Criminal energetics: A theory of antisocial enhancement and criminal attenuation

Accepted Manuscript Criminal energetics: A theory of antisocial enhancement and criminal attenuation

Michael G. Vaughn, Matt DeLisi PII: DOI: Reference:

S1359-1789(17)30041-1 doi:10.1016/j.avb.2017.11.002 AVB 1155

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Aggression and Violent Behavior

Received date: Revised date: Accepted date:

30 January 2017 8 November 2017 9 November 2017

Please cite this article as: Michael G. Vaughn, Matt DeLisi , Criminal energetics: A theory of antisocial enhancement and criminal attenuation. The address for the corresponding author was captured as affiliation for all authors. Please check if appropriate. Avb(2017), doi:10.1016/j.avb.2017.11.002

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics

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Criminal Energetics: A Theory of Antisocial Enhancement and Criminal Attenuation

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Michael G. Vaughn*, PhD

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School of Social Work, College for Public Health and Social Justice, Saint Louis University,

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St. Louis, MO 63103

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Matt DeLisi, PhD

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Criminal Justice Program, Department of Sociology, Iowa State University, Ames IA 50011

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* Direct correspondence to Michael G. Vaughn, School of Social Work, College for Public Health and Social Justice, Saint Louis University, Tegeler Hall, 3550 Lindell Boulevard St. Louis, MO 63103 E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics Although energy is the currency of all life forms and energy is an underlying factor for physical and mental performance, its role in antisocial behavior has yet to be articulated. In this paper, we consider the role of energy in shaping antisocial and criminal careers and suggest that much like other forms of performance/productivity some criminal offenders are more energetic and

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therefore more virulent than others over the life-course. Specifically, we argue that energy is an

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enhancement and attenuator to an antisocial career and draw upon a diverse literature merging

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basic research on aging and energy production in human physiology and merge these findings with principles from the career criminal paradigm in criminology. Finally, we lay forth a set of

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research pathways, especially ways in which energy can be assessed, that can forge stronger

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links between the science of energetics and criminality.

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Keywords: age-crime curve; aging; antisocial behavior; career criminals; chronic offending;

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energy; energetics

Introduction

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics Universally and across time humans confront an inescapable constant: Energy. Much like other life forms, humans must capture energy from their environment to sustain themselves individually and collectively. In short, energy is the currency of all life forms. Whether it is whole-scale economies or any type of physical and mental performance, energy is a key

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underlying factor. However, energy varies across environments and some individuals are more or

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less “energetic.” This variation in energy capture and capacity for its use provides for differential

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outcomes over the life course. While for many years, ecologists and animal biologists have incorporated measures of energy expenditure or metabolic rate—the rate at which an animal

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oxidizes substrates to produce energy (Careau, Thomas, Humphries, & Burke, 2008) as a key

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component of many outcomes—surprisingly little research on humans outside of the study of aging and medicine have incorporated the concept of energy metabolism and expenditures into

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their theories.

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To our knowledge, no theory of antisocial behavior or crime has explicitly articulated a theory predicated on the physical phenomenon of energy. In this paper, we consider the role of

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energy in shaping antisocial and criminal careers and suggest that much like other forms of

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performance/productivity some criminal offenders are more energetic and therefore more virulent than others. We do not propose that energy is the “cause’ of criminal behavior, but

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instead suggest that energy is an enhancement and attenuator to an antisocial career. However, in the same way energetic antisocial careers are enhanced they are also prone, much like machines that run fast, break down, and dissipate. Despite this attenuation from offending, highly antisocial individuals are still difficult for their families to interact with, are recalcitrant, and often exhibit comorbid mental health and drug use disorders (Black, 1999; Caspi et al., 2014; Caspi et al., 2017; Compton, Conway, Stinson, Colliver, & Grant, 2005; Farrington, 1991;

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics Robins, 1966; Vaughn et al., 2011). So while they contribute substantially less to arrest figures and crime statistics they are usually not “cured” of their antisocial tendencies and remain socially burdensome. In short, their antisocial traits are still intact yet the behavioral energy necessary to project these underlying traits into action is attenuated with age.

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Here, we articulate an energy-based approach to research on the enhancement and

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attenuation of criminal careers. Little to no research attention has been directed on the energy-

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criminality connection and we therefore draw on a diverse range of research literatures, especially from the aging and biochemistry literature to build our case. More specifically, we

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review basic research on energy production in human physiology and merge these principles

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with findings from the career criminal paradigm in criminology. Finally, we lay forth a set of research pathways that can forge stronger links between the science of energetics and

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criminality.

The universal nature of energy

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Humans and other life forms have an evolved necessity to extract energy from finite

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oxygen laden environments to survive and replicate. Although collectively humans have developed impressive technologies and complex institutions, they are energy dependent

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creations. This dependence becomes readily apparent and hard-hitting when the electrical power goes out or gasoline becomes limited. In fact, when these episodes occur, the effects get “under the skin” by activating stress hormones. While there are numerous examples of energy interruption, many of which are catastrophic (starvation and disease), the point is that energy is an inescapable and powerful force underlying life. Energy is critical to human performance and most high performers seemingly possess good, great, or extraordinary energy levels relative to

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics less productive peers (Simonton, 2000). Put another way, in most fields of endeavor very few high performers possess low levels of energy. Obvious examples are sports and other athletic events, dance and the performing arts, and military and public safety.1 But, energy is critical to social, mental and creative activity as well including sales and marketing, elementary and

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secondary school teaching, productive science, and writing.

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In our view, one more endeavor needs to be added to the list, criminality. High-

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performing criminals, by this we mean those individuals who engage in illegal and antisocial acts with high frequency over relatively large swaths of time, are energetic. By high-performing

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criminal, we do not mean offenders who pull off a big heist and get away with it or who plan the

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perfect murder and are never caught. In particular, we refer to those severe offenders who account for a disproportionate share of crime. In the criminological literature, these offenders

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have been variously referred to as career criminals (DeLisi, 2005; DeLisi & Vaughn, 2008;

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Krueger et al., 2002; Piquero, Farrington, & Blumstein, 2003, 2007), the severe 5% (Vaughn et al., 2011, Vaughn et al., 2014), psychopaths (DeLisi, 2016a; Hare, 1996), and life-course

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persistent offenders (Moffitt, 1993; Moffitt, Caspi, Rutter, & Silva, 2001). For many

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criminologists, this subgroup is the essence of the crime problem and represents an important population requiring a public health approach composed of maternal health and early childhood

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prevention services (Farrington & Welsh, 2007; Vaughn, 2016).2 Moreover, the small subgroup of the most severe offenders usually starts their antisocial career precociously in early childhood, 1

For instance, arguably the most extraordinary statistical outlier in sports history is Wilt Chamberlain, the basketball Hall of Famer who famously once scored 100 points in a game, grabbed 55 rebounds in a game, averaged 50.4 points per game in a season, and, by his estimation, had sexual intercourse with 20,000 women. Although the validity of the latter statistic is questionable, it is important to note that Chamberlain by all accounts had an almost superhuman level of energy and was a lifelong insomniac. 2 The most serious offenders constitute the bulk of social burden across the life course. Using the 40-year Dunedin birth cohort data, Caspi et al. (2017) recently found that 22% of the cohort accounted for 36% of injury insurance claims, 40% of obesity, 54% of cigarette consumption, 57% of hospital nights, 66% of welfare benefits, 77% of fatherless child-rearing, 78% of prescriptions, and, most importantly, 81% of criminal convictions. This group could be effectively identified at age 3 years based primarily on their self-regulation deficits and cognitive deficits.

