-deprecation. 4 Moreover, as characters, Ina and Ree, vibrant, attractive women with full frames are “right” for the role; they fit the stereotypical image of the majority of their viewers, American women ages 25-54 and middle to upper class (Maynard, 2007). 3. Recipe telling (complicating action) During every episode of a cooking show, at least one dish, usually more, is prepared from a recipe. Heldke (1988) explains that “[a] recipe is a description or explanation of how to do something— specifically, how to prepare a particular kind of food” (p. 23). The recipe instruction and demonstration on television establish a goal, a final product that the cook works towards achieving: completion of the

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In an interview conducted in 2012 and posted on the Food Network website, Ina admits to her lack of fashion sense in remarking that she refuses to endorse products: "I've been asked to do everything from dining tables to clothing – who would want me to do their clothing? -- to soy sauce." Retrieved March 15, 2017 from http://blog.foodnetwork.com/fn-dish/2012/10/10-things-you-didnt-know-about-ina-garten/

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recipe(s). Each recipe becomes the script, then, to propel the show forward. Each provides a narrative strategy that guides the show in a linear fashion: first one step is completed, then the next, and so on until the dish is finished. Certainly this is true of most cooking shows and is exemplified in Barefoot Contessa and The Pioneer Woman. Ina starts and follows a recipe until completion and then plates it before starting a second dish. Ree also follows a linear pattern, frequently adding an explicit “I’ll keep moving forward” to signal the next cooking stage. Upbeat music provides continuity, ceasing or decreasing in volume during the discourse and picking back up during long pauses (one or more seconds). The cooking show host’s expertise is demonstrated verbally in recipe telling, which is like a set of instructions, influenced by written recipe texts with elements of expert talk and technical terms (Norrick, 2011). Cooking shows are after all about teaching one how to cook, and the hosts insist on certain techniques; Ina, for instance, emphasizes the importance of precise measuring when she makes Raspberry Crumble Bars, saying, “Next I need three-quarters a cup of sugar. Just make sure you fill the cups accurately. Makes a big difference. Especially when you’re baking” (Garten, 2013, Episode: BX0805H). Using such precision akins cooking to science, a male-dominated field. But alongside culinary-specific terms such as “pre-heat the oven,” “add one cup of flour,” and “knead the dough,” the hosts explain flavors and dishes more colloquially, such as a cobbler that is a “little bit more cakey and poofy” (Drummond, 2010, Season 1, Episode 5). The overall cooking progresses with the narrative of the episode with cooking scenes alternated with non-cooking scenes. For example, in the Brunch Bunch episode, Ina makes hazelnut granola and narrates about her two friends, the “A team,” helping her (Garten, 2012, Episode: BX0608H). The process of cooking is intercut with scenes of her friends decorating the breakfast table; they pick out flowers, place bowls and coffee mugs on the table, take photos, and so on. Intercutting the cooking and noncooking scenes (also known as parallel editing) implies that they are happening simultaneously. Ina’s dialog, “I can’t wait to see what they’ve been up to,” further implies the simultaneous occurrence (Garten, 2012, Episode: BX0608H). Although each scene is spatially and temporally unrelated, switching back and 19

forth between the scenes establishes a relationship. After both friends complete their tasks, they sit down with Ina to eat brunch with her. The producer could have shown each section in its entirety, e.g., Ina cooking followed by each friend performing their task. Yet, the Barefoot Contessa show, like other shows, is not only about cooking, but about other food-related aspects as well such as entertaining, so the integration of the cooking and decorating segments flows smoothly, almost naturally. Despite the careful editing, both Barefoot Contessa and The Pioneer Woman are not about perfection, as it is with the American icon of domesticity, Martha Stewart. Preparing a breakfast spread, Ina scatters grapes, cheese, and crackers randomly on a cheese board, saying “it doesn’t have to be perfect. In fact, it shouldn’t be perfect” (Garten, 2007, Episode 8, Season 8). Ina’s brand consists of a rustic elegance with natural elements (hydrangea leaves and herbs from her garden, whole apples and oranges, simple clear glasses). She oversees every visual, culinary, and marketing aspect, saying, “there isn’t a letter, there isn’t a recipe, there’s no photograph, there isn’t a font, there isn’t a color, there isn’t a detail that I don’t totally do myself” (interview with C. Sicha from Eater.com, 2015). The tension between authenticity and perfection becomes evident in the details. 4. Side narratives and storytelling (complicating action) The host’s expertise is demonstrated in side narratives about aspects not directly related to the instruction. Storytelling may be considered a special type of side narrative for its more full narrative development and is marked linguistically from recipe telling with transition markers, shifts in tense and pronouns, and prefaces (Norrick, 2011). Side narratives include descriptions about the food itself, foodrelated information (nutritional content or other variations of the recipe, for example), the origin or source of inspiration for the recipe, or a story from the cook’s personal life indicate knowledge and authority on the topic. For example, Ree narrates while making apple pie: “I’ve been making this pie dough recipe for years and years from a recipe my friend Sylvie gave me” (Drummond, 2014, Episode: WU0903H) or Ina about her catering days: “One of the things I learned from Barefoot Contessa is that you can make the muffin mix the night before and then scoop them and bake them the day of the party” (Garten, 2004, 20

