Demographic pressure and natural resources conservation

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a v a i l a b l e a t w w w. s c i e n c e d i r e c t . c o m

w w w. e l s e v i e r. c o m / l o c a t e / e c o l e c o n

SURVEY

Demographic pressure and natural resources conservation Emmanuel Ambe Timah⁎, Nji Ajaga, Divine F. Tita, Leonard M. Ntonga, Irene B. Bongsiysi Ministry of Scientific Research and Innovation-Cameroon, MINRESI LITTORAl, B.P 5193 Douala Cameroon, Douala, Littoral, Cameroon

AR TIC LE I N FO

ABS TR ACT

Article history:

A field survey was carried out in the villages of Nlobesse'e at the Western periphery of the Dja

Received 12 April 2006

Biosphere Reserve, South Cameroon, to evaluate the various effects that the increase in the

Received in revised form 10 July 2007

local populations exert on the conservation of the natural resources of the reserve. Survey

Accepted 28 August 2007

results show that the population was increasing rapidly at 40.00/00 per annum, with 61.54% of

Available online 26 November 2007

the total inhabitants originating from other parts of the country. Despite the rapid population growth, the population of the Kaka and Baka ethnic groups also known as the pigmies who

Keywords:

have been noted by ECOFAC (Ecosystème Forestière d'Afrique Centrale) for having a marked

Biodiversity

negative impact on the conservation of the natural resources (because they depend mostly on

Biosphere

the natural resources of the reserve for their livelihood and practice very little or no agriculture)

Conservation

were decreasing at a rate of 6.2%. Probably they sought better hunting, gathering and collecting

Demographic pressure

conditions elsewhere in the reserve. Animal proteins originating from the reserve provide most

Income

of the animal proteins consumed by the households and the entire population of Nlobesse'e

Natural resources

demands 44.4 kg of “bush meat” per day. It was also noted that the local population practiced very little agriculture in the reserve. Hunting and fishing, activities that have been noted for having a negative influence on the conservation of biodiversity contributed 15.2% and 11.2%, respectively, of the total income of the households. Other sources of income included: wages earned from the agro-plantation that contributed 40.3%, farming 24.2%, commerce 3% and others 4.58%. Merchant middlemen also referred to as “buyam sellam” and individuals with no commercial interest were the two main relay agents responsible for transporting natural resources out of Nlobesse'e. It would have been expected that the increasing population combined to the high incidence of poverty in the region (per capita income of 225 FCFA or $0.3 per day) would have exerted a high sustainability pressure on the conservation of reserve resources. However, this was not the case because of an agro-plantation in the area that provided the local population with the necessary income to buy foodstuff and other needed resources from far away areas. To maintain this trend, it is recommended that other sources of income such as the creation of small-scale enterprises and ecotourism should be encouraged in and around biospheres reserves. © 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

1.

Background and motivation for study

Many researchers, for example Armenteras et al. (2006), Demont et al. (2006), Pfeffer et al. (2005), Sankhayan and Ole (2001), Poleman (1977), Commoner (1974), Hardin (1974) and Malthus

(1798), have studied the problem of an increasing population in relation to diminishing available natural resources. In the 18th century Malthus stated that humans have the inherent tendency to multiply geometrically, that is, the more people there are the more they tend to reproduce. However, the supply

⁎ Corresponding author. Tel.: +237 342 09 32; fax: +237 342 91 22. E-mail address: [email protected] (E.A. Timah). 0921-8009/$ – see front matter © 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2007.08.024

