Correlates of coping with perceived discriminatory experiences among African American adolescents

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Journal of Adolescence Journal of Adolescence 27 (2004) 123–137 www.elsevier.com/locate/jado

Correlates of coping with perceived discriminatory experiences among African American adolescents Lionel D. Scott Jr.* Center for Mental Health Services Research, George Warren Brown School of Social Work, Washington University in St. Louis, Campus Box 1093, One Brookings Drive, St. Louis, MO 63130, USA

Abstract This study examined the relation of background and race-related factors to the use of approach and avoidance strategies to cope with perceived discriminatory experiences among a sample of African American adolescents of relative affluence (n ¼ 71). Results showed that gender, family structure, socioeconomic status (SES), perceived control over discriminatory experiences, discrimination distress, and racism-related socialization were significant correlates of coping with perceived discriminatory experiences. Results concerning gender, perceived control, and stress arousal were consistent with findings from the general adolescent stress and coping literature. Results concerning family structure, SES, and socialization suggest that certain factors may be very important for the positive adjustment of African American adolescents in the face of race-related adversity. r 2003 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction African American adolescents encounter multiple stressors in their social-environmental contexts that can result in negative adjustment outcomes (Coates, 1990; Myers, 1989). Racial discrimination has been identified as a social-environmental stressor that complicates the successful navigation of the adolescent period for African Americans (Comer, 1995). Racism may particularly impinge on the core adolescent developmental issues of identity and self-esteem (Coates, 1990; Comer, 1995). Furthermore, Myers (1989) contends that many of the problems of African American adolescents can be viewed as adaptational problems due to ‘‘oppressive social processes’’ (p. 123).

*Tel.: +1-314-935-7970; fax: +1-314-935-7508. E-mail address: [email protected] (L.D. Scott Jr.). 0140-1971/$30.00 r 2003 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2003.11.005

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This study was designed to examine the relation of background and race-related factors to the use of approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived discriminatory experiences among a sample of African American adolescents of relative affluence. Comer (1995) suggests that African American adolescents who come from more privileged home environments are not immune to or unaffected by racially oppressive circumstances that confront those of lower socioeconomic position. Although they may reside in homes that are better functioning and possess greater social capital and networks, they are still at risk for encountering discriminatory behaviors and attitudes in their larger social contexts. Similar racial encounters among African American adolescents from dissimilar socioeconomic positions are attributable to negative public perceptions, images and stereotypes (Comer, 1995). As suggested by Ogbu (1985), the racial contingencies that African American children and adolescents confront daily necessitate that they develop competencies that will delimit the negative impact of racial oppression. Hence, the manner in which they cope with various racial contingencies will likely influence varied outcomes in terms of their identity, performance, and psychological well-being. In the stress and coping literature, distinctions between approach and avoidance responses to stressful life events are replete. Approach coping that includes strategies such as seeking support or taking direct action are generally linked with better psychological outcomes. The converse is true for avoidance coping that includes strategies such as denying, accepting or minimizing stressful situations or expressing one’s feelings of anger verbally or behaviorally (Causey & Dubow, 1992; Gonzales, Tein, Sandler, & Friedman, 2001; Moos & Schaefer, 1993). In the face of social-environmental stressors such as discrimination, however, the efficacy and protective function of these strategies for African American adolescents is unknown. Although the efficacy of coping strategies assessed in the present study could not be determined, examination of those factors that may correlate with approach and avoidance responses to perceived discriminatory experiences is an important first step.

Adolescent stress and coping In the general adolescent stress and coping literature, a number of important correlates of coping are identified. The effects of gender, developmental level, and perceived control have been the focus of many recent studies (e.g., Bowker, Bukowski, Hymel, & Sippola, 2000; Griffith, Dubow, & Ippolito, 2000). In a study by Halstead, Johnson, and Cunningham (1993) where 31.2% of the sample (n ¼ 306) consisted of African American adolescents, girls were found to use significantly more seeking social support and wishful thinking coping strategies than boys, whereas boys used significantly more avoidance coping strategies. The significantly greater use of seeking social support coping strategies among girls is consistent across multi-ethnic and international studies (e.g., Bowker et al., 2000; Plunkett & Henry, 1999). The main effects of gender on avoidance coping strategies, however, are inconsistent. The type of stressor assessed may significantly influence whether gender differences in the use of avoidance coping strategies are found. Overall, in response to a range of stressors, boys are more likely to use diversions, suppression, externalizing, and physical recreational activities as coping mechanisms (Frydenberg, 1997).