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics commits a broad range of offenses, engages in criminal activity at abnormally high rates, desists slower than other offenders (to the degree there is any evidence of desistance), and accumulates criminal productivity or statistics that dwarf those of less offenders. We posit that this group has

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***INSERT FIGURE 1 HERE***

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more criminal energy.

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Biochemistry and physiology of energy production

The metabolism of humans and other life forms are aerobic in nature. This simply means

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that we require oxygen along with carbohydrates, amino acids, fats, and other nutrients for

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glucose production and subsequently, energy production to take place. Each one of us has a basal metabolic rate, which is the result of our burning of calories outside of our physical activity

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levels (body at rest). The engine room at the cellular level for energy production is the

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mitochondria.3 Inside the cell, mitochondria factories generate energy via a metabolic pathway known as the Krebs Cycle so named for its discoverer Han Krebs in 1937 (Krebs & Johnson,

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1937; Moran, Horton, Scrimgeour, & Perry, 2012). The Krebs Cycle is a complex biochemical

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process by which the basic constituents of food are turned into energy while in the presence of oxygen. Each cell in the body possesses hundred, if not thousands, of mitochondria. The

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resulting product of these mitochondria factories is the creation of stored energy known as adenosine triphosphate (ATP). The implications of the biochemical process are profound as human tissues simply cannot survive without a constant flow of ATP. However, like many other processes there is a flip side to mitochondria energy production. Specifically, aerobic metabolism goes hand in hand with producing reactive oxygen species, often termed as free radicals, capable of harm such as in the cases of carcinogenesis, 3

For a history of the mitochondria and a timeline of important discoveries, see Ernster and Schatz (1981).

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics genetic damage, neurological disease and inflammation.4 It has been suggested in the free radical theory of aging (Harman, 1956) that aging, degenerative disease, and subsequent loss of energy over the life-course is a response at the cellular level to oxidative stress. Interestingly, because oxygen and glucose metabolism are critical components to energy production, it seems plausible

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that brain imaging scans (e.g., fMRI, SPECT, and PET) may be able to indirectly gauge relative

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energetic levels.

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Testosterone: An energy and vitality driver

One major source of energy drive for males especially is testosterone. However,

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substantial research has shown that testosterone levels decline with age in males (Gray, Feldman,

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McKinlay, & Longcope, 1991; Morales, Heaton, & Carson, 2000; Turner & Wass, 1997) and following the birth of children (Gettler, McDade, Feranil, & Kuzawa, 2011). This decline in

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serum testosterone levels generally begins to occur during the thirties and decreases by around

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1% each year thereafter (Feldman et al., 2002). The reduction in testosterone has been often referred to as andropause (e.g., Matsumoto, 2002). In addition to reduced sexual function, mood,

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and body composition (less muscle mass and greater abdominal fat), low testosterone is

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associated with less energy and overall vitality. Although testosterone is found in both sexes, males have a much larger supply that begins as a fetus, with upsurges at various points post-

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natally and especially during puberty (Baron-Cohen, 2003; Baron-Cohen, Luctchmaya, & Knickmeyer, 2004). This major difference in the quantity of testosterone is one of the key biological influences on why males are generally more aggressive and violent than females (Eme, 2007).5 Indeed, Eme (2016, p. 239, references omitted) suggested “Although males exceed

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For a broad and technical overview of energy production from the standpoint of free radical theory, see Beckman and Ames (1998). 5 Testosterone has been shown to differentiate not only more violent offenders from non-violent offenders, but also more chronically antisocial ones from less habitual offenders. For instance, Dabbs, Carr, Frady, and Riad (1995)

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics females in expression of externalizing emotions and in almost all externalizing behaviors and disorders across most modern cultures, males so far exceed females in the prevalence of chronic physical aggression, violence, and LCP, that these behaviors can be characterized as being almost exclusively male.”

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One question concerning the causal status of testosterone is directionality. For example,

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does testosterone drive the behavior or does the behavior drive-up testosterone levels? Sapolsky

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(1997) and others (Eisenegger, Haushofer, & Fehr, 2011) have noted that social behavior linked to such outcomes as winning a competitive event can drive up testosterone levels (Carré,

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Campbell, Lozoya, Goetz, Welker, 2013). For example, at the start of a 100 meter men’s sprint

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race there may be varying levels of testosterone among the participants but testosterone levels rise in the winner of the race. Presumably, this is due to testosterone being linked to social

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dominance hierarchies (Eisenegger, Haushofer, & Fehr, 2011). Although controversial, another

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long-standing view first put forth by Lorenz (1966) is that aggressive energy can accumulate. Despite the bidirectional nature of testosterone and behavior, this hormone is associated with

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well-being, energy and drive levels, and aggression. Additional evidence on the testosterone -

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energy connection comes from replacement therapy. Some of the potential benefits of testosterone replacement therapy are improvements in overall body composition, including

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increased muscle strength, improved sexual function and increased energy (Matsumoto, 2002). While it appears that decreases in testosterone roughly parallel the well-known decreases found in the age-crime curve (more on this later), there are other major factors influencing criminal energetics, one of which is temperament.

found that violent offenders and sexual offenders had significantly higher testosterone levels than property or drug offenders. Those with the highest testosterone also engaged in more institutional misconduct during confinement particularly violations involving overt confrontation (also see, Dabbs, Frady, Carr, & Besch, 1987; Dabbs & Morris, 1990). Similar findings have also been shown among female inmates (Dabbs & Hargrove, 1997).

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics Relationship between temperament and energy Although temperament, the largely inborn ways in which a person experiences their environment, is an ancient scientific construct dating back to Hippocrates (460-377 B.C.E.), there has been a recent resurgence of interest in the role of temperament with respect to

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antisocial behavior and behavior while in contact with the criminal justice system (Baglivio et

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al., 2016; DeLisi & Vaughn 2014; 2015; Garofalo & Velotti, 2017; Vaughn, 2016; Wolff et al.,

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2016). While DeLisi and Vaughn’s temperament theory focuses on effortful control and negative emotionality, there are other aspects to temperament that are germane to criminal energetics,

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namely assessments of early activity levels. It is remarkable how at such an early age common

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patterns of activity levels emerge. Some toddlers are busier than other toddlers moving about and are said to possess a high “motor.” Temperament researchers commonly use the concept

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surgency to reflect the childhood origins of these differences. Surgency encompasses several

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lower-order dimensions, including activity, low-shyness, high-intensity pleasure, smiling and laughter, impulsivity, positive anticipation, and affiliation. Activity is the level of gross motor

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activity that a child displays including the rate and extent of movement or locomotion. Low-

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shyness is the behavioral inhibition to novelty and challenge especially when the challenge is of a social nature. High-intensity pleasure is the pleasure derived from activities involving novelty

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or high intensity. Smiling and laughter is the positive affect in response to stimuli based on the intensity, rate, and complexity of those stimuli. Positive anticipation is the positive excitement and anticipation from expected pleasurable activities. Affiliation is the desire for warmth and closeness with others independent of shyness (Rothbart, 1989, 2007). Individual differences in gross and fine motor activity can be readily observed at an early age. Chess and Thomas (1996, p. 33) define activity level as “the motor component present in a

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics given child’s functioning and diurnal proportion of active and inactive periods.” There are several ways to assess a child’s activity level such as through observation of their behavioral preferences for moving about versus sitting quietly or parental reports of movement during napping, changing diapers or putting on clothes.

