Crisis and permanence of the traditional Mediterranean landscape in the central region of Spain

Landscape and LWxm Plaming, 23 ( II993 ) 15% 166 Elsevicr Science Publishers B.V.. Amsterdam

Crisis and permanence of the traditional editerranean landscape in the central region of Spain

Sancho Comins. J.. Basque Sendsa. J. and Norcno Sanr. F.. 1993. Crisis and permanence e central region of Spain. ka~adscapc C’rban Plum.. 23: 155-I 66.

of ihe tradItIona

Mediterranean

ral ~a~ds~a~e of the Mediterranean regions has undergone ccr) important transformations during the past 30 traditiOwal agricu!tura! system, which dominated !and use for centuries. underwent a crisis at the same time odern technology was introduced to agriculture. The Iandscape recorded the impacts of that crisis and now shows s of modern technological application. The Alcarria of Guadalajara (central Spanish region) is a sparsely populated eminently agricultural area, which is characterized by a series of vast and high piatkins on whi,n exists a hydrologic network that has fern-ed valleys of various s. Cereals, olive groves. and vineyards occupy the agricultural soil; pastures cover most of the forested areas in which small ‘quercinea’ forest persist. Within the Alcarria, a pilot area (Trijueque) has been chosen to test cartographic analysis oflandscape change. First. attention is focused on land use on two dates ( I957 and 1983 ). land use being the most ostensible manifestation oflandscape morphology. Stable and dynamic areas are differentiated: structural ttstlsformation (technological application )_ environmental impact. and Eandscape appraisal are addressed. Each of these landscape elements can be judged to have experienced progressive, regressive. or precariously balanced dynamics. This diagnosis. expressed on a summary map, will enable decision making in the domain of territorial politics to be properij gr~umkbk

CRISIS AND PERMANENCE OF THE TERRANEAN CENTRAL REGION OF SPAIN The Mediterranean agrarian landscape has been profoundly transformed over the last 30 years (Cabo Alonso, 19:33; Camilleri, 1984; Tio, 1986; Garrabou et al., 1986; Sancho Comins, 1989). In some areas human activities

Correspondemc to: J. Sancho Comins, Departamento de Geografia. Univcrsidad de Alcalh de Henares, Facultad de Filosofia y Lctras. c/Co!egios, 2. 28801 Alcalfi e Henares. Madrid. Spain.

0 1993 EIsevier Science Publishers

have left irreparable marks and unchained regressive dynamic processes. The aim of this work is to evaluate the changes that have occurred as a result of the crisis of the traditional Mediterranean agrarian system. 1 his objective para!lels the European Community agrarian policy as recently expressed by the Commission des Communautkes Earopeennes: “The need to maintain the sociai fabric in rural rcgions, to conserve the ilcttural cnvironmc It, and to preserve the landscape created during 2000 years of agriculture, are determinant reasons why society has chosen a Green Europe, which protects the practice of agriculture and at the same time serves the long-term interest of European citizens” (Commission des Communautees Europeennes. 1985, p. 2 ).

B.V. A!! rights reserved 0 !69-2046/93/$06.00

4. SANCHO COMI(NS ET AL.

We shaic ihis preoccupation. However, these measures are not only difficult to implement, they also require considerable investment. To accomplish the objective, thematic cartography and interviews with farmers are used. The maps generated allow the changes that have occurred in the 1~_ioscape to be evaluated easily. The data base was previously generated with a GIS to obtain a more complete and coherent cartography. Using a series Gfinaps, this paper reveals the fundamental events that have marked the recent dynamics of a model Mediterranean landscape. It is necessary to study these processes to understand their present characterization and to undertake me=lc,ures that will preserve or recuperate these areas. In this particular case, thematic cartography noi only constitutes an ideal visual means of expression but also becomes a true investigative method. The field trips, but most of all, the constant contact with farmers provided us with extremely valuable information that was essential to our understanding of the deeper structure of the landscape. Crisis