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Turning to problem-focused or approach coping, there is a belief that males are more prone to the use of these strategies. However, research findings of the effects of gender on use of problemfocused coping strategies have not been definitive (Frydenberg, 1997). Many studies show a greater use among females of problem-focused (or approach) coping, while other studies show no significant gender differences (Frydenberg, 1997). Gender differences in the use of problemfocused coping strategies, according to Frydenberg, may be more qualitative than quantitative. In the end, greater mobilization of coping efforts are likely to occur among females and males in response to those events or situations that are appraised as most distressing in their every day life experiences (Griffith et al., 2000). Concerning age, the empirical evidence of developmental differences in adolescents’ coping strategies has been inconsistent. Compas (1995) and Compas, Orosan, and Grant (1993) suggest that the use of problem-focused coping is unrelated to age, whereas use of emotion-focused coping is positively related to age among adolescents. Compas et al. (1993) further suggest that the contrast in the use of emotion-focused coping and problem-focused coping from childhood to young adulthood may be a function of adult modeling. Whereas problem-focused coping skills are more readily observable through adult models, emotion-focused coping skills, in that they involve more of a cognitive and emotional process, are suggested to be less observable (Compas et al., 1993). In contrast, Griffith et al. (2000) point to previous studies that indicate that older adolescents are more likely to use direct or approach coping strategies due to greater cognitive development and autonomy and wider social interaction experiences. In their study of the use of approach and avoidance coping for family, school, and peer stressors among a predominantly White adolescent sample (12% African American), Griffith et al. found that use of approach coping strategies increased across grades. No grade level differences were found for avoidance coping. The discrepancies of findings across studies may be a function of the type of stressor assessed. The extent to which adolescents perceive control over a range of environmental and interpersonal stressors is considered to exert a strong influence on their coping responses. Compas (1995) reports that studies show that ‘‘the association between control beliefs and problem-focused coping may emerge fairly early in life’’ (p. 258). In response to a wide range of stressors, studies show that problem-focused coping is positively related to perceived control, while emotion-focused coping is related to higher levels of emotional distress and unrelated to control beliefs (Compas, 1995). However, when confronting situations that are ‘‘objectively’’ uncontrollable, Compas suggests that perceived control and the use of problem-focused coping might lead to ‘‘an increased sense of frustration, helplessness, and distress’’ (p. 260). In an application of the Ways of Coping Checklist, based on the stress, appraisal, and coping model of Lazarus and Folkman (1984), Halstead et al. (1993) found that African American adolescents appraised school, family, and social stressors as something they could change more frequently than did their White counterparts. Halstead et al. acknowledged that their findings in terms of the appraisal and coping style of African American adolescents, particularly as it relates to internal locus of control, is counter to prior studies. They suggested that the discrepant findings might be due to the relative absence of African American children and adolescents in most studies. Halstead et al. also proposed that African American adolescents might feel that they have greater control over events in their daily lives but feel more powerless in terms of the larger social context. The most interesting proposition made by Halstead et al. is that it is ‘‘possible that today’s

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African American youth appraise events as more changeable than cohorts of an earlier time; the social and political environment may have changed sufficiently to induce a greater sense of control’’ (p. 343).