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of food and other needed resources rises more slowly, for they do not increase in proportion to the existing food production. This is of course the famous Malthusian relationship and leads to the conclusion that the population will eventually outgrow the food supply and other needed resources leading to mass deaths unless some other contravening force intervenes to limit the population growth (Commoner, 1974). This study therefore seeks to determine whether a similar Malthusian scenario is developing at Nlobesse'e in particular and in the Dja Biosphere as a whole, given that ECOFAC (Ecosystème Forestière d'Afrique Centrale) had noticed very rapid population dynamics in the reserve (ECOFAC, 2000b). The increase in population of this locality can be attributed to two main factors; the internal and external population dynamics. On one hand, the internal population dynamics consist of the natural growth of the population. It has been found that the increase in the natural population growth rate is due to the opening up of this area, the provision of better health services and other positive impacts of the activities of ECOFAC in and around the vicinity of the Dja biosphere reserve (CEW, 2000). This finding is concomitant with that of Xavier's (2002) who associated the demographic transitions in Europe in the 18th century with a reduction of child-cost and with technical progress. On the other hand, the external population dynamics refer to the net migration. At Nlobesse'e the reverse of rural exodus occurred i.e. there was migration from the urban centers to the rural areas due to hardship in the urban and semi urban areas imposed by the 1986 economic and financial crises1 (Manga and Weise, 1994, ECOFAC, 2000b). Joiris and Tchikangwa (1996) have shown that in the ECOFAC support zones, a majority of the youths had spent some time in the nearby towns such as Meyomessala, Mbalmayo, Sangmelima, as well as in far away areas such as Yaoundé and Douala for the following reasons: i) to get married; ii) to seek work; iii) to further their education; iv) to learn a trade or v) to seek better opportunities. Most of these youths returned to the villages for the following reasons: 1) their parents could no more support the cost of their education because of the sharp drop in the prices 1 From 1986–1994, Cameroon had a serious economic depression that was provoked by two main reasons; the first was a sharp decrease in the prices of Cameroon's main exports and the second was the depreciation of the US dollar with respect to the FCFA. The prices of oil dropped by 65%, closely followed by that of coffee and cocoa by 40% between 1984/85 and 1986/87 Cameroon financial years. This situation was further worsened by the progressive exhaustion of the country’s petroleum reserves that led to a deterioration of the terms of trade by 60% from 1986 to 1993 (World Bank 1995). It should also be noted that between 1985 and 1988 the export of manufacturing fell by more than 40%. The FCFA franc also became over-valued corroding Cameroon’s competitive position, particularly in its trade with neighboring Nigeria. The consequences of the economic crisis were very severe because it created a number of structural distortions and disconnects such as: labor market segmentation, an uncontrollable increase in the size of the informal economy, chronic fiscal deficits, unsustainable external debts and the accumulation of domestic arrears (Emini and Fofack, 2004). The GDP declined by over 6% per year between 1986 and 1993 producing a 50% drop in per capita income (World Bank, 1995). Cumulatively, this represents a drop in average per capita consumption of over 40% in eight years — a collapse that has been one of the most painful that any country had suffered.

of coffee and cocoa, (which were the principal source of earning or cash crops) at the out set of the economic crises; 2) Young girls returned to the villages because of unwanted pregnancies and failed marriages, while others returned because of poor health and the absence of relations in town to help them recover properly; 3) The Agro-plantation complex at Nlobesse'e has been revamped and provided employment opportunities and other side benefits, thus motivating young people to migrate to the villages and benefit thereby and; 4) Some returned to the villages to carry out commercial hunting (Joiris and Tchikangwa, 1996). Pimentel and Marcia (2001) believe that rapid population increase threatens the present population in terms of their well being and personal freedom. They feel that each individual added to the global population not only diminishes the quality of life of all those already present but also diminishes their share of available natural resources. This view though somehow radical is very important especially in less developed societies like Nlobesse'e where the inhabitants still greatly depend on the available natural resources for their survival. Armenteras et al. (2006) noted that in the Colombian Amazon, areas with the highest degradation coincide with areas of high population density and low quality of life. Hence population processes have a significant impact on natural ecosystem degradation. They further noted that an increase of one inhabitant per square kilometer leads to a greater than 7% loss of natural ecosystem. In this light, it is obvious that increasing population and the resulting demographic pressure has an impact on the environment, because additional resources have to be tapped from the environment to provide for the ever increasing needs of the growing population. In Southern Senegal, demographic pressure had led to a direct pressure on woodland because more land would be needed for cultivation and grazing to meet with the increasing demand for food crop and livestock. In addition, there is the need for additional wood-fuel collection and charcoal making, as well as other miscellaneous products and the cash requirements of the village household (Sankhayan and Ole, 2001). This situation prevails at Nlobesse'e because different studies have shown that there is a strong dependence link between the local population and the available natural resources. These resources are acquired through agriculture, hunting, fishing, collecting and gathering (Ntonga et al., 2000). This agrees with the findings of Chopra and Pushpam (2004) who postulated that the biological characteristics and the nature of the economic regime determine the mix of services available to any economy from the forests. In this light, demographic pressure leads to an increase in the exploitation of reserve resources thus compromising the delicate balance of the ecosystem. The inhabitants of Nlobesse'e not only directly influence the conservation of the natural resources of the biosphere because of their forage activities; they also exert indirect pressure on the ecosystem leading to fragmentation, degradation and in the extreme the loss of the habitat of other plant and animal species (Florian et al., 2007). In the long run, this can compromise the ability of the environment to perform some of its fundamental and irreplaceable functions, such as climate stabilization, waste assimilation, detoxification and nutrients recycling (Ayres, 2007). In the Southern region of Cameroon, Manga and Weise (1994) have noted that, commercial hunting contributed to 54.4% of the total income of the households, while the