qf the traditimal

agrariari s_v teru

The traditional system was characterized by the following. larger and you logical resourc barely covered necessities. The region seemed to maintain a certain ecological equ: librium, although on some occasions it was subjected to heavy exploitatidnP Man was tied to his roots; farming was labor-intensive with a low level of productivity. The landscape was the direct result of the hand of man, and an ecological balance was maintained despite expioitation. In the last 30 years, emigration has resulted in depopulation. The technology used in agricultural activities has greatly increased: machinery, fertilizers, new seeds, pesticides, etc. The old system was dismantled. The fields that

had been under biennial rotation, ‘afiadas’, or under triennial rotation now receive extraordinarily productive seeds and fertilizers that maintain soil fertility without the necessity of 3 fallow year. In addition, the use of different machines has drastically reduced the time required for agricultural activities. i he .-Ik-an-ia

qf Gtladdajara

The interior of the Iberian Peninsula is made up of two wide plateaux called ‘mesetas’, separated by a mountain range, the ‘Sistema Central’. These highlands are surrounded by a series of mountain chains which help to isolate them ?ven more from the sea. The Alcarria is ern ‘meseta’. The hydrograp system created valleys, ‘camp%& of different widths, between which arise wide platforms, the ‘paramos’. Rainfall in this region is scarce (550-600 mm), whereas evaporation and transpiration potentials reach 800 mm, causing an annual hydric shortfall of some 250 mm. Hot summers and cold winters mark a temperature regime that is clearly contrasted, and there are only uu Qn frost-free days per year. In short, the environment is favorable for scrub and oak woods ‘encinares’ ( Qr~rcus r’!ex sp. rotmdif’dia ) and ‘quejigales’ ( Quercus fughea). Relati; ely dense populations settled in the campifiz ani the slopes of the paramos and m2ch more thinly over the chalky psiramos. Garden-far xs , unirrigatzd grain fields, and olive groves are cultivated. The first are found in the clmpiiias or in the shelter of springs on the slope; the second on the high ground of the p6rargo and the best floors of the campifia; the third, olives, were cultivated on the worst soils. Forestry exploitation for firewood, honey, lumber, charcoaling, hunting, etc. was intense. Numerous herds of livestock wandered over the fallow lands and hillsides, and, when necessary, joined the seasonal movements of animals to greener pastures.

CRISIS AND PERMANENCE OF THE TRkDITIONAL MEDITERRANEAN LANDSCAPE

TRIJUEQUE: A PILOT METHOIBOLOGICAL TEST

In the A!carria, Trijueque (Fig. I ) was chosen for the pilot methodolo$a? test because it onal characteristics dee is a model township and is divided into the three morphological WliW typical cf /!?carria - the ptiamo, line mesa (the slope or bluffs), and the campica ( river valley and plain ) ( Fig. 2 ) . Historically, Trijueque was settled on the t its largest, the populahabitants ( 19 IO); now there are only 63 farmers, with a marked age-

-71

$ 0

Fig. 1. Location of Trijueque.

Fig. 2. Topography of Trijueque.

3QOKm

157

ing index ( 52% are over 55 years of age). The cultivated land was 2640 ha in I978 ( 72% of the municipality) (Ministerio de Agricultura, 1978). A total of 59 farms (including cultivated and non-cultivated land) are spread over arelargerthan iOOhaand t are smaller than 10 ha. The cultivated land is diVi&t iS”LU -zry small fields (6.658 fields in the totai count with a mean size of 0.4 ha and a mean number of 112 per farm) (Institute National de Estadistica, 1984). In short, this reduced space presents characteristics that are very like those of the rest of the Alcarria and as a consequence, this methodological study may well be v&d for later application to a wider territory: ill this case, the Alcarria itself.