Race-related factors and coping Racial socialization and racial identity are specific race-related factors suggested to foster the resilience, adjustment and adaptation of African American adolescents in the face of race-related adversity and racially hostile environments (Miller, 1999; Ward, 1999). Given their greater exposure to discriminatory stressors in everyday social and community contexts, race and ethnicity becomes an integral part of the socialization process in many African American families and communities. According to Stevenson, Reed, Bodison, and Bishop (1997), preparation on the part of parents or guardians and community networks is needed to protect African American adolescents against the ‘‘mixture of racial hatred, ambivalence, and civility’’ that they encounter within American society (p. 198). The formation of a strong racial identity wherein race becomes a central component of their self-concepts will be directly related to the socialization orientation within African American adolescent’s proximal environments (Cross, Strauss, & Fhagen-Smith, 1999). A number of socialization orientations may characterize the home environments of African American adolescents (Thornton, 1997; Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, & Allen, 1990). Within some homes, race and African American culture are not emphasized; rather parents and guardians attempt to foster self-confidence, personal self-esteem, and competence absent of racial or cultural considerations. In other homes, the significance of race and institutional barriers in American society are emphasized; mechanisms for coping with racial contingencies emanate from such homes (Thornton, 1997). Lastly, some parents strongly emphasize the history and achievement of African Americans; installment of racial pride is paramount in such homes. The type of racial socialization messages received is hypothesized to affect the ability of African American adolescents to cope effectively with race-related stressors (Stevenson et al., 1997). Furthermore, the possession of self-concepts where race is a central part and the receipt of socialization messages with high racial content are argued to be most conducive for psychological well-being and adjustment (Ward, 1999). For example, Phinney and Chavira (1995) found that African American adolescents who were socialized by a combined style that emphasized both achievement and prejudice/discrimination were more likely to use proactive coping strategies (vs. passive or aggressive coping strategies) in response to discrimination.

The present study The research questions for this study were: (a) To what extent do the background factors of gender, grade level, family structure, and socioeconomic status predict approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived discriminatory experiences; and (b) To what extent do the race-related factors of perceived control over discriminatory experiences, discrimination distress, racial centrality, and racism-related socialization predict approach and avoidance strategies for

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coping with perceived discriminatory experiences. Although perceived control has served as a background variable in previous studies (e.g., Griffith et al., 2000), it is represented as a racerelated factor in this study in that participants rated the degree of control they believed they had over perceived discriminatory experiences. Given the exploratory nature of this investigation, no specific hypotheses were posited.

Method Participants Participants were 71 African American adolescents (37 female, 34 male) recruited from a small, private, and religious-oriented high school in Northern Alabama. Participants ranged in age from 14 to 18 years, with a mean age of 15.6 (s:d: ¼ 0:96). The sample was fairly even distributed across grade levels: 9th (n ¼ 20), 10th (n ¼ 27), and 11th (n ¼ 24) graders. The majority of participants resided in two-parent homes (53.5%). Others resided in single parent homes (29.6%) or other home situations (e.g., relatives; 16.9%). Most participants resided in homes where their parents or guardians were professional and had advanced degrees (47.9%) or skilled and had some college education (42.3%). Measures Demographics Participants provided information concerning their backgrounds on a brief demographic form on the last page of the self-report questionnaire. Perceived discrimination The Daily Life Experiences Scale (DLE-R; Harrell, 1997) was used to measure perceived discriminatory experiences. The DLE-R is a 20-item scale taken from the Racism and Life Experiences Scales (Harrell, 1997) that assesses the frequency to which respondents experience ‘‘micro-aggressions’’ in their every day life experiences because of race or racism. Examples include: being observed or followed in public places; being ignored, overlooked, or not given service; and others react to you as if they were afraid or intimidated. Cronbach’s alpha of 0.92 for the DLE-R has been reported (Harrell, Merchant, & Young, 1997). Only 10 items from the DLER were used in this study to reduce the length of time required to complete the questionnaire and to account for those race-related experiences most commonly reported by African American adolescents based on the popular print media and social science literature (e.g., McCoy, 1998). In this study, the response options ranged from never (0) to all the time (4). The reliability estimate of the modified version of the DLE-R scale in this study was 0.77, indicating good reliability. Discrimination distress The Racism Experiences Stress Scale (EXP-STR) was used to measure discrimination distress. The EXP-STR is a 17-item scale taken from the Racism and Life Experiences Scales (Harrell, 1997) that assesses racism experiences in terms of their stressfulness. Cronbach’s alpha of 0.89 for the EXP-STR has been reported (Harrell et al., 1997). In this study, the EXP-STR assessed the level of