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High activity levels permit an enhanced ability to explore or engage a particular

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environment. Children who are particularly high on exploring behavior and novelty are able to

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engage an environment to a greater degree, on average, if their activity levels are also on the high side. As such, the high activity levels enhance whatever innate tendencies (e.g., impulsivity,

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aggression) are already present. Later on in the life-course, some tendencies such as impulsive

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sensation seeking and anger arousal mobilize energy. This aggressive exploration of the environment and subsequent interpersonal encounters seemingly necessitates a fairly high level

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of daily energy expenditure. We are unaware of specific assessments of activity levels among

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infants and toddlers and crime during adulthood. Again, our argument is not that high activity or energy levels are the cause of crime but instead enhance preexisting antisocial traits and delay

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the deceleration of the criminal career. Interestingly, animal researchers have suggested that

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predation rates are influenced by temperamental and personality traits (Careau, Thomas, Humphries, & Burke, 2008). It is possible that specific traits that manifest in voluminous energy

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expenditure are similarly related to criminal predation among humans. Strength and power

Several lines of evidence suggest age-associated loss of power and strength particularly in the upper bodies of both men and women (Metter, Conwit, Tobin, & Fozard, 1997; Skelton, Greig, Davies, & Young, 1994). In many cases physical force is necessary when engaging in crime and age associated loss and strength reduced the ability for aging offenders to engage in

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics such acts. Physical power depends on the ability to generate force. One explanation for reduced strength and power among aging offenders involves changes in the nervous system specifically related to control of the motor system resulting in slower movements and reaction times. Data from the Baltimore Longitudinal Study of Aging found that strength and power began to decline

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at age 40 in both men and women though the decline in power relative to strength was greater for

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men even after controlling for height, weight, caloric expenditure, and muscle mass (Metter,

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Conwit, Tobin, & Fozard, 1997). Reaction times also were found to decrease (Fozard, Vercruyssen, Reynolds, Hancock, & Quilter, 1994). In an earlier study looking of males across a

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wide range of ages (11-70 years), Larsson and colleagues (1979) found that strength increased up

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to the 20-29-year age group, with minimal changes to the 40-49-year group and then decreased significantly with age in the oldest groups. Strength was also significantly correlated with type II

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fiber, finding a decrease and selective atrophy of fast twitch muscle (type II fibers) with age. Of

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note, age remained significantly correlated with decline in strength when eliminating muscle fiber from the analysis which may suggest that factors other than fast twitch muscle fiber

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decrease contribute to age-related decline in strength. It is also important to note that strength

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decline with age did not correspond with any external atrophy of the quadriceps muscle. Although there is variation among individuals, results show the inevitability of these

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declines even among well-trained senior athletes (Faulkner, et al., 1995). The loss of strength and power during aging is thought to be due to hormones, growth factors, inflammatory factors and increased oxidative stress, and protein synthesis activators (Metter, Conwit, Tobin, & Fozard, 1997) but the conversion of energy production and its efficient use may underlie all these processes (McArdle, Katch, & Latch, 2009). More recent research based on a systematic review

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics and meta-analysis of nineteen studies has found that reduced muscle strength to birth weight (Dodds et al., 2012). That is, a higher birth weight was associated with greater muscle strength. Interestingly, several studies have found a relationship between size and violence. Felson (1996) found that physically larger and stronger adults were disproportionately more likely to

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engage in violent behavior. A study of professional hockey players identified a link between

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physical size and in-game fighting penalties (Deaner, Goetz, Shattuck, & Schnotala, 2012). This

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relationship has also been found among children (Farrington, 1989; Pellegrini et al., 2007), adolescents (Tremblay et al., 1998), and young adults (Archer & Thanzami, 2007, 2009). Salas-

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Wright and Vaughn (2016) found that physically larger Hispanics were more likely to be

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aggressive and inflict harm compared to smaller Hispanics. Aging and human performance

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The age-crime curve is an established principle, essentially indicating that crime and

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antisocial behavior begins to decline rapidly after the age of approximately 35. Although several plausible explanations have been advanced by criminologists such as desistance due to marriage

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and other life course events (Sampson & Laub, 1995), there is no etiological consensus as to why

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such a curve exists.6 In our view, the decline in crime as one ages in the aggregate (right tail of the distribution)is generally a result of a loss of criminal productivity due to reducing levels of

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energy. Interesting parallels to other life-course curves have been explored that converge with our theory. For instance, Kanazawa (2003) maps an age-genius curve using the biographies of 280 scientists and their greatest scientific contributions which peaks within a few years of age 30. He compares the curve with the age-crime curve, finding them to have similar shapes. In an 6

An important exception is work by biosocial criminologists. For instance, Walsh (2009) articulated that hormonal development, testosterone development, and neurological development readily explain the explosion of antisocial conduct in late adolescence and its usual steep decline during adulthood. These biosocial literatures have only relatively recently been advanced in criminology although they are central to psychiatry and psychology (Cohen & Casey, 2014; Luciana, 2013; Powers & Casey, 2015; Steinberg, 2007).

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics evolutionary theory informed vein, he argues that the same psychological mechanism is responsible for peak around early adulthood and decline in later adulthood, which is desire for access to women’s reproductive resources. Kanazawa asserts that men compete with each other to increase their resources and attract mates either through cultural displays of genius or talent or,

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if they do not have the genius or talent to produce these displays, but have the necessary effort,

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commit crimes against other men. Furthermore, Kanazawa discusses the effect of marriage on

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crime and genius, finding that crime and displays of genius decline after marriage which he suggests may be associated with testosterone levels which are found to decrease after marriage.

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We would argue that the ability or energy capacity to compete with other males is itself driven

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by energy levels and decline with age (though there is individual variation in this capacity). What is probably the classic work on age and productivity is Lehman’s (1953) work, Age

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and Achievement. Lehman employed a host of methods to reveal that achievement usually occurs

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relatively early in one’s career. He found that the peak of significant contributions from chemists on average occurred around age 35 to 40 which was similar to the average number of practical

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inventions during inventors’ lives. Using statistical distributions, Lehman listed specified age

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ranges for individuals in various specialties during which the maximum average rate of highly superior production occurred, the majority of which were during middle age. Lehman found

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similar age ranges for most highly successful athletes. Lehman noted possible causes for the early peaks in creativity including decline in energy and sensory capacity, poor health, hormonal changes, poor quality of life, greater indifference to creativity due to traumatic life experiences, increase in responsibilities and commitments, decrease in ambition after acquiring adequate prestige, and mental illness. Lehman also suggests that older adults may employ past knowledge over learning new information and therefore have greater difficulty with acquiring new skills.

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics There have been critiques of Lehmans’ work. Most notably, Dennis (1956) suggested that factors other than chronological age cause the decline in creative achievement. Dennis noted that Lehman did not control for longevity and may have chosen age intervals that exaggerated these sampling errors. Dennis also argues that there are weaknesses in the study criterion of significant

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contribution defined as appearance of the achievement in histories of the field or lists of “best”

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books, operas, etc. These accounts and lists may favor a man’s early work. Dennis also notes that

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standards change over time and that evaluations of more recent contributions may be more critical than those in the past. There is also an increase in competition as more individuals join a

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field. Dennis suggests that the decline in achievement is smaller when controlling for these

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methodological difficulties.