The landcover in t957 and f983 was studied, the period of time between these two dates being large enough to observe any evolution of the landscape that may have occurred. The photointerpretation of the 1957 (Servicio GeogrzUico de1 Ejercito, 1957) and 1983 (Instituto Geogr6fico National, I983) flights, with the respective approximate scales of 1: 33 000 and 1: 30 000, was laid over the Spanish National Topographic Map at a scale of 1: 50 000 in both cases (Instituto Geografice National, 1976 ). This scale allows sufficient detail in the cartographic representation as well as enough generalization for a contrasted view of this reduced space. As can be seen in the 1957 land-cover map (Fig. 3 ), there were four types of arable land: the campifia, the slope, the piramo, and, on the pairamo, a forest area. The farmed lands on the pAram were divided into two parts for crop rotation, one for wheat or barley followed by a fallow year and vice versa. The town was situated on the edge of the farmed land. Some of the fallow fields might carry legumes (lentils, vetch, peas and purple vetch ) that were usually planted before barley. Nearly 1000 head of sheep grazed the fallow land, and their dung,

J_SANCHO COMINS ET 4L.

tSs piece ol”land. The single owner of this land and its essential Gmction (ejnergy supply ) con-

Fig. 3. Land cover in Yrijue;uc, 1957. 1. herbaccous field cul4. herbaccous field culture: 2. olive groves: 3. pasture/scrub: ture in the hills of the pk-amo: 5. hcrbaccous field cuhurc in the hollows on the piramo: 4. oak wood: 7. liuman scttkment.

which was accumulated in ‘rile stables or was deposited directly on the ground by the flock, is important for soil fertility. Fallowing, and the occasional sowing of leguminous species were two other methods that made biennial cereal cultivation possible. The hollows on the farmed paramo always yielded more than the rises, which always required more effort (removing rocks, slower plowing, etc. ) and produced scantier harvests from their thinner soils. In the campifia the heavy and clayey seepfilled bottoms followed the same rotation of sections required cereals and fallow. So draining with stone fill drainage ditches covered with friable soil. There were thick olive groves on the glacis and the tops of the rolling hills and only a few cultivated fields on the side or slope of the paramo. Sometimes, grain fields and at other times, olive grovel; would fiii narrow terraces or ‘ribazos’. A tGn low scrub mostly made up of furze and lavender covered most of the banks and gullies. Livestock fed on the scarce grasses that sprouted on this untilled land. Finally, a large wood covered over the eastern third of the piramo. It was an Encinar or oak wood forest (Quercus ilex sp. rotundifolio ) with many quejigos ( Quercus fuginea ) , systematically used to supply firewood and charcoal. A large landholding coincided with

tributed to the preservation of the characteristic profile of the Mediterranean landscape. In 1983 the landscape had a Different aspect ( Fig. 4 ). The landcover was characterized by grain cultivation at the pgramo and campifias. Olive groves remained on the glacis and the extent ofthe oak forest had been reduced. Thicket covered the talus and the extent of the urban land (historic town and the new urbanization) was considerably increased. In the intervening period between 1957 and 19&3, 22 co-proprietors had taken over the landholding and plowed part of it under while selling off the rest to other pcoplc who either conserved it or laid out a geometric street plar of a holiday housing estate. The biennial rotation system was also broken and instead, the cultivated land was IFirmed continuously; in 1983 cereals were being continuously harvested, and both the fallow year and the legume plantings were suppressed. A small service area nestles beside the hi way on the place that previously was reserved for the threshing field. This development emphasizes even more the differentiation between the obviously deteriorated small historical nucleus and the expansion area, which

2 Km

B

- tc E

Fig. 4. Land cover in Trijueqt.e. 1983: I. herbaccous farmed field culture .L. olive groves: 3. pasture/scrub; 4. herbaccous field culture in the hills of the pkamo: 5. herbaceous field culture in the hollows of the pgramo: 6. oak wood; 7. human settlement: 8. urbamzation.

CRISIS AND PERMANENCE OF THE TRADITIONAL MEDITERRANEAN LANDSCAPE

Fig. 5. Land cover exchanges in Trijueque ( 1957-1983). I, Grzin/grain; 2. olive groves/ok groves; 3. scrub/scrub: 4. oak/oak: 5. urba~~~rba~: 6. oak to urbanization: 7. cereal to anization; 8. cereal to small m-we ma: 9. oak te CCi-4.

etter taken care of. In

I383

the

highway

\ly=rn s WPP mudimm1 BY mwbruning _AAUI.C>VI_ Y .w J inqmmt, tion and becoming a motorway with all the cnvironmental and landscape implications that involves. A new housing development, the Mirador, occupied land previously used for grain cultivation and even advanced onto the slope. The few fields on the slope, whether previously used for grain or for olive groves, by 1983 had been abandoned, although livestock grazing continued in much the same way as in earlier times. The morphological changes in the landscape over the period studied are pate& iri Figs. 4 and 5.