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stress caused by the perceived discriminatory experiences reported by participants on the DLE-R. The response options ranged from no stress (0) to extremely stressful (4). The reliability estimate of the modified version of the EXP-STR scale in this study was 0.88, indicating good reliability. Racism-related socialization messages The Racism-Related Socialization Influences Scale (SOC; Harrell, 1997) assesses the frequency and content of racism-related messages from family members and other important adults (e.g., teachers, clergy). The scale has been found to have acceptable reliability with a Cronbach’s alpha ranging from 0.70 to 0.77 (Harrell et al., 1997). In this study, the SOC assessed the frequency and content of racism-related messages received from parents or guardians only (e.g., ‘‘To what extent have your parents or guardians prepared you to deal with racism or talked to you about how to cope with racism’’). Participants responded to 5-items using a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from not at all (1) to extremely (5). Higher scores indicated more frequent messages from parents/ guardians concerning racism. The reliability estimate for the modified version of the SOC scale in this study was 0.84, indicating good reliability. Racial Centrality The Racial Centrality subscale of the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton, & Smith, 1997) was used to measure the extent to which being Black is central to the self-conceptions and identities of respondents (e.g., ‘‘Being Black is an important reflection of who I am’’). Participants respond to 10-items on a 7-point, Likert-type scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (7). A high score indicates high racial centrality. The scale has been found to have acceptable internal consistency with a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.73 (Rowley, Sellers, Chavous, & Smith, 1998). To simplify the response options for participants in the study, the 7-point scale was reduced to a 5-point scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). In addition, 1 item was dropped in that item analysis indicated that it significantly lowered reliability estimates. The coefficient alpha for this modified version of the scale was 0.59, indicating adequate reliability. Coping strategies The Self-Report Coping Scale (SRCS; Causey & Dubow, 1992) was used to measure approach and avoidance coping strategies and perceived control. The SRCS is a 34-item scale developed to assess the coping and perceived control of children and adolescents with specific daily stressors. Hence, the lead questions are modifiable making the scale usable across a range of stressors. In this study, participants were asked to report the extent to which they used each coping item when they perceived discrimination or unfair treatment because of their racial group membership. The SRCS assesses two strategies reflective of approach coping: seeking social support (e.g., ‘‘Tell a friend or family member what happened’’); and self-reliance/problem solving (e.g., ‘‘Decide on one way to deal with the problem and I do it’’). Three strategies reflective of avoidance coping are assessed: distancing (e.g., ‘‘Tell myself it doesn’t matter’’); internalizing (e.g., ‘‘Worry too much about it’’); and externalizing (e.g., ‘‘get mad or throw or hit something’’). One item of the SRCS is used to assess perceived control. Participants were asked to indicate the extent to which they felt they could do something or change the situation when confronted with perceived discrimination or unfair treatment because of their racial group membership.

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Responses to all items were based on a 5-point, Likert-type scale ranging from never (1) to always (5). Cronbach’s alpha values for the subscales have been reported to range from 0.68 to 0.84 (Causey & Dubow, 1992). In that the SRCS was developed with a predominantly White adolescent sample, it was subjected to a principal-components factor analysis with a varimax rotation to determine the psychometric characteristics of the scale for this study. Although items on a number of coping subscales were eliminated due to strong loadings on multiple factors or failure to load strongly on their original subscale, the alpha levels of the subscales retained their robustness in this study: seeking social support (a ¼ 0:87); self-reliance/problem solving (a ¼ 0:64); distancing (a ¼ 0:79); internalizing (a ¼ 0:76); and externalizing (a ¼ 0:77). Procedures After obtaining cooperation from the Principal, prospective participants were informed of the purpose of the study and invited to participate by proxy. Informational packets, which explained the nature of the study and the type of questions that would be asked, were provided along with youth and parental consent forms. All 9th, 10th, and 11th grade students who returned signed consent forms and attended school on the date of data collection were administered self-report questionnaires in group sessions by school administrators and/or teachers who were also African American. Participants completed questionnaires at their own pace and were informed by the instructions that they could skip any questions that they wished not to answer.