Episode: IG1C12). The expertise drawn on here is personal, suggesting that “ordinary expertise” for women is achieved through hands-on experience in the kitchen. To be an expert in the kitchen, it appears that professional cooking is not needed for women; a woman is naturally capable of cooking. The use of voice-over has both narrative functions and persuasive effects. Following a ‘live’ telling of anecdotes, it is common for hosts to give a voice-over narration for the recipe telling that is synchronized with scenes of cooking. For instance, Ree narrates about how to make brownie pops as she drives to town with scenes intercut with the mixing of the batter and baking process (Drummond, 2014, Episode: WU0905H). The voice-over connects the side narratives and procedural discourse, and is a technique that establishes the presenter as an expert who relays more detailed information (Smith, 2010). In cooking shows, the voice-over provides more details about the recipes, such as the exact measurements and preparatory work needed, and bridges non-food scenes intercut by shots of cooking, resulting in a more cohesive story. 5. Assessment discourse (Evaluation) The cooking show hosts act as judges of their own show when they evaluate the recipe. The tasting may be before plating, such as tasting a soup to see whether more seasoning is needed. In making gazpacho, Ina tastes the soup: “So I’m just going to make sure it’s starting out good [grabbing a spoon]” (Figure 8).

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Figure 8. Evaluative scene: Ina tastes her gazpacho (Garten, 2014, Episode: BX1104H). The tasting adds to the story of the individual recipe with an evaluation of its execution (“oh, it’s delicious” and “it’s going to be fabulous”). Details about the purpose for cooking the recipe (“Pot roast is the perfect Sunday lunch” (Drummond, 2010, Season 1, Episode 5)) also add to the story of the recipe by setting the scene. The evaluation provides an opportunity for the presenter to highlight what ingredients were used as reminder to viewers of the recipe: “you really taste the tomato, and the cucumber, and the scallions add a little heat.” Another way that evaluation is used in the cooking show narrative is in the discourse surrounding the ingredients themselves. The ingredients imply certain classes, such as Ina’s frequent insistence of using “good olive oil” and luxurious ingredients like truffle oil and lobster suggests middle-class to upper-class aspirations (Garten, 2011, Episode: BX0507H), while Ree’s inclusion of processed cheese and jarred condiments appeal to more budget-minded audiences (Drummond, 2014, Episode: WU0810H). Through the use of marked themes (cooking experiences), the role of adjectives and superlative expressions in pointing to the qualities of things (“spice from the ginger”), which also serve to evaluate and classify them, and the use of personal, ordinary language (“you can do this...”) (Drummond, 2012, Episode: WU0401H), a message is conveyed about the women and the cooking shows, a message that is delivered via the narrative vehicle. That is, the scripted narrative is designed, in conjunction with the unfolding of shots, to draw the viewer into the story of the protagonists, Ree and Ina, in this case, and the food that they cook. It is story told through multiple modes: scripted narrative, images, both static and moving, and music. It is in the interaction of these modes in the cooking shows that the Food Network and its values are realized and promoted. The concept of cooking is both discursively and visually constructed. While the script tells us about the particular episode and situates it for us, the images themselves “show” us what “delicious” food consists of. As non-expert cooks and viewers, we rely on the “expert” opinions of Ree and Ina, our teachers in the act of home cooking. Our access to cooking is mediated through the narrative commentary

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of Ina and Ree and through our experience of the program’s modes of production. We may “see” and enjoy the cooking shows differently depending on prior knowledge and experience and on level of interest as well as personal preferences; however, that vision and enjoyment will be shaped by the program’s staging and presentation of the narrative as it unfolds with the interaction of the various modes. 6. Closing scene (resolution) Cooking shows end with the hosts proudly presenting the dish on a composed plate. The shows sometimes end with a close-up of the prepared food to stress the aesthetics of the food and its presentation. Sometimes shows conclude with a mid-waist shot of the chef tasting the dish to emphasize the flavor of the food. Another ending involves eating the food after its presentation. It is rare if shows do not end this way. Those shows that feature an occasion often invite guests to share food with them at a table, or the host may pass food around to guest members, or both. In The Pioneer Woman, final scenes involve Ree serving her family. After accepting their plated dishes, Ree’s children always thank her, and after tasting the food, they always find it favorable. The youngest son is particularly expressive with claims like: “This is the best steak I’ve ever had in my life” during a Christmas dinner (Drummond, 2011, Episode: WUSP01H). The family is a model of etiquette at the American dinner table. Shows also end with the host repeating the context or story of the completed dishes. Wrapping up her Old School Retro Mix episode, Ina says, “My favorite recipes are the classics that have been updated to have more flavor. So I hope that helps with your classic recipes. They are classics for a reason” (Garten, 2011, Episode: BX0405H). Chefs summarize again the theme of the episode; the strong element of repetition throughout the cooking shows allows for viewers to comprehend at any stage of the cooking show what is happening. Verbally, the women remain in control of the show as they provide the last words These tastings and recaps not only solve the mechanical problem of ending a story (a cooking show episode) but also leave the listeners (the viewers) “with a feeling of satisfaction and completeness that matters have been rounded off and accounted for” (Labov, 1972, p. 366). Seeing the completed dish, 23