The causes of the changes described above are the decisions made by people related to technological availability, harvest and market planning. The structural characterization of these changes has a triple perspective: technological, economical and agronomic. Intensification/extensification agrarian use

The first aspect to be shown, ihe agronomic (Fig. 6), is the intensification process of the farming system. A space intensifies its agrarian use when it yields a larger number of har-

15c‘t

Fig. 6. Intensification /extensificatlon agrarian use in Trijueque ( 1957- 1983 ): 2, no agrarian land; 2. high extensifkation; 3, light extensification: 4. no change or stability: 5. htgh intenstticatron, 6. wry high inttnsifimtmn.

vesfs or when it changes in use from forestry to agriculture. Land is extensified when the traditlonal farming practices are lost, and it is abandoned to its natural dynamics. This qualitative appreciation can be made by direct observation of the territory and by interviewing farmers. It seems obtious that the land area which has suffered most use intensification is a part of the oak wood which was turned into plowed fields under a system of cereal rotation (Fig. 6 ). The old two sections of arable land have changed from the classic biennial pattern of rotation to continuous cereal cultivation. The olive grove is unchanged, while the land on the slope has been slightly extcnsifled, since some previously plowed fields are now used for livestock and forestry. Lastly, the oak wood recuperated (become taller and thicker) and extensified once the traditional uses were abandoned. Tdkological applicat iorz

Regarding the agricultural land, we study the level of technological application for each of the large units of landcover in 1983: hollows. nills and hillsides of the piramo, the campifia and the olive groves (Table 1). Methodologically we have opted to restrict th,- analysis to cultivated lands, and within these to the ‘ecozones’ as differentiated by their agricultural use, top-

J. SANCHO COMlNS ET AL.

160 T.1BLE i Tecnnologic

impact on four agricul:ural

.Agricultural unit

Hollows of the pat-am0 Hills of the p&am0 Camp;iia Olivr grove

Mechanization

units in Trijueque

Varietal improvement

Fertilization Value

increase

Full

Positive

Full

High

Full Full Low

Positive Positis;’ Negative

Full Full Low

High High Lou

Fig. 7. Technological application to agrarian land: 1, no agrarian, . 2. high technologrca! applrcatron; 3, medium technological applicatron; 4. small technological applicatton.

ographic location and soil support. This characterization will create a typology that can be translated to a map 4 Fig. 7 ). Three technoiogical aspects and four variables were used: mechanization, varietal improvement and fertilization ( value and increase ) (Table 1 ). The data in Tables 1 and 2 were obtained by interviewing one farmer in great detail. The basic criterion in the choice of farmer was that he had been living on the farm for more than 40 years. During our stay more than 80 questions were covered and a detailed form was filled out. The analysis identified the condition in 1983 and the transformation process that had recently occurred in each of the four differen-

tiated agricultural units. Table 1 summarizes the evaluation. In most cases agricultural tasks in the cereal-growing areas were fully mechanized in 1983. In contrast, pruning and harvesting in the olive grove still required high investment in hand labor, as at the time in question, these activities could not be mechanized. In addition, the change in the farming system was possible owing to the varietal improvement and the massive use of chemical fertilization. By 1983, traditional varieties of wheat and barley had been replaced by newer, more productive varieties; in contrast, the same varieties continued to be used in the olive groves. The use of chemical fertilizers had clearly grown on all the cereal-growing land in comparison with its much smaller use in t olive groves. Nevertheless, more fertilizers were used on the ptiramo than in the campinas. In summary, there seems to be a net opposition between the technological potential applied to cereal-growing land and the much smaller use of technology in the olive groves.