Results Preliminary analysis indicated moderate use of approach and avoidance strategies to cope with perceived discriminatory experiences: seeking social support (M ¼ 2:63; s:d: ¼ 0:93), self-reliance/ problem solving (M ¼ 2:38; s:d: ¼ 0:67), distancing (M ¼ 2:53; s:d: ¼ 0:88), internalizing (M ¼ 1:76; s:d: ¼ 0:92), and externalizing (M ¼ 2:03; s:d: ¼ 1:09). Overall reports of perceived discriminatory experiences (M ¼ 1:26; s:d: ¼ 0:62) and discrimination distress (M ¼ 1:21; s:d: ¼ 0:91) were low. Mean scores for racism-related socialization (M ¼ 3:00; s:d: ¼ 0:85) and racial centrality (M ¼ 3:55; s:d: ¼ 0:56) suggest that participants received messages from their parents/guardians concerning racism to a moderate degree and that many possessed self-concepts where being Black was a central part. Female and male participants did not significantly differ in terms of perceived discriminatory experiences, discrimination distress, or racism-related socialization. However, gender differences in racial centrality approached significance, F ð1; 69Þ ¼ 3:55; p ¼ 0:06; with females (M ¼ 3:43; s:d: ¼ 0:55) indicating that race was marginally less central to their self-conceptions and identities than males (M ¼ 3:68; s:d: ¼ 0:55). Intercorrelations between background and race-related factors Correlational analysis was conducted to examine the interrelationship between background and race-related factors. Results are shown in Table 1. Only the background factor of grade level yielded any significant correlations with race-related factors. Specifically, grade level was positively correlated with perceived control over discriminatory experiences (r ¼ 0:27; po0:05).

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Table 1 Intercorrelations for background and race-related factors Variable

A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

A. Gendera B. Family structureb C. Socioeconomic statusc D. Grade leveld E. Perceived Control F. Perceived discrimination G. Discrimination distress H. Racial centrality I. Racism-related socialization

— 0.12 0.07 0.18 0.11 0.07 0.09 0.22+ 0.00

— 0.11 0.19 0.14 0.03 0.03 0.08 0.09

— 0.24 0.08 0.08 0.03 0.11 0.06

— 0.27 0.08 0.10 0.13 0.03

— 0.13 0.09 0.05 0.24

— 0.75 0.29 0.01

— 0.21+ 0.15

— 0.13

—

þ

po0:10;  po0:05;  po0:01;  pp0:001: a Gender coding: 1=female, 0=male. b Family structure coding: 1=other, 2=single parent, 3=two-parent. c SES coding: 1=skilled/some college education, 2=professional/advanced education. d Grade level coding: 1=9th, 2=10th, 3=11th.

Results suggested that as grade level increased, the degree of perceived control over perceived discriminatory experiences increased. Among race-related factors, there was a significant positive correlation between perceived discriminatory experiences and discrimination distress (r ¼ 0:75; po0:001). Also, perceived discriminatory experiences and racial centrality were significantly correlated (r ¼ 0:29; po0:05). Lastly, racism-related socialization was significantly correlated with perceived control over discriminatory experiences (r ¼ 0:24; po0:05). In general, results indicated that as the frequency of perceived discriminatory experiences increased, so did participants level of distress. Similarly, results suggested that participants who reported more frequent discriminatory experiences tended to indicate that being Black was more central to their selfconcepts. In addition, participants who reported more frequent messages from their parents or guardians concerning racism tended to perceive more control over perceived discriminatory experiences. Predicting approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived discriminatory experiences A series of simultaneous multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine the degree to which background and race-related factors predicted use of approach and avoidance strategies to cope with perceived discriminatory experiences. Given its very strong correlation with discrimination distress, perceived discrimination was not included in regression analyses in order to avoid problems of multicollinearity. Table 2 shows results of the analyses for approach coping strategies. As shown, the combination of background and race-related factors explained a significant amount of variance for seeking social support coping strategies, R2 ¼ 0:31; adjusted R2 ¼ 0:22; F ð8; 62Þ ¼ 3:51; p ¼ 0:002: Gender, perceived control over discriminatory experiences, discrimination distress, and racism-related socialization contributed significantly to the prediction of seeking social support

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Table 2 Regression analysis for prediction of approach coping strategies by background and race-related factors (n ¼ 71) Variable DV: seeking social support Gendera Grade levelb Family structurec Socioeconomic status (SES)d Perceived control Discrimination distress Racial centrality Racism-related socialization DV: self-reliance/problem solving Gendera Grade levelb Family structurec Socioeconomic status (SES)d Perceived control Discrimination distress Racial centrality Racism-related socialization þ