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collecting and gathering of natural products contributed 1.20%. Thus, in this area we still have the most primitive form of human economy, consisting of collecting natural resources wherever and whenever they might be found. We can therefore expect that population increase will force the indigenes of this area to forage beyond sustainable limits leading to the extinction of many plant and animal species before their useful potentials could be exploited for the benefit of both present and future generations. Simone (2006) reported that there are two principal reasons why human societies follow development paths that exhaust basic renewable resources with a consequent dramatic deterioration of their well being: i) A social-ecological system that does not allow for sustainable development and ii) Changes that shift the system into unsustainable equilibrium. In Nlobesse'e the first reason proposed by Simone is not relevant because the inhabitants of this area have co-existed with nature for a very long time without any significant degradation of the environment. The second reason holds because the present demographic transition in the villages is tilting the balance against the sustainable use of reserve resources. Therefore, the increase in the population of Nlobesse'e is a threat to the quality of life of the inhabitants. However, this is not necessarily the case if the inhabitants can find new ways to attain a high quality of life while consuming fewer resources. This could be achieved if the inhabitants exploit their natural resources in a sustainable manner (Mulder et al., 2002). From every indication, the management of the natural resources at Nlobesse'e is problematic. What is the way forward? Many researchers have proposed how available natural resources could be equitably distributed without jeopardizing the harmonious co-existence of nature. The following solutions were found in the literature: Pasqual and

477

Guadalupe (2003) believe that the best way to treat a disease is not by curing its symptoms but by attacking the cause. They feel that the root cause of inefficient use arose from free access to natural resources, which has provided agents with very little incentives to behave in an efficient manner. Accordingly, they proposed that intergenerational distribution of natural resources property rights as the ultimate way to achieve a long term solution. Baland and Jean-Philippe (1997) believe that the private incentive to participate in conservation investment is of prime importance and should be taken into account. In this light, they proposed that an exogenous increase in the incentives would allow a gradual shift from a situation where the tragedy of the commons prevails to a situation where spontaneous cooperation prevails. Outsiders' help, by favoring communication and establishing trust amongst the inhabitants, may act as a catalyst for a group of resource users to overcome coordination failure (especially in the case where there exist sub-optimal incentives). Gössling (1999) feels that ecotourism is the answer because the sustainable use of ecotourism may outweigh the costs of conservation. Another way in which this problem could be tackled is by ignoring the fact that the Dja reserve is a Biosphere and expelling the inhabitants. However this is not a viable solution because not only will expulsion entail additional enforcement cost but it will also reduce the total use value of the forest, because the products provided by the forest will no longer be used by the inhabitants (Campbell et al., 2000). This study was therefore commissioned to put in place observatories capable of determining the source of any sustainability pressure (In this paper, sustainability pressure refers to all the possible actions by humans or otherwise, be it positive or negative, that are capable of disrupting the harmonious co-existence with nature) on reserve resources,

Fig. 1 – The map of Dja Biosphere Reserve in relation to the protected area map of Cameroon.

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quantifying its impact, and forecasting its evolution so that appropriate measures can be taken whenever the need arises.