Later, in an exhaustive review of the literature, Simonton (1988) examined variations of

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the age curve, methodological issues, and theoretical perspectives of the data and then poses

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questions for future research. According to Simonton, researchers have tended to measure achievement across the lifespan in two ways, either assessing creativity through productivity

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changes over time or examining contributions of individuals through the occupation of

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leadership positions. In the study of creativity throughout life, there is agreement regarding the age curve, in that productivity rises to a peak and then gradually declines. The age at which the

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peak occurs and the strength of the decline has been shown to differ based on discipline. For example, productivity of individuals employed in pure mathematics has a peak around early thirties or late twenties with a steep drop-off, while those in medicine typically have a later peak in the forties or fifties and a minimal decline. These contrasts have been exhibited throughout history and across different cultures. There is also evidence of curves with two peaks, one at middle age and an upswing around retirement age, which is lower than the first peak, or other

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics curves with roughly equal peaks and a valley in the forties. Simonton finds that the research suggests there are distinct ways creators can achieve substantial lifetime outputs, including productivity beginning at a very young age (precocity), contributing until later in life (longevity), or an uncommonly large amount of output across an individual’s career (output rate). Precocity,

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longevity, and output rate are strongly correlated. Precocious individuals also exhibit longevity

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and both are associated with higher output rates. Simonton’s analysis, in contrast to Dennis’

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critique, supports Lehman’s earlier findings noting that investigators have controlled for competition without any significant outcome changes. Simonton also counters charges that

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suggest the assessment of quality depends on subjective ratings, noting that achievements can be

Diet, sleep, and inflammatory processes

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case, the number of offenses without arrests.

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measured objectively, such as an army general’s number of victories in battle or in our present

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Although some individuals are more energetic over the life course than others, several important factors theoretically can modify the influence of criminal energetics. These include

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diet, sleep, and inflammation. In recent years, criminologists and other behavioral scientists have

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found associations between diet and sleep. Nutrition and related topics such as food insecurity have important impacts on early development (Jackson, 2016; Jackson & Vaughn, 2017;

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Jackson, Vaughn, & Salas-Wright, 2017; Liu, Raine, Venables, & Mednick, 2004). Macro nutrients, such as protein, fats, and carbohydrates are necessary for just about every physiological process including the cellular energy and the central nervous system. One wonders whether offending careers once started would be enhanced or attenuated by a diet rich in lean protein, complex carbohydrates, essential fatty acids, and plentiful in antioxidant fruits and vegetables. No doubt, there is complex interplay at work. Interestingly, in a double blind

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics randomized controlled trial among young adult prisoners, fish oil supplementation was associated with fewer offenses committed by the treated group relative to placebo (Gesch, 2002). The role of sleep and offending suggests that a lack of sleep increases the probability of offending via the mechanism of reduced self-control (Meldrum, Barnes, & Hay, 2015). While

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less research has accumulated on the role of inflammation as assessed by such biomarkers as c-

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reactive protein among offenders, there are good reasons to think that the wear and tear of a

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virulent criminal career could lead to high levels of inflammation (absent protective genetic and/or lifestyle factors) which increases pro-inflammatory cytokines that might serve to slow

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down energy systems and accelerate chronic disease in the long-term (Libby, 2007). This may

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also be true of those who are exposed to violence by offenders (Heath et al., 2013). Thus, we

inflammation and decrease in energy.

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hypothesize that the attenuation of criminal careers would also parallel the increase in

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Career criminals, chronic offending, and energetics

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Few empirical findings in criminology are as strong as the asymmetry in offending where a relatively circumscribed group of approximately 5% of the population account for more than

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half of crime in the population and an even larger share of severe forms of offending including

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homicide, rape, armed robbery, aggravated assault, and kidnapping (DeLisi, 2016b, Moffitt, 1993; Vaughn et al., 2011; Vaughn et al., 2014; Whitten et al., 2017; Wolfgang, Figlio, & Sellin, 1972). This group of serious offenders is known by many monikers including career criminals, life-course-persistent offenders, severe 5% offenders, and the like, and they tend to initiate their antisocial career very early in life, engage in versatile forms of offending at very high levels, and continue their antisocial careers far into adulthood. Although prior studies have not employed energy as the explanation for their staggering criminal activity, disparate literatures can be

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics leveraged to show the salience of energy—or more precisely, hyper forms of energy—to the right-tail of the offending distribution. The age-crime curve is seen among the most pathological offenders suggesting that the inexorable effects of aging affect all offenders irrespective of their criminal propensity or

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criminal career. From a qualitative sociological approach, Shover (1996) described the adult

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lives of persistent property offenders and documented an assortment of cognitive, lifestyle, and

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emotional changes that reduced not only their criminal activity, but also their desire to perpetrate criminal activity. In addition to these offenders mentally tiring of the hassles of being in police

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custody, in confinement, or under the influence of substances, they also physically tired from the

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rigors of committing crime. Several reported they no longer had the energy to break into houses, fight, or attempt to rob victims. As a result, many served as mentors of sorts to younger, more

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energetic offenders to whom they would impart their experience and knowledge to successful

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perpetrate crimes. This is an important point because the criminal thinking and antisocial traits remained long after the physical energy required to victimize others had dissipated.

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Quantitative studies similarly reveal that the antisocial tendencies of career offenders

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(even though they too decline) are still dramatically higher than other offenders. A comparative study of career criminals who averaged nearly 60 arrests to “normal” offenders who nevertheless

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averaged 6.4 arrests (itself a threshold for career criminality) illustrates the differences in magnitude of offending. Career offenders were arrested 14 times more often, totaled 34 times more felony convictions, and were sentenced to prison 39 times more frequently than non-career offenders between ages 53 to 59. Moreover, career offenders murdered, raped, kidnapped, and robbed victims are levels that were exponentially higher than other offenders even though they were ages 40 to 60 (DeLisi et al., 2014). Despite the energy depletion that accompanies aging,

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics pathological offenders nevertheless demonstrate a capacity to commit crime that far outstrips other offenders even those who are decades younger. In terms of sheer productivity of dramatically more arrests, convictions, correctional sentences, confinements, and misconduct while in custody (Jennings & Reingle, 2012;

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Kasewater, Woodworth, Logan, & Freimuth, 2016; Lisak & Miller, 2002; Robertiello & Terry,

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2007; Vaughn et al., 2011, Vaughn et al., 2014), there would seem to be sharp differences in

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energy capacity between pathological criminals and their more normative offending peers.7 For example, Wright (2013) is a prison physician who provides care for inmates in the supermax

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prison facility in Colorado. The facility is famous for containing the most violent, recalcitrant

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inmates many of whom have assaulted, raped, or murdered other inmates or staff members. Wright observed that some of the most violent and unstable inmates have physiological

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indicators (e.g., blood pressure, pulse, and respiration levels) that are extraordinarily high and

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often precede their violent outbursts in custody.8 What is this energy, and what is its source? We rely on several forensic constructs that could shed light on energy differences among offenders

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and illuminate the extraordinary energy capacity and expenditure of the most severe offenders.