Beta

t-Value

Sr2

0.28 0.10 0.07 0.17 0.22 0.25 0.05 0.21

2.55 0.90 0.68 1.61 1.90+ 2.17 0.42 1.88+

0.07

0.06 0.06 0.13 0.11 0.31 0.09 0.19 0.27

0.48 0.49 1.17 0.93 2.55 0.76 1.56 2.27

Total R2 0.31

0.04 0.05 0.04 0.23

0.08

0.06

po0:10;  po0:05: a Gender coding: 1=female, 0=male. b Grade level coding: 1=9th, 2=10th, 3=11th. c Family structure coding: 1=other, 2=single parent, 3=two-parent. d SES coding: 1=skilled/some college education, 2=professional/advanced education.

coping strategies. These factors accounted for 20% of the explained variance with gender emerging as the largest unique contributor. Results indicated that being female was related to greater use of seeking social support coping strategies. In addition, as perceived control over discriminatory experiences, discrimination distress, and reports of racism-related socialization increased, use of seeking social support strategies for coping with perceived discriminatory experiences increased. A significant amount of variance was also explained for self-reliance/problem solving coping strategies, R2 ¼ 0:23; adjusted R2 ¼ 13; F ð8; 62Þ ¼ 2:37; po0:05: Perceived control over discriminatory experiences and racism-related socialization were significant predictors. These two factors accounted for 14% of the explained variance with perceived control emerging as the largest unique contributor. Results indicated that as perceived control over discriminatory experiences and frequency of racism-related socialization messages increased, use of self-reliance/ problem solving coping strategies for coping with perceived discriminatory experiences increased. Table 3 shows the results of regression analyses for avoidance coping strategies. Background and race-related factors did not explain a significant amount of variance for distancing coping strategies, R2 ¼ 0:10; adjusted R2 ¼ 0:01; F ð8; 62Þ ¼ 0:90; p ¼ 0:52; or internalizing coping strategies, R2 ¼ 0:15; adjusted R2 ¼ 0:04; Fð8; 62Þ ¼ 1:39; p ¼ 0:22: However, as shown in

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Table 3 Regression analysis for prediction of avoidance coping strategies by background and race-related factors (n ¼ 71) Variable DV: internalizing Gendera Grade levelb Family structurec Socioeconomic status (SES)d Perceived control Discrimination distress Racial centrality Racism-related socialization DV: externalizing Gendera Grade levelb Family structurec Socioeconomic Status (SES)d Perceived control Discrimination distress Racial centrality Racism-related socialization

Beta

t-Value

0.09 0.16 0.04 0.01 0.03 0.27 0.02 0.11

0.73 1.23 0.34 0.12 0.27 2.14 0.16 0.86

0.15 0.08 0.31 0.27 0.00 0.44 0.02 0.05

1.39 0.74 2.93 2.59 0.00 3.90 0.17 0.46

Sr2

Total R2 0.15

0.06

0.36

0.09 0.07 0.16

 po0:05;  po0:01;  po0:001: a Gender coding: 1=female, 0=male. b Grade level coding: 1=9th, 2=10th, 3=11th. c Family structure coding: 1=other, 2=single parent, 3=two-parent. d SES coding: 1=skilled/some college education, 2=professional/advanced education.

Table 3, discrimination distress emerged as a significant unique contributor to the explained variance for internalizing coping strategies. Results indicated that as discrimination distress increased, use of internalizing coping strategies for coping with perceived discriminatory experiences increased. The combination of background and race-related factors explained a significant amount of variance for externalizing coping strategies, R2 ¼ 0:36; adjusted R2 ¼ 0:27; Fð8; 62Þ ¼ 4:33; po0:001: Family structure, socioeconomic status, and discrimination distress were significant predictors accounting for 32% of the explained variance with discrimination distress emerging as the largest unique contributor. Results indicated that residing in homes more traditionally structured and economically advantaged was related to lower use of externalizing coping strategies. In contrast, as discrimination distress increased, use of externalizing strategies for coping with perceived discriminatory experiences increased.