2.

stakeholders and the ad hoc village consultative committees that were created in the villages and the plantation. An interview guide was used to animate discussions. These discussions were focused on the following topics;

Methodology

This study was carried out from April to July 2000 at Nlobesse'e, which is located at the Western periphery of the Dja Biosphere Reserve (located between latitude 2°10′ and 3°2′ N and longitude 12°25′ and 13°35′E, at an altitude of 600–800 m above sea level); see Fig. 1. Using the cluster and strata sampling method as illustrated by Deaton (1997), each of the two villages — (Nlobesse'e Proper and Nkol Dja) and the Plantation were divided into three principal strata. Primary data were collected in the course of the field survey using both the standardized and unstandardized formats. The principal tool of the standardized format was a questionnaire aimed at collecting general information about the importance and impact of the Dja Biosphere to the various households. It was administered to 68 heads of households out of a total of 129 households. In conjugal relationships, the questionnaire was administered in the presence of the spouse, and the spouse was constantly encouraged to voice his or her views. However, the questionnaire was still administered if the spouse was unavoidably absent. In addition, a census was conducted in the villages to establish its principal demographic characteristics. In the unstandardized format, Participatory or Rapid Rural Appraisal was used in which a multidisciplinary team composed of an agro-economist, an eco-guard, a forest technician, and a facilitator visited the Plantation, the villages, and the reserve. In the course of each visit, on-the-spot assessments were done with each member of the team concentrating on a particular aspect of the overall theme. At the end of the day, the team held a meeting during which the various assessments were combined to form a single report. The appraisal team also had discussions with various

1. The importance of the reserve to the survival of the people of Nlobesse'e 2. The factors that motivate or de-motivate them to engage in conservation activities 3. The status of the conservation of reserve resources before and after the agro-plantation complex was revamped in 1995. 4. Describing the processes of hunting, fishing, collecting and gathering. 5. Their expectations about the Conservation Service and ECOFAC For an impact assessment of this magnitude to be carried out successfully, baseline data were of critical importance. Unfortunately, this was not the case so we greatly relied on an anthropological study carried out in the region by Joiris and Tchikangwa (1996). The Village Consultative Committee also provided very valuable information on what existed before 1995 which was considered as the baseline year. It should be noted that before 1995, the Akong-Ndong eco-guard checkpoint (Eco-guard checkpoints are most often static road blocks set up by forest-guards, also called “eco-guards” along strategic roads and paths where all passing vehicles and pedestrians are systematically searched) aimed at controlling the outflow of the reserve's resources was not yet operational so reserve resources could easily be transported out of the area. Furthermore, the agro-plantation that was created in 1984 had some structural problems by 1987 and was not operating at full capacity. Therefore, before the agro-plantation was revamped the inhabitants had no supplementary income other than from the exploitation of the natural resources of the reserve.

Fig. 2 – The population pyramid of Nlobesse'e in 2000 (n = 429).

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3.

Table 2 – Some natural resources that are regularly gathered and collected by the inhabitants of the villages of Nlobesse'e

Results and discussions

The head count in the villages of Nlobesse'e and the plantation revealed a total population of 429 individuals, with 71% of this population below 30 years of age. The female to male ratio was 1.1 compared to 1 as reported by ECOFAC (2000a) for the region. This discrepancy is due to the agro-plantation employing mostly male individuals as illustrated in the population pyramid in Fig. 2. The population growth rate was very high i.e. 4%. Also 61.54% of the total population was made up of inhabitants of 11 different ethnic backgrounds originating from other parts of the country such as the Kaka, the Baka and the Ewondos that made up 27.51%, 4.2%, and 4.89%, respectively, of the total population. Other ethnicities included; Yamba, Baya, Basa, Bamelike, Fulbe, Hausa, Ntoumou, and Soh. In spite of the rapid population growth, survey data revealed that the populations of the Kaka and Baka ethnic groups (the “pigmies”) were decreasing at a rate of 6.2%. The pigmies have been noted by ECOFAC (2000a) for having a negative impact on the conservation of the natural resources because they greatly depend on the exploitation of the natural resources of the reserve for a quasi-totality of their needs. Furthermore, they practice very little or no agriculture and have not yet adopted any kind of settled life. In this light, they tend to wander with the seasons, migrating from one area to another in the biosphere, seeking areas that are abundant with natural resources at a given period in time, moving on to the next area when the available natural resources have been

Table 1 – Some principal demographic characteristics of the villages of Nlobesse'e in 1999–2000 Principal demographic variable Total populations Number of households Number of persons per household Female headed households Sex ratio Immigration (July 99–July 00) Emigration (July 99– July 00) Net migration Number of births (July 99–July 00) Number of deaths (July 99–July 00) Natural population increase Natural population increase (per 1000) Population growth rate Population growth rate (per 1000) a

Averages values.