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Collectively, the current authors have several decades of clinical, practitioner, and research experience and the bulk of those experiences have involved interaction with and study

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of the most pathological types of criminals, including career offenders, homicide offenders, and sexual offenders. In various contexts, some of these offenders have articulated that they 7

An illustration is the infamous criminal Carl Panzram. An extreme offender whose criminal career spanned the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Panzram was executed in 1928 for a murder committed while in custody and is believed to have perpetrated at least 20 homicides and thousands of rapes of male victims in conjunction with many other offenses (Schechter, 2003). In Panzram’s autiobiography, he referred to himself as a “human animal” who had a seemingly limitless misanthropic energy and desire to perpetrate rape and murder. 8 It is important to note these physiological signs of hyperarousal immediately predated a violent event in prison and is not meant to convey that extraordinary violent offenders have hyperarousal generally. Indeed, a robust literature shows that autonomic hypoarousal and low resting heart rate are characteristic of psychopaths and more severe offenders (Armstrong et al., 2017; Jennings, Piquero, & Farrington, 2013; Kavish et al., 2017; Portnoy & Farrington, 2015; Raine, 1993).

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics experienced intense feelings characterized as “annihilation,” “rage,” “invincibility,” “anger,” “blind hostility,” “me-against-the-world,” and “unsettling energy” that could only be alleviated through aggressive outbursts, destruction of property, and substance use.9 The offenders had difficulty identifying the causes of these emotions and the catathymic energy it produced.

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However, the energy clearly had a negative valence that was imbued with antisocial motivation

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and persecutory feelings. Some attributed the energy to specific events in their childhood relating

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to abuse and other adverse childhood experiences, while others reported that the energy always existed and did not seem to be caused by anything. Indeed, some offenders were adamant that

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their behavior was not in response to others which seems to belie the peer rejection, social

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rejection, and perceived persecution that serious offenders commonly experience in early life (Dodge, 1983; Dodge, Lochman, Harnish, Bates, & Pettit, 1997; Dodge & Pettit, 2003;

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Patterson, DeBaryshe, & Ramsey, 1989). Still other career offenders seemed unaware that their

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offending careers were significantly more extensive and pathological than other offenders suggesting that they were not attempting to portray their psychopathology in comparative terms.

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In many respects, the vague, dysphoric energy that pathological offenders described to us

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shared many characteristics with the boundless energy and creativity evinced by eminent performers or geniuses in science and other behavioral fields. The energy was often disruptive to

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basic life functions and impaired sleep, eating, and relationships. Offenders would describe being unable to sleep for days at a time particularly after they had initiated their substance use careers, and could only relax or “come down” from the energetic high after engaging in crime. The

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The offender self-reports of their emotional life are consistent with research. For instance, in their personality study of 112 imprisoned murderers, Biro, Vuckovic, and Djuric (1992) found that nearly half of the murderers were characterized with a hyper-sensitive, hyper-aggressive profile which presents as “a person who is easily offended, intolerant of frustration, prone to impulsive-aggressive outbursts, possibly introverted and dysphoric. Such a person will be always dissatisfied and disappointed with people, and is very likely to show paranoid interpretations of social situations” (Biro et al., 1992, p. 364).

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics criminal energy was commonly described as cyclic where the offender would engage in sprees or runs of criminal activity (Hochstetler, 2002) just as eminent performers would experience surges in their creativity energy and output. The next section utilizes forensic constructs that could serve as the source of the energy that separate pathological offenders from other criminals.

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Candidate constructs for pathological criminal energy

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The feelings of rage, annihilation, anger, hostility, and persecution that offenders have

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revealed to us can manifest in homicidal ideation, defined as thoughts about perpetrating lethal violence regardless of whether a homicide is actually committed. Although homicidal ideation is

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fairly prevalent in undergraduate and general population studies, it is phasic, usually

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accompanies relationship strife, relationship termination, and social conflict (Crabb, 2000; Kenrick & Sheets, 1993), but is not necessarily a marker of antisocial conduct. In clinical and

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correctional samples; however, homicidal ideation is tonic, correlated with other serious

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psychopathology, and contributes to severe antisocial conduct. In forensic case studies of multiple homicide offenders, there is often childhood-onset of homicidal ideation directed

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toward family members, particularly their mother, peers, and animals the latter of which are also

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commonly killed (Johnson & Becker, 1997; Schechter, 2003). For instance, DeLisi, Tahja, Drury, Caropreso, Elbert, and Heinrichs (2016) reported a prevalence of 12% of homicidal

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ideation in a population of federal correctional clients in the Midwestern United States. Homicidal ideation was associated with more homicide, attempted homicide, kidnapping, armed robbery, aggravated assault, and chronic offending. Importantly, homicidal ideation withstood confounding effects of sex, race, Oppositional Defiant Disorder, Conduct Disorder, Antisocial Personality Disorder, Intermittent Explosive Disorder, and Schizophrenia. Homicidal ideation was also predictive of being in the 90th percentile or above on career arrest charges and career

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics assault-related charges. Thus it is a construct that exerts independence variance in serious criminal outcomes, is particularly associated with the extremes of offending, and withstands controls for behavioral disorders, demographics, and other controls. Moreover, suicidal ideation likely existed in prehistory where feuding between groups was a precursor to homicide and

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retaliatory violence (Boehm, 2011).

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Hypersexuality, characterized by abnormally high frequency, high intensity, and high

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time investment in sexual activity, is another forensic construct that presents an individual with extraordinary energy for criminal activity. Hypersexuality is commonly operationalized as

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individuals whose total sexual outlet (e.g., orgasms) is seven times per week for six months. In

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the general population, about 5-10% of males meet this criterion whereas among sexual offenders, the preponderance of offenders meets or exceeds this criterion (Kafka, 1997a, 2003a;

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Kingston & Firestone, 2008; Krueger & Kaplan, 2001). To illustrate, an offender in our clinical

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research experience who was on supervision for sexual abuse self-reported five or more orgasms per day that were achieved through intercourse with his spouse, intercourse with women in

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extramarital affairs, masturbation, and sexually abusing victims. During childhood and

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adolescence, this offender also engaged in a range of sexual behavior with several species of animals. During his lifetime, this offender met diagnostic criteria for exhibitionism, bestiality,

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frotteurism, sexual masochism, sexual sadism, transvestic festishism, voyeurism, paraphilias not otherwise specified (NOS), and pornography addiction. The case of mass murderer Richard Speck is also revealing. During his marriage, Speck forced his wife to have intercourse with him five or more times per day and his extensive criminal career was littered with a variety of sexual offenses culminating in the murder of eight student nurses in Chicago in 1966. Speck raped and sodomized some of these victims. After his death, videography was released that documented

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics Speck’s compulsive homosexual behavior with other male inmates throughout his prison confinement (Breo & Martin, 2016). Large-scale studies of the general population have shown that hypersexuality is associated with antisociality and sexual offending especially among those with pedophilic

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interests (Klein, Schmidt, Turner, & Briken, 2015). Kingston and Bradford (2013) studied nearly

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600 adult male sex offenders and found just 12% met clinical criterion for hypersexuality and

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these individuals were significantly more likely to perpetrate sexual and violent recidivism relative to sex offenders who were not hypersexual. Studying a sample of 161 sexual murderers,

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Briken, Habermann, Kafka, Berner, and Hill (2006) found a subgroup of murderers who evinced

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paraphilic disorders and paraphilic-related disorders had the greatest cumulative sexual impulsivity, the highest frequency of sexual activity, the highest frequency of sexually-related