Discussion This study examined the relation of background and race-related factors to the use of approach and avoidance strategies to cope with perceived discriminatory experiences among a sample of

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African American adolescents of relative affluence. Several results were consistent with findings from the general adolescent stress and coping literature. Specifically, the influence of gender on support seeking strategies was consistent with previous studies. In response to perceived discriminatory experiences, female participants used seeking social support coping strategies more than males. This consistency in study results across sample and ethnic populations suggests that social support seeking is a general coping strategy used by female adolescents across stressors. Conversely, unlike previous studies, results did not indicate a significant relation between developmental level (i.e., grade level) and the coping strategies used by adolescents. Grade level’s failure to predict coping strategies in this study may simply reflect the small representation of participants in each grade level. Also, in response to racism-related stressors, the developmental level of adolescents may be less important. The developmental level of African American adolescents may play a larger role in how they respond to more normative adolescent stressors than those that are situationally or racially determined. In previous studies of adolescent stress and coping, significant family structure and socioeconomic status (SES) influences are not usually evident. However, results of this study indicated that family structure and SES were significantly related to externalizing coping. Specifically, adolescents from more traditional or intact homes were less likely to use externalizing coping strategies. Similarly, adolescents from homes with apparently greater resources in terms of their parent/guardian’s professional status and education were less likely to use externalizing coping strategies. This was the case despite the relative affluence of the study sample. Hence, these results lend support to Moos and Schaefer’s (1993) contention that family and social resources can have a significant affect on coping strategies. In addition, it is possible that the relation of certain demographic factors to adjustment may be more pronounced for African American adolescents given their relative levels of disadvantage in comparison to their White counterparts and the myriad stressors emanating from their social contexts (Myers, 1989). Results of regression analyses indicated that racial centrality was not a significant predictor of the strategies used to cope with perceived discriminatory experiences. Although surprising, the work of Sellers and associates (Sellers et al., 1997; Shelton & Sellers, 2000) provide plausible explanations for these results. Sellers et al. (1997) suggest that racial centrality, denoting the extent to which African Americans normatively define themselves in terms of race, is a stable property of racial identity and is not affected by situational circumstances. Racial centrality may be most influential in African American adolescents appraisals and attributions of stressful experiences or events (Sellers, Morgan, & Brown, 2001). Hence, the lack of relation between racial centrality and coping in this study may simply reflect the manner in which racial identity was operationalized. Future investigations of the discrimination-coping link should assess other dimensions of African American racial identity explicated by Sellers et al. (1997) such as racial regard, ideology, and salience. Results concerning the relation between perceived control and approach coping strategies were consistent with previous studies. The more control that adolescent’s felt they had over perceived discriminatory experiences, the more likely they were to use approach coping strategies. No such relations were found for avoidance coping strategies. These findings are consistent with the stress and coping literature concerning control beliefs. In a similar vein, results indicated that higher levels of discrimination distress were related to greater use of avoidance coping strategies, namely externalizing and internalizing. These results are also consistent with the stress and coping