Villages of Nlobesse'e Nlobesse'e Nkol Plantation Total or proper Dja average 117 26

158 48

154 55

429 129

4

3

4

9

13

4

26

3.7 a

1 6

1.1 0

1.2 7

1.1 a 13

4

7

0

11

2 6

−7 12

7 13

2 31

5

8

3

16

1

4

10

15

8.4

25.3

65

32.9 a

3

−3

17

17

25.7

− 19

110.4

39.0 a

Common name

Scientific names

1. Moabi Baillonella toxisperma 2. Bush mango Irvengia gabonensis 3. Redish milky Trichoscrypha arborea fruit 4. Raffia Raphia vinefera 5. Rattan Laccosperma spp 6. Indian bamboo Oxythenantera anpimia 7. Honey

Local names

Uses

Adjap Ndöo'oh Mvut

1,2,3,4,5 1,5 1

Nzam Nloñ Miann Weh

2,3,4,5 3,4 3,4 1,2,5

For uses: 1 = Medicinal, 2 = Cultural, 3 = Construction of Houses and other Articles, 4 = Artisan, 5 = Food.

consumed. However, due to their persistent seasonal wandering, at best, this reduction in numbers is likely temporary, because they are probably in search of better hunting and foraging conditions elsewhere in the biosphere. Still, they made up 31.7% of the total population of the area, 22.8% of which is located at Nkol Dja, where they exercise an important impact on the conservation of the natural resources of the reserve. We were informed by the consultative committee that this result compared favorably with what existed before 1995 when the pigmies were the main inhabitants of the area. See Table 1 for a detailed result of the principal demographic characteristics of the population. Survey results also show that only 0.5% of the total population had cultivated in the reserve. This was simply because their villages were located in the reserve and not because of the shortage of arable land. More men than women exploited the natural resources. Seventy seven percent of the total population reared edible domestic animals. This is significantly more than the 53.2% that reared domestic animals before 1995. This has the ultimate advantage that it substantially relieves pressure on the game resources of the reserve. Some of the reserve's plant resources that were highly demanded by the inhabitants included the rattan (Laccosperma spp), raffia (Raphia vinefera), moabi (Baillonella toxisperma), bush mango (Irvengia gabonensis) and Trichoscrypha arborea as well as some roots of an unidentified plant species that was used as the main ingredient in a “traditional medicine” to treat tuberculosis. (See Table 2) Fortunately, these resources were harvested in a sustainable manner since the mother plants were not always destroyed in the harvesting process. There was very little pressure on the sustainability of these plants because some that were a few kilometers away from this area were left unexploited. Most of the local population had practiced fishing at one time or another in the reserve, especially during the long dry season when the catch was abundant. Table 3 gives the Calendar of some socio-economic activities of Nlobesse'e. The professional fishermen informed us that there was a greater pressure on the sustainability of fishing because it is more difficult to fish compared to pre 1995. This is evident because the conservation service does not control fishing. Bailout fishing was the most unsustainable fishing technique in the area. In this technique, a river was dammed, consequently drained, and all the fish were caught regardless of the type, size or age. Further, the inhabitants considered small-sized

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Table 3 – Calendar of some socio-economic activities of Nlobesse'e Long season Socio-economic activities Subsistence hunting Commercial hunting Subsistence fishing Commercial fishing Repair of houses Farming 2nd season farming Collecting of wild fruit Harvesting of crops Agro-plantation