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offenses, greater sexual sadism, and greater total sexual output (e.g., masturbation). In a study of

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offenders who perpetrated marital rape, Proulx and Beauregard (2014, p. 129) found evidence of a hypersexual pathway of offenders who were characterized as “sensation seekers who expect

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continuous gratification in all domains of their life.” Clinically, the group had personality

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features that were pervaded with psychopathy and narcissism and behaviorally they were hedonistic and engaged in an array of externalizing behaviors. In other words, the hypersexuality

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manifests as a relentless, compulsive, appetitive desire for sexual gratification, substance use, and antisocial conduct.10 Others have shown that hypersexual or sexually-impulsive persons display an assortment of impulsive behaviors including violent anger, temper outbursts, poor

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Extraordinary differences in criminal output/energy can be gleaned from many investigations of sexual offenders. For instance, Mathesius and Lussier (2014) examined correlates of actual and official onset of sexual offending among 332 federal male sex offenders in Canada. They found that offenders averaged 2.4 victims but the range was one to 91 victims. The mean number of sex crime events was nearly 21 with a range of one to 5,524! The lambda or annual offending rate had a mean of 9.76 with a range of .03 to 272.44!

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics anger control, and substance use disorders (Behnken, Vaughn, Salas-Wright, & DeLisi, 2016; also see, Ha & Beauregard, 2016). One explanation for the prolific, compulsive criminal behavior evinced by hypersexual criminal offenders is the monoamine hypothesis. Kafka (1997b, 2003b) theorized that

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abnormalities in the functioning and expression of monoamine neurotransmitters such as

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dopamine, norepinephrine, and serotonin results in pathological sexual motivation, sexual

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appetite, and sexually consummatory behaviors. Kafka’s model is an attractive conceptual framework to understand the prolific sexual conduct of sexual offenders shown by criminologists

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and psychiatrists. Another avenue for future research relates to the role of testosterone, or more

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specifically, treatment-induced reduction of testosterone, among hypersexual offenders. There are equivocal research findings about the linkages between testosterone and hypersexuality

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among sexual offenders (see, Wong & Gravel, 2016); however, there is a tangential literature on

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anti-androgenic medication including progesterone, medroxyprogesterone acetate, and cyproterone acetate that has been shown in reduce sexual arousal and sexual motivation in males.

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These concepts might provide clues to better understand hypersexual behavior among offenders.

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Another clinical construct of interest is the hyperactivity and hyper-energy capacity of individuals with ADHD Combined Type. Throughout its clinical history, ADHD Combined

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Type has been defined in various pejorative ways, such as defect of moral conduct, defect of moral control, hyperkinetic disease of infancy, hyperkinetic reaction in childhood where a cardinal feature was the extraordinary motor capacity that impaired self-regulation (Lange et al., 2010). For instance, Coy and her colleagues (2001) compared children diagnosed with disruptive behavior disorders to non-disruptive preschool boys and examined the interrelationships between social cognitive processes, such as problem solving during social interactions and their conduct.

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics They found that the disordered boys were twice as likely as other boys to generate action-based, aggressive solutions to problems in part because their interpretation of the situation was less accurate. Boys with lower IQ and greater language impairments were particularly prone to action. Children with disruptive disorders are also at risk for unintentional injuries in part due to

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their poorly-regulated, highly energized, hyperactive behavioral style. Meta-analytic studies

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provide copious evidence that ADHD is significantly associated with crime and delinquency

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(Pratt et al., 2002), substance use and abuse (Lee, Humphreys, Flory, Liu, & Glass, 2011), and comorbid with conduct problems (Waschbusch, 2002). Give these associations with conduct

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problems, the symptoms of ADHD Combined Type (admittedly, hyperactivity is only one

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symptom) engender serious enough criminal activity that criminal justice system involvement is also an additional risk outcome. For instance, a meta-analysis of 42 studies found a prevalence of

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26% among incarcerated populations (Young, Moss, Sedgwick, Fridman, & Hodgkins, 2015)

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suggested the condition is disproportionately associated with serious criminality.

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The hyperactivity feature of ADHD Combined Type is a specific example of the considerable variance in energy output that individuals with conduct problems can display. Other

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psychiatric conditions including autism and Bipolar Disorder I also reveal individuals that

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exhibit extraordinary hyperarousal and energy capacity that is severely impairing not only for that person, but also caregivers, teachers, peers, and others who must attempt to harness the astonishing energy. It is important to observe, however, that criminal offenders with conditions such as ADHD commonly lack consistent access to and usage of behavioral interventions and medications, such as Clonidine that significantly reduce the problem behaviors associated with the disorder (Connor, Fletcher & Swanson, 1999). Interventions and particularly medications such as Clonidine dramatically reduce the physiological arousal and hyperactivity symptoms in

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics ADHD and autism, thus these interventions serve as attenuators of the otherwise potentially criminal energy that can appear among offenders with disorders such as ADHD.

Testing criminal energetics theory

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Thus far, we have synthesized a broad literature in support of a criminal energetics

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paradigm. However, without clear specifications for testing our assertions, directly or indirectly,

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our theory will remain merely a promising set of speculations. Our overarching predictions are

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that high levels of energy enhance the versatility, frequency, and sustaining power of offending careers and antisocial behaviors and low levels moderate and increase the rate of decay in these

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careers. Below we outline some assessment strategies that provide a foundation for testing and

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some suggestions for future research that is consistent with criminal energetics.

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Assessment of energy

The first and most crucial step in testing is measuring energy. Assessments of daily

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energy expenditure need to control for the confounding influence of body mass (Speakman,

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Selman, McLaren, & Harper, 2002). We would predict, even among offenders, that daily energy expenditure is positively associated with illegal and antisocial activity. The main components of

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total energy expenditure are calculations of resting energy expenditure, physical activity (including antisocial behavioral activity), and thermogenesis (Kreymann, Adolph, & Mueller, 2009). There are a variety of ways to measure total daily energy expenditure (TDEE). For years the gold standard was the doubly labeled water method which measures carbon dioxide production (Buchowski, 2014). The subject consumes a dose of doubly labeled water, 2H218O, and both isotopes will equilibrate with existing water in the body, which includes food, water and atmospheric water vapor, and are then eliminated differently, 2H as water and 18O as water

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics and carbon dioxide. Carbon dioxide production rate can be then calculated by measuring the difference between elimination rates of oxygen and hydrogen (DeLany, 1997). Other regularly used methods include a whole room calorimeter in which metabolic chambers calculate subjects’ energy expenditure using changes in activity level associated with changes in respiration

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(Newton Jr., Han, Zderic, & Hamilton, 2013).