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literature. As stated by Compas (1995), emotion-focused (i.e., avoidance) coping strategies are ‘‘used to a greater or lesser degree in response to levels of emotional distress or arousal’’ (p. 259). The findings concerning perceived control and discrimination distress are important on a number of fronts. First, perceived prejudicial or discriminatory experiences involve complex appraisal processes wherein African Americans and other targets of prejudice must decide whether experiences or acts are indeed racially motivated (Swim, Cohen, & Hyers, 1998). Although this process may appear too complex for adolescents, Spencer, Cunningham, and Swanson (1995) contend that by adolescence, minority youth are aware of the systematic biases, constraints, and stressors that accompany their racial/ethnic group membership. Hence, the strategies used by African American adolescents to cope with these racial contingencies may be preventative of short-term or long-term adjustment problems. Unfortunately, suggestions about the efficacy of the coping strategies assessed cannot be made because general indices of adjustment such as anxiety, depression, self-worth, or self-efficacy were not assessed in this study. Furthermore, the small sample size of this study precluded more complex multivariate analyses. Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, Hou, and Rummens (1999), however, suggest that the moderating effects of a given coping strategy on the relation between discrimination and indices of adjustment such as depression are not clear-cut. For example, coping with perceived discriminatory experiences by directly confronting the situation or perpetrator may alleviate feelings of powerlessness and victimization, but could also exacerbate feelings of distress due to a heightened sense of arousal and hostility (Noh et al., 1999). Hence, the use of avoidance or emotion-focused strategies to cope with perceived discriminatory experiences could be conducive to self-preservation and well-being (Contrada et al., 2000; Noh et al., 1999). Despite the possible protective function of the use of avoidance strategies to cope with perceived discriminatory experiences, the tendency of adolescents in this study to use internalizing strategies at higher levels of distress is cause for concern. A possible negative consequence of daily encounters with prejudice and discrimination include the internalization of or identification with negative attitudes and hostilities directed at one’s ethnic/racial group (Akbar, 1991; Baldwin, Brown, & Hopkins, 1999). Hence, the use of internalizing strategies cannot be considered adaptive or conducive for the psychological well-being of African American adolescents under any circumstance. With respect to racism-related socialization, results suggest that the extent to which African American adolescents have been prepared by their parents or guardians to handle and cope with discriminatory experiences and situations may have a significant influence on their coping responses. In this study, adolescents who reported receiving frequent messages concerning racism were more likely to use seeking social support and self-reliance/problem solving coping strategies. Again, although the efficacy of the approach and avoidance coping strategies assessed cannot be determined, results of previous studies provide evidence of the protective or mental health promotive function of racial socialization. For example, Fischer and Shaw (1999) found that greater perceptions of racist discrimination were related to poorer mental health among African American young adults who reported low racial socialization experiences. These results suggest that racial socialization serves a protective function for African American adolescents. African American adolescents who are not prepared for the multiple racial assaults they may encounter in everyday interactions may be more at risk for internalizing racial oppression and utilizing ineffective coping strategies.

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Conclusion Given that racism-related stress can have multiple manifestations (Harrell, 2000), the relations of background and race-related factors to coping may be complex. For example, the degree to which African American adolescents perceive control over daily racism microstressors such as being followed or observed while in public places may differ from levels of perceived control over chronic-contextual stress or collective experiences that are more structurally based or vicarious. Therefore, future research should seek to examine how strategies used to cope with multiple dimensions of racism-related stress may have differential physiological and psychological outcomes (Harrell, 2000). There are several limitations of this study that must be noted. First, the sample was comprised of African American adolescents from a small, religiously oriented high school and community of relative advantage. Hence, the generalizability of findings is significantly restricted. Different correlates of coping with perceived discriminatory experiences may be evident among African American adolescents from less advantaged backgrounds or more secular environments. Future studies should seek to utilize large, representative samples of African American adolescents reflecting the length and breadth of the demographic and social differences found in the African American community. Such studies are not only desirable, but also requisite to illuminate those factors that influence the differential psychosocial outcomes and trajectories evident among African American adolescents. Second, data was collected through self-report methods. Hence, the veracity of study results may be questionable due to issues of recall or social desirability. Third, several measures were modified for specific purposes of this study and to simplify response options for the adolescent participants.1 Although estimates of the reliability for the modified scales were mostly favorable, the findings should be viewed with caution in that the psychometric properties of the original measures were altered and may not adhere to the indicators of validity that were established (see Harrell et al., 1997). Despite these limitations, several results from this study were consistent with previous research findings concerning adolescent stress and coping. Hence, this study contributes to the burgeoning body of literature on the stress and coping process among African American adolescents, in particular, and ethnic minority adolescents, in general. Furthermore, the need for research on the stress and coping process among more economically and socially advantaged African American adolescents is encouraged in order to illuminate within-group variability (Slavin, Rainer, McCreary, & Gowda, 1991).

Acknowledgements This article is based on research completed in partial fulfillment of my doctoral dissertation at Ohio State University under the direction of Drs. Virginia Richardson (Chairperson), Shantha Balaswamy, and Patrick McKenry. I would like to express my sincere appreciation

1

Copies of the modified scales are available upon requests.

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to Dr. Youlanda M. Gibbons for invaluable feedback and suggestions on an earlier version of this article.

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