The work hours employed on a farm and the yield they generate are two essential facets that affect a farm’s economic feasibility. Table 2 summarizes the qualitative assignations based on a detailed interview of one farmer. Our results indicate that the olive groves require six times more care than the arable lands of herbaceous crops. Nevertheless, the latter must be subdivided into three parts. 7 he campifias require more care than the psramo, and the slopes and hills on the paramo require more attention. Mechanization dramatically reduced the number of work days required by the different fields; in 1983 the grain fields and the olive groves needed 90% and 30% fewer hours than in 1957, respectively. Before mechanization, ground-breaking, re-plowing, furrowing, sowing, fertilizing, raking, weeding, cutting off the edges, mowing, reaping, harvesting, carting and threshing required nearly 200-220 man-hours per hectare, while the same tasks

CRISIS AND PERMANENCE OF THE TRADITIONAL MEDITERRANEAN LANDSCAPE

I61

TABLE 2 Man-hours

and yield

Agricultural units

Eollows of the p&ram0 Hills of the p&am0 Campifia Olive groves

Man-hours

( I1T.M)

Yield ha- ’

Y i&d per man-hour

Value

Evolution ( I950-90)

Value

Increase (1950-90)

Value

Increase Q1950-90) --

Low

Marked drop

High

High

High

High

Medium Hi@ Very hioh

Marked drop Marked drop Slight drop

Lo’& Medium

High High Stable

Medium Medium Low

High High Low

could SC Cone ia sc)mc ‘15h in 1983. However, the tasks of plowing, pruning, thrashing and harvesting in the olive grove have gone from 135 to 95 h ha-‘.

The output of the different farms varies markedly with their location, since the agricultural quality of the soil is an essential condition with regard to yield. We can classify the priramo hollows as high

yield areas (3000 kg ha- ’ )y the campitias as medium (2000 kg ha- ’ ) and the hills and hillsides on the p&am0 as low yield ( 1500 kg ha- ’ ). With regard to the olive groves, we differentiate between the groves located on deeper soils and the ones on the paramo slopes. Nevertheless, we have not classified the olive groves as comparison with the grain fields is inappropriate on the terms employed here (kg ha- ’ ). We can say that olive production has remained the same, whereas the yield of grain increased two-fold over the last period studied. The paramo bottoms produce more with less work time, similar to the p;iramo hills and campifias. Productivity (yield per man-hour) is lower in the olive groves. In general, the manhour investment required to produce a similar gross economic result in the olive groves is six times greater than in the unirrigated herbaceous crop growing areas. The olive groves are

not as profitable as the other unirrigated crop areas.

Until now we have classified Trijueque on the basis of external elements, most notably land cover and its internal dynamics, that is, the technological and agrological processes that have taken place. Both have implications for the landscape and its environmental quality. A more global evaluation of this land is our present objective.

The basic criteria for envirorlmental evaluation are recuperation of the climax vegetation and the deterioration or mai:,:enance of the soil balance. Direct observation and interviews with farmers were used to obtain the data. Figure 8 shows the results. It seems clear that over the 26.year period, the net progressive evolution of the remaining oak ;voods caused the reconstruction of their habitat; the abandonment of firewood gathering resulted in the re-establishment of a thick forest. The paramo slope lost some small farming plots where cereals, olives or almonds were cultivated. The land became cover&d by the the slope. gorse $ ist has always characteri The abandonment of the small garden plots helped homogenize land cover and perhaps

1. SANCHO COMINS ET AL.

that had not received significant human attenplowing) clearly tion (i.e. urbanization, recuperated. ~wluurior~ (?/Xc sisual qwliry q f t/w laudscape

cl-

r

FIN. 8. Environmental cvaluatlon of the agrarian land in Trijuequc. 1990: 1. non Jbrarian land; 2. LCT) high damage: 2. high damage: 4. stable; 5. light I L;OLer) ; 6. high I-CC~~cp.