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To study TDEE, subjects remain in the whole room calorimeters for 24 hours and,

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depending on the study design, can eat, sleep, engage in physical activity and relax in the chamber. The calorimeters can measure oxygen consumption, carbon dioxide production and

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heat emission to compute energy expenditure (Moe, 1992). There are multiple predictive

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equations that have also been used to study TDEE and these are less of a burden of subjects than the previous methods (Gerrior, Juan, & Peter, 2006). These equations calculate basal resting

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metabolism and can calculate TDEE when added to a physical activity coefficient (Gerrior et al.,

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2006; Mafra et al., 2009; Lee, Baek, Kim, & Park, 2016). A common equation for basal metabolic rate used to find TDEE is the Harris-Benedict equation which accounts for gender,

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age, height and weight (Frankenfield, Muth, & Rowe, 1998). Studies have shown that this

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equation may overestimate basal energy expenditure (Daly et al., 1985). While the doubly labeled water and calorimeter methods may provide a more accurate measurement of TDEE,

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they are costly and have limited capability to assess free-living subjects. Therefore, researchers analyzed the ability for a new device, the SenseWearTM Armband, which collects physiological data via sensors, to calculate TDEE and found that when compared with indirect calorimetry measurements, it provided valid and reliable estimates of rest and exercise energy expenditure (Fruin & Rankin, 2004). The armband is easily worn by subjects and user-friendly, therefore it has been used to measure energy expenditure with a variety of populations, including individuals

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics suffering from medical conditions (Tsang, Hiremath, Cooper, & Ding, 2015; Ulas et al., 2012; Mafra et al., 2009). While studies have supported its validity for testing energy expenditure during some activities, other research has found that it overestimated energy expenditure and recommend improvements to the technology for this use (Vernillo, Savoldelli, Pellegrini, &

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Schena, 2015; Mackey et al., 2011; Elbelt et al., 2016; Manns & Haennel, 2012; Smith,

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Lanningham-Foster, Welk, & Campbell, 2012; Zanetti, Pumpa, Wheeler, & Pyne, 2014).

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While these aforementioned assessments of energy expenditure may possess technical precision, they are somewhat cumbersome. As such, there are other extant indicators of

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heightened criminal energy. One raw calculus includes the number of offenses, self-reported or

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official, divided by time or plotted as a function of age. Although subject to various bias, this simple calculation is advantageous due to its simplicity. Another measure that has been

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commonly employed with young children is observer activity levels. These assessments employ

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observation relative to other children of comparable age. Similar methods can be used in controlled settings such as prisons where surveillance of correctional populations lends itself to

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comparative observations of physical movement and their environmental effects.

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One self-report measure, the Multidimensional Fatigue Inventory (MFI) is potentially useful in the study of energy levels (Smets, Garssen, Bonke, & de Haes (1995). The MFI was

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developed to overcome the limits of existing fatigue measures, including a lack of comprehensiveness and current multi-dimensional measures are lengthy and may be assessing somatic illnesses rather than strictly fatigue. The MFI is comprised of 20 self-report items accounting for five dimensions of fatigue. The five dimensions were developed by the authors using confirmatory factor analyses. The first three dimensions, labelled General, Physical and Mental Fatigue, include expression of general remarks of individuals regarding their functioning,

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics references to physical sensations and references to cognitive statements. The fourth dimension, labelled Reduced Motivation, refers to the lack of motivation characteristic of fatigue and the fifth, Reduced Activity, refers to a reduction in activity, a common consequence of fatigue. The MFI includes 20 statements, 4 for each dimension, regarding aspects of fatigue experienced by

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participants in the previous days. Individuals completing the measure use a 7-point scale to

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indicate the extent to which each statement applies to them, with higher scores corresponding to

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higher degrees of fatigue.

Smets et al. (1995) tested the MFI using data from several groups of patients, including

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cancer patients treated with radiotherapy and individuals involved in a study of the chronic

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fatigue system. Data was also collected from junior physicians before and after several weeks of training which was assumed to generate fatigue as well as two groups of army recruits, one

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staying in the barracks and the other during physically intensive training. The control group was

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comprised of first-year students. Results indicate the internal consistency of the MFI and its validity as an instrument to assess fatigue with ability to detect differences between groups,

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within groups, and between conditions. Results from an additional study of the instrument for

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use with cancer patients receiving radiotherapy further supported its validity with this population (Smets, Garssen, Cull, & de Haes, 1996).

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The MFI has been subsequently translated into multiple languages and these versions have been validated (Tian & Hong, 2012; Gentile, Delarozière, Favre, Sambuc, & San Marco, 2003; Hagelin, Wengström, Runesdotter, & Fürst, 2007). Lin et al. (2009) examined the reliability and validity of the MFI with chronically unwell and healthy individuals in Georgia, using several criteria, the results of which supported its use with both populations and as a complementary diagnostic tool. A study of the Swedish version with healthy individuals and

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics patients yielded similar results, suggesting that the MFI is a valid and reliable tool for measuring fatigue in both populations (Hagelin et al., 2007). Subsequent studies support its validity and reliability for measuring fatigue in individuals with a variety of conditions, including Parkinson’s Disease (Elbers, Van Wegen, Verhoef, & Kwakkel, 2012), post-polio syndrome (Dencker,

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Sunnerhagen, Taft, & Lundgren-Nilson, 2015), fibromyalgia (Munguía-Izquierdo et al., 2012),

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Hodgkin’s lymphoma (Baptista et al., 2012), schizophrenia (Hedlund, Gyllensten, & Hansson,

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2015), and major depressive disorder (Chung et al., 2014). Although the MFI has not been tested with offenders its strong psychometric properties and ease of use make it a good candidate for

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study levels of energy.

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Program of research

In our view, a program of research on criminal energetics would involve a multi-method

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measurement strategy composed of aforementioned indicators of assessment and focused on the

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predictive capacity of energetics variables. Examples of these variables (see Table 1) fall into three domains including endogenous (e.g., metabolic rate, Testosterone, inflammation), mental

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health/behavioral (e.g., ADHD, Bipolar disorder, impulsivity), and exogenous factors (e.g.,

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stimulant drugs, peer and relationship motivation, dominance and status). Many of these variables can be incorporated into future research designs and/or analyzed using extant research

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data. Moreover, energetics reasoning can be accommodated within a wide variety of theoretical viewpoints just as biosocial theory is increasingly integrated with classic criminological theories (see, Fox, 2017). Energetics is directly compatible with temperament theory, self-control theory, and psychopathy; theories that point to powerful, omnibus individual-level constructs that explain crime and analogous forms of conduct.11 But there are additional opportunities for

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Within an energetics framework, the constellation of features inherent in self-control theory (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990) are likely fruitful for understanding how energy differences relating to impulsive behavior and a

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics theoretical integration. For instance, Anderson’s (1999) code of the street hypothesis has received substantial empirical support in understanding abnormally high homicide offending and victimization among African Americans. Scant research has investigated person-specific moderators of the street code. We hypothesize that youth with extraordinary energy capacity

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coupled with other antisocial features (e.g., hostile attribution bias, psychopathy, negative

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emotionality and low self-regulation) are likely the most prolifically violent youth in the inner

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city.

Several types of studies are needed. For instance, time-specific/time ordered (e.g., last 12

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months) so change and stability in energetics can be measured in relation to violent and non-

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violent offending and probability of recidivism and examining post-release transitions of different energetics profiles. Prospective studies that assess the risk and protective factors that

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mediate/moderate the effect of energy levels on antisocial behavior would also be useful. In align

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with these types of studies, are analyses that use matching procedures to assess the “treatment” effect of energetics in observational data. Other investigations such as examining the comorbid

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conditions associated with high levels of criminal energy such as substance abuse and

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dependence, mood and anxiety disorders, and personality disorders would be illuminating. In addition, other designs would shed much needed light on the role of energy including behavior

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genetic studies of high energy phenotypes and ethnographic studies of offenders exploring their self-perception of their own energy levels in relation to initiation and desistance from offending. ***Insert Table 1 here***

proneness for active, physical (as opposed to cognitive and verbal) conduct manifest in severe antisocial behavior. Using the Dunedin (New Zealand) birth cohort data, Piquero, Moffitt, and Wright (2007) found that those with the lowest self-control had the worst criminal careers in terms of participation, frequency of offending, and persistence. Others have similarly shown strong convergent validity between low self-control and career criminality (DeLisi & Vaughn, 2008; Larson et al., 2015), suggesting persons who are acutely impulsive, hyperactive, and physical in their actions also commit crime at the greatest rate and for the longest span of time.