witnessing the pleasure it derives to those tasting it, and eavesdropping over the host’s private party provide a sense of closure for viewers. 7. Final Credits (codas) The final production credits and closing scenes explicitly link the empowered women to the Food Network. Both the company and its logo are multimodally foregrounded. Visually, the company’s color, logo, and products appear recurrently in each episode, which reinforce the major role of the network in the lives of the women. Verbal and visual relational identification with the company are multimodal promotional strategies employed recurrently in these episodes in order to reinforce the brand of the company. The hosts invite viewers to go to the Food Network website for recipes and more. Ree or members of her family collectively say, ‘‘For recipes and more, go to foodnetwork dot com slash pioneerwoman,” with the website address superimposed on an image of a dish:

Figure 9. Collaboration with the Food Network While the recipes on the cooking shows are frequently the same ones in the celebrities’ cookbooks, the celebrities do not explicitly market their cookbooks. Instead, the shows and recipes are an extension of the Food Network corporation and brand. Such multimodal connections across shots could push the discourse of women empowerment into plain advertising. The episodes’ continuity is secured with the narrative thread and with shots that are linked multimodally through the company’s presence. 24

The rapid rolling of credits gives a final, movie-like flourish of an ending. The viewer gets a glimpse of the team behind the camera who helped the host tell the cooking show story.

Figure 10. Final production credits visually cue the end of the story. The overall narrative arc and the mini stories built in the cooking show package the cooking show into a compelling and cohesive storyline. Celebrity chefs are made personal with scenes of the domestic kitchen and of them speaking directly to the audience, while the credible expert role is reinforced in the technical language used in cooking, tasting evaluation, and voiceover narratives. Conclusion As demonstrated in this multimodal narrative analysis, the Food Network communicates in domestic cooking shows, such as Barefoot Contessa and The Pioneer Woman, values of home cooking and gender empowerment alongside promotion of its own brand. The female empowerment is multimodally communicated as a means of facilitating the transition of women from underappreciated and expected caretakers in the kitchen to confident agents that envision themselves as responsible for caring for themselves, friends, and family, and that contribute to solving cooking dilemmas experienced by many Americans. By employing all the presented multimodal discursive strategies, the episodes foreground Food Network’s commitment to “leading by teaching, inspiring and empowering through its talent and 25

expertise” (About Foodnetwork.com). In these shows, the overall aim of their communicative endeavors is to provide an image of a company whose present and future rely on values of home cooking in terms of positive portrayals of women cooking and running successful businesses. These values are articulated in the narrative structure of the show and construction of the hosts as experts. The cooking tips and stories of the female hosts are supported by appetizing visuals of the food, positive testimonials from friends and family, and gesturally with their ease in the kitchen. On the other hand, the representations of the positive and concrete impact on local communications (such as Ree’s renovation of an old building in her small Oklahoma town), 5 are intertwined with advertising strategies, as the company’s logo, products, and website address are constantly visualized in various ways. The present qualitative study focused on integrating multimodality, narrative, and gender but does not claim to provide a full-fledged analysis of all the meaning-making strategies employed in the domestic cooking shows nor across all the shows produced by Food Network. In this study, we have suggested ways in which a multimodal narrative approach can be employed on a small multimodal corpus, i.e. two female, single-hosted, domestic, how-to cook cooking shows. Expansions of this line of work could be an analysis of different cooking show genres (i.e. competition, reality, travel), of different hosts (i.e. male, couples), or of different networks (i.e. national broadcasting channels). A multimodal narrative approach is still underrepresented in academic research although cooking shows have already become a well-established genre of study in media and cultural studies. As televised cooking instruction is a complex multimodal platform, it is relevant to continue a detailed study that integrates all semiotic modes into how values are promoted in the discourse of the performers as well as the company they represent. Food Network’s traditional cooking shows are as much a vehicle for narrative performance, as they are a product of persuasive discourse strategies, realized in the television in the era of the celebrity ordinary expert. References 5

Ree restored a historic building in Pawhuska, Oklahoma, and turned it into the Mercantile, "The Merc," a bustling bakery, deli, and general store selling The Pioneer Woman products and apparel that opened in 2016.

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