Short raining season

Jan X

Feb X

X X X

X X X X

X

X

X

X

Mar X X X

Apr X X X

Short dry season

May X X X

X X

X

fish delicacies. Mostly women and children practiced subsistence fishing while the men, mainly immigrants from the Northern part of the country where fishing is an important commercial activity, were the principal commercial fishers. They have the know-how and skills and are therefore able to effectively fish in the river Dja and its principal tributaries. The Ministry of the Economy and Finance (MINEFI) in 1997 estimated that Cameroonians consume more fish than meat i.e. 18 kg of fish/individual/year compared to 16 kg for meat. At Nlobesse'e this seems not to be the case because the indigenes clearly preferred and consumed more meat than fish. More than 75% of the fish caught are sold. Intoxicants were not normally used during fishing. At Nkol Dja, 26.67% of the indigenes were professional hunters with fishing as their main part-time activity. This was significantly different from what existed before 1995, when 95% of the indigenes practiced poaching. Table 4, gives the statistical analysis at the 95% level of confidence). Sixty six percent of these hunters own firearms but hardly use them in hunting due to the high cost of cartridges i.e. 500 FRS or $0.67/ shot and also due to the presence of eco-guards at the nearby Akom Ndong Eco-guard check point. It was generally acknowledged that big game such as the duiker (Cephalophus sp), the river hog (Potamochoerus porcus) or the chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes) were not to be found around the villages. However small game such as squirrels (Protoxerus sp) and rodents were regularly caught and eaten and thus served as an important protein supplement to the diet of the inhabitants. The hunters generally believed it is now easier to find game in the reserve

Long raining season

Jun X

Jul X

X

X

Aug X X X

X

X X X X

X X X

X

X

X X

Sep X X X

Oct X X X

X

X X

Long dry season Nov X

Dec X

X X X

X X X

X X

X

and that the productivity of their traps have increased compared to five years ago. Some animals highly demanded by the market include the forest elephant (Loxodonta cyclotis), viper (Bitis gabonica), river hog (Potamochoerus porcus) and the duiker (Cephalophus sp). Table 5 shows a complete list of animals that are regularly caught by the inhabitants. Analyses of survey data indicated that the total population demanded about 44.4 kg of “bush meat”/day from the reserve. This compares favorably with an unlimited demand that existed before 1995 because of the heavy commercial nature of hunting during that period. It is however worth noting that the special status of the Dja reserve as a biosphere permits the local population to co-exist with nature. In this light, the local population has the right to some of the available natural resources of the reserve if and only if it is for self-consumption. The present demand of the population was deemed to be within the limit of the sustainable consumption threshold of 0.1 kg of bush meat/day /inhabitant established by the conservation service. Survey results also established that there was a strong incentive to commercialize reserve resources because it was an important source of revenue. However, the presence of the conservation service, with technical assistance from ECOFAC, has been able to stabilize the situation by controlling and reducing commercial demand. On the one hand, 72.08% of the income of the households was generated from activities other than the exploitation of the natural resources of the reserve. These activities included working in the plantation, which was the principal income earning activity of the households and contributed 40.3% of

Table 4 – Comparison of the principal activities of Nlobesse'e between the two periods Principal activity

Hunting Rearing of domestic animals Collecting and gathering Professional hunters at Nkol Dja Commercial fishing ⁎ P b 0.05.

Percent of activity before 1995

Percent of activity in 2000

Number of observation

90 77.1 99 90 8

15.2 53.2 98 26.7 11.2

68 68 68 68 68

Pearson chi2

Likelihoodratio Chi2

Gamma

X2

Pr

X2

Pr

Gamma

ASE

112.8 ⁎ 126.6 ⁎ 0.3 97.2 ⁎

0.000 0.000 0.561 0.000 0.628

127.2 12.9 0.4 111.1 0.2

0.000 0.000 0.557 0.000 0.627

0.962 −0.496 0.338 0.962 − 0.118

0.016 0.117 0.546 0.019 0.241

0.2

Fisher's exact

0.000 0.001 1.000 0.000 0.809

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Table 5 – Some wild animals that are regularly caught by the inhabitant of Nlobesse'e Common names in English Lowland gorilla Common chimpanzee Black and white colobus Grey-checked mangabey Crested mangabey Spot-nosed monkey