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics Another critical issue to empirically explore vis-à-vis criminal energetic relates to motivation. The physiological and psychic energy that pathological criminals display is likely closely intertwined with perturbations in motivation. As Hogan (1997, p. 89, references omitted) observed, “the earliest scientific theories of motivation (motivate=to cause to move) invoked

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concepts such as instinctual urges and libido and psycho-physical energy.” In other words, the

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candidate constructs that we offered in this theory pertain mostly to physiological drives such as

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hypersexuality or hyperactivity, but they also embody a psychological, cognitive dimension. Criminals who have extraordinary energy will only become pathological offenders if they are

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motivated to do so.

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Fortunately, Wood and colleagues have advanced a conceptual model of the reinforcement processes in habitual criminal behavior (Wood, Gove, Wilson, & Cochran, 1997; Wood, Wilson,

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& Thorne 2015). According to Wood et al. (1997), a variety of structural, situational, and

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personality traits contribute to the etiology of criminal behavior. Once initiated, crime provides physiological rewards in the brain and the offender derives pleasurable sensations (e.g.,

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intoxication, euphoria, exhilaration, sexual gratification, pride, accomplishment). Findings from

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studies on the relationship between dopaminergic polymorphisms, which are part and parcel of the reward pathway, and offending lend additional evidence to this line of reasoning (Buckholtz

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et al., 2010). In addition, the offender benefits psychologically in terms of providing symbolic meaning to the criminal actions, improving self-worth, and recognition of the attainment of exogenous rewards, such as money, social status, and other instrumental rewards. Among a sample of incarcerated sex offenders, Wood et al. (2015) found considerable support for their conceptual model and the most pathological offenders—those who committed 65 or more acts of child molestation or 425 or more acts of exhibitionism or voyeurism—experienced the greatest

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics positive affect from their crimes and the least negative affect from their crimes relative to less prolific offenders. In other fields of human activity, motivation and energy capacity are required conditions to realize extraordinary output or production (see Deci & Ryan, 2000). The latter research findings are suggestive that the most prolific sexual abusers similarly are highly

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motivated and achieve positive affect when they successfully victimize others.

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Conclusion

Energy is an inescapable component of all life forms. In this paper, we reviewed the role

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of energy as an underlying factor in antisocial behavior and articulated how it may fuel antisocial

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careers and explain their attenuation. We also offered a research agenda as to how the construct of energy can be better integrated in a productive way for the benefit of future investigations.

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We now close with some observations about the small literature on what becomes of

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seriously antisocial individuals toward the end of life. In psychiatry, Black, Baumgard, and Bell (1995, 1996) studied 71 patients who were discharged from a psychiatric hospital between 1945

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and 1970 and who were followed between 16 to 45 years later. During the mid-twentieth

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century, the patients had been admitted under a variety of diagnoses including psychopathic personality, antisocial reaction, explosive personality, sociopathic personality disturbance, and

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others. At follow-up, they found that 42% were unimproved in their behavior, 31% showed modest improvement and nearly 27% remitted. Twenty-three subjects participated in semistructured interviews that revealed considerable life problems and behavioral deficits even in the midst of overall improvement from their youth. Nearly 90% admitted to being behaviorally “troubled,” nearly 75% reported getting into frequent physical fights and excessively drinking

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics alcohol, nearly 70% had frequent job changes due to being terminated or simply quitting, and their overall functioning was low. A similar study of elderly adults age 65 years or older who had Antisocial Personality Disorder and had been confined in a psychiatric facility between 1945 and 1970 in The

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Netherlands was conducted by van Alphen, Nijhuis, and Oei (2007). Of the men in their sample,

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only 26% showed improvements in their behavior as indicated by a decrease in criminal activity.

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The remaining 74% continued to engage in antisocial behavior and the most common offenses were for they were arrested were sexual offense, fraud, and assault. Some were subsequently

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arrested for homicide. Nearly 70% of the men justified or rationalized their continued criminal

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activity and nearly 60% were unrepentant. Their lives were characterized by various forms of aggression, lying, impulsivity, living a disordered life, and posing a risk or danger to themselves

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and others. In other words, long after aging took its inexorable toll on their energy capacity, the

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assorted problematic and unsavory features of their antisocial disposition remained. In the sociological criminology paradigm (e.g., Laub & Sampson, 2003), the predominant

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view is that virtually all offenders ultimately desist from crime for a variety of social,

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psychological, and even biological reasons associated with maturity and ultimately, with aging. Yet even Laub and Sampson recognized that although Father Time might have slowed the

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criminal pursuits of persistent offenders, their negative features and the devastation of their lives remained. Laub and Sampson (2003, p. 195), concluded, “This group of persistent offenders did not apologize for their behavior, nor, for the most part, did they make excuses. Generally, they saw themselves as responsible agents, though not in a moral sense. Moreover, the men appeared to be painfully aware of the choices they had made and, as they looked back, they saw a life

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics filled with misery and missed opportunities. The sense of loss is profound, and they will carry their broken dreams with them forever.” What these studies tangent but do not explicitly discuss is energy. The study of high-rate criminal offenders to which we have devoted considerable time and energy in our careers

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repeatedly elucidates parameters upon which the most prolific offenders are so quantitatively

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ahead of their criminal peers that they almost become qualitatively distinct. We hypothesize that

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an extraordinary, self-perpetuating energy is the force that drives pathological offending and criminal careers. If Freud was correct that instinctual drives toward sex and aggression explained

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much human behavior, then constructs that bear on pathological manifestations of these,

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including temperamental activity level as seen in ADHD and other conditions, homicidal ideation, and hypersexuality are candidate constructs to examine criminal energetics.

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In sum, we hope that our new insights on energy and criminality spur new thinking and

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research on aging and crime, variation in offending careers, and why and how latent or manifest

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Conflicts of Interest

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levels of energy may play a role in antisocial behavior over the life-course.

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The authors(s) have no conflicts of interest to report

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Figure 1. The Mediating Role of Energy in the Enhancement of an Antisocial/Criminal Career.

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Emergent Antisocial Traits

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Heightened Levels of Energy

Increased Offending and Antisocial Behavior

Increased Duration of Antisocial Career

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Regulatory Disordered Infant

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics Table 1. Types of Energy Variables. ______________________________________________________________________________ Endogenous Physiological Mitochondrial function

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Testosterone

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Genetics (parental history) Oxidation and inflammation

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History of ADHD Bipolar depression

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Use of psychoactive stimulant drugs

Nutrition

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Use of steroid or human growth hormone

Dominance and status

______________________________________________________________________________ Note: Not intended to be an exhaustive list of possible variables but instead are those that are perhaps most applicable to the present discussion.

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RUNNING HEAD: Criminal Energetics HIGHLIGHTS The role of energy in shaping antisocial and criminal careers is examined Energy is an enhancement and attenuator to an antisocial career

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A set of future research pathways for studying energetics and criminality is presented