lowered the risk of erosion. The rest of the slope supported a sparse, low-lying vegetative cover that has neither advanced nor receded. Consequently, this is a relatively stable area, which due to its topographic condition, is one that is very sensitive to erosive agents. Unftess one counts the constant soil loss from the fields located on slopes, there was no appreciable deterioration of the olive groves. Chemical fertilization did not increase significantly and productivity in 1983 was simiiar to that of 1957. In contrast, the cereal growing areas suffered a serious deterioration in the natural equilibrium of thei: fertility. The soil as N’ere ore susbecame mineralized a ceptible to disease. High yields had been obtained at the cost of constant human intervention (artificial fertilization, massive use of herbicides and phytosanitary treatments, etc. ). Figure 8 shows that the deterioration was maximnm in areas where the oak forest had been replaced by a system of cereal farming. Clear environmental deterioration occurred in those fields that. having been under bi- or triennial rotation. were changed to continuous cultivation; the increase in apparent productivity was obtained by breaking a very precarious natural equilibrium. Environmental quality was maintained in the olive groves and on the piram slope, although there have been advances or reverses on a local scale. Finally, the oak wood

In the previous sections we have considered only the land suitable for agrarian use. This section deals with an evaluation of the visual quaSty of landscapes of the whole area of Trijueque, i.e. urban agrarian. forest areas and the highway. Eight variables are used (Ramos et al., 1976, 1979, 1980; Escribano et al., 198’J ). The eight variables have been grouped into three sections: physical environment, human action, and global evaluation. The physical medium considers two facets: relief and vegetation. The former compares visual contrast and monotony of topography; the latter considers developmental stage, density and presence of vegetable plant life as well as the quality and visual appearance of specific plant formations. Human action on the landscape is expressed as agrarian land occupation, urban and industrial buildings and the transportation routes which produce negative or positive visual impacts, and occasionally also impact on other senses (acoustic contamination, etc. ). Findiy. three facets are considered in what we have called the global evaluation: singularity, activity and receptivity. The first calibrates, among other values, the ecological, scientific, historic, and teaching values of landscape; activity is measured by the influence of a given land unit on the neighboring areas (this can bc high or low and always positive or negative); receptivity is the observer’s possibility of perceiving other landscapes from the area being analyzed, that is, to perceive wider or narrower horizons. A team of ten persons, from urban areas and experts in the application of this methodology, carried out the field evaluation in each of the previously differentiated units that are listed in Table 3. This method alJoided greater subjectivity by contrasting the opinions and weighting the definitive judgements. Each

CRlSlS AND PERM.aNENC’EOF THE TR tDITION4L MEDIlERRr\NEAN LANDSCAPE

tfl3

TABLE 3 Landscape evaluation Landscape

unit

Relief

Fomt

Oak forest

3

IO

Ptiramo Campiiia Shopc lirbaninatlon forest tlrbanization

7

SlOpC

Land cover

Buildings

Singularit)

Activity

IO ‘)

I 0

z

5

-_

6

0

-_

-I

-I

Recepti %.ity

6 4 6 5

6 9 5

5

6

;

Consequences

0 z 5 9

near ‘)

6

-3

-I

7

3

-3

-_

0

war 3

9

5

9

orical tkmcnt xcw

6

-1

1

-I

scttlcmcnt

z

0

--

7

-_

3

-_

‘)

-6

-_

7

? -L

-. the variable dots not exist.

variable or characteristic studied was scored from - 10 to -k IO. In this way, each of the ten analytic units received an index that ranked it according to its landscape value (Table 3). Figure 9 clearly shows the spatial distribution of the values of Table 3. ( 1) The slope, campifia and oak wood head the ranking with the highest values, each for a different reason as can be seen in Table 3. (2) The traditional 0

Fig. 9. Visual evaluation of the landscape positive; 3. negative: 3. wry negative.

1

1. very positive: 2.

settlement and the cereal piramo are paired; the first, although in a state of severe deterioration has other positive characteristics. (3) The growth area of the human settlement and the two housing developments are the third lever in the evaluation. (4) The exogenous presence of the highway as well as its service area are the most foreign elements in this landscape, with the understanding that the area affects a strip that extends some 200 m on either side of the highway.

A global judgement for each of the units studied can be reached from the preceding analyses. The structural characterization and its dynamics, and the environmemdl and landscape evaluation lead to a sketch or rough draft that, while retaining the most significant features, calls attention to possible decisions for the improvement, conservation and best adaptation of land use to the potential of this area. The resulting typology is the result of five basic questions. Was traditional use intensi-

3. SANCHO COMINS ET AL.

I 64

fied? Was the natural landscape vocation respected? Were there any human acts that affected landscape quality? Was there any environmental deterioration? Are there persistent structural problems? Each question can be answered by consulting the variables that have been analyzed (Tables 1,2 and 3 ). According to these questions, we may define three types of area. We speak of a progressive area when the traditional use was intensified or the unit’s natural aptitude was strengthened. A space is classified as regressive when it has lost cultural care or significant changes have been produced in land cover which imply notable ecological impacts, that are in open contrast to the traditional structure of the landscape. Areas in precarious equilibrium are those thrt maintain their traditional morphological and landscape constants without having undergone use intensification, although they may be threatened by important problems. Figure 10 shows this final synthesis of progressive, precarious and regressive areas. The oak wood has been considered a neatly pro-

c-e-__,

0

2 Ktr

Fig. IO. Synthetic map of Trijucque. 1990: 1, progressive land without problems; 2. progressive land with structural and environmental problems: 3. land in poor equilibrium with cnl,ironmcntal problems; 3. land in poor equilibrium with erosion problems and cn\.ironmcntal impacts; 5, land in poor equilibrium N Ah economic problems; 6, regressive land due to loss of climatic vegetation and transition to agricultural use; 7. regressive land due to loss of climatic vegetation and transition to urban use; 8, regressive land due to the change from agricultural use to urban USC 9, regressive land due to physical damage: IO. regressive land due to high environmcntal and landscape damage.

gressive area; the abandonment of systematic firewood gathering favored the oak forest, which is the natural expression of this environment and the progressive tendency of this area should be conserved. The cereal-growing areas, on both the p;iramo and the campifias, have also been considered progressive, since their agricultural orientation has been accentuated by their high yields; nevertheless, problems related to environmental deterioration and delicient infrastructure (over 6000 fields, which translates to 100 per farm and 0.6 ha per field) require immediate attention. Three areas are in precarious equilibrium. The growth zone of the urban center has been so judged, and the symptoms that alert us to this include abandoned houses, a decreasing and ageing population, environmental deterioration from the road, e.g. acoustic contamination, etc. The siope has also been included in this class because it has sur”feredsignificant impacts (roads, holiday homes), as well as the abandonment of farming lands and the gullying that can appear in certain parts. Despite having kept its traditional physiognomy, the slope is subject to possible deterioration if human acts are not carried out with care or the condition of the slope is not protected. The olive groves on the campitia have constantly lost profitability for the farmer; the difficulty of mechanizing certain tasks and the small size structure ofthe farms makes ii dirfficult to keep them up. The olive groves have great landscape and agrological value that should be preserved (the olive grove is a typical part of Mediterranean culture); measures should be taken to protect them against the farmer’s indecision with regards to their maintenance. The regressive area is affected by the most severe problems. Important economic interests normally coincide tvith significant environmental and landscape impacts. The plowing under of a good part of the oak grove to convert it to unirrigated grain fields may be considered to be a clear regression, although the immediate benefits to the farmer have com-

CRISIS AND PERMAPJENCEOF THE TRADITIONAL MEDITERRANEAN LANDSCAPE

pcnsated him for the decision. The land has gone from a climax vegetation to an artificial culture, producing a relatively high yield although the soil quality has been seriously af-

fected. The construction of two holiday home tracts, one within the oak grove and the other on previously used land for cereal cultivation and the slope itself, have contrasted strongly with the traditional physiognomy of this landscape. This is difficult to evaluate as regressive when the economic wealth that has been generated in both cases is much higher than before. From the economic and perhaps social the area has progressed, but harthe environment has suffered, and on some occasions, the quality of the buildings is not really adequate. The small historic center of settlement is in a state of open deterioration: many houses and even the parish church are abandoned, with ruins everywhere. It can therefore be considered a regressive area which requires urgent ervation measures. Lastly, the highway aa surroundings generate an environment that clearly contrasts with the countryside that it crosses. The highway shows the effects of contamination and the qualification of regressive space is understandable. Even so we must admit the urgent necessity df its construction and the benefit the highway will bring to the regions it connects (Madrid and Barcelona ) . CONCLUSION Thematic cartography is a basic tool in landscape studies. For certain processes - in this case the dynamics of agrarian landscape - to be adequately understood, spatial phenomena must be reflected to scale and in their exact position. Thematic maps express the most relevant facts of the landscape architecture (visual elements) and also locate structural aspects and global evaluations in space. Studies and diagnoses of a territory require a more abundant use of cartographic resources than what is habitual.

t65

The agrarian landscape is the result of the crisis of the traditional system and its replacement by a new agrarian system: abandoned lands, loss of forest, intensification of graingrowing areas, conservation of olive groves i12

precarious balance. In addition, external action produces building of two new urban settlements and one highway. The Mediterranean rural landscape is under intense crisis, making it very fragile and sensitive to external pressures. The cultures are concentrated in a few areas. Abandoned land has a socio-economic disadvantage (emigration of the population) and an ecological benefit (return to climax vegetation). In summary, the results presented of the survey carried out on a small part of the Alcarria of Guadalajara, Spain, demonstrate the methodological validity of agrarian landscape analysis as well as the importance of thematic cartography in the scientific investigation process. REFERENCES Cabo Alonso, A.,1983. Transformaciones en el mundo rural espaiiol durante el tiltimo cuarto de siglo. Coloquio Hispano 1-rances sobre Espacios Rurales. Tomo I. Instituto de Estudios Agrarios, Pesqueros y Alimentarios, pp. 3144. Camilleri, A., 1984. La agricultura espaiiola ante la CEE. !nstituto de Estudios Economicos, Madrid, 750 pp. Commission des Communautes Europeennes, 1985. Perspectives de la politique agricole commune, Bruxelles, 61 pp. Escribano, M.M., De Frutos, M., Iglesias, E., Mataix, C. and Torrecila, I., 1987. El paisaje. Unidades Tematicas Ambienta!es de la DGMA. MOPU, Madrid, 117 pp. Garrabou, R. et al., 1986. Historia agraria de la Espafia Contemporanea III: El fin de la agricultura traditional ( 19001960). Critica, Barcelona, 566 pp. Pnstituto Geografico National, 1976. Mapa Topografico Nacional. 1 : 50 000. institute Geogrdlico National, Madrid. Injtituto Geografico Nscional, 1983. Vuelo National. Irwtituto National de Estadistica, 1984. Censo Agrario de Espatia 1982. Tomo IV. Resultados Comarcales Y Municipales. Guadalajara. Instituto National de Estadistica. Madrid, 130 pp. Miristerio de Agricultura, 1978. Mapa de Cultivos Y Aproa-echamientos. 1: 50 000. Brihuega (Guadalajara ). Ramos, 4. et al., 1976, Visual landscape evaluation. A grid technique. Landscape Plann., 3: 67-88. Ramos. A. et al., i 979. Planifkacion fisiCa )I eCol@$Ca EM&A. Madrid.

166 Ramos. .A. et al.. 1980. Estudio de1 paisaje. Trabajos de la c‘rit,&ti A Tianifkac~~n. ETSIM, Madrid. Saiji no CornIns, .I.. 1989. La actividad rural en Territorio > Soctcdad en Espaha. Taurus. Madrid, pp. 173-207.

3. SANCHO

CUMINS

ET AL.

Scrvicio Gcogrhfico de1 Ej&-cite. 1957. Vuelo National 1957. Tio. C.. 1986. La intcgracihn dc la agricultura espanola en la Comunidad curopea. Mundi Prcnsa. Madrid. 224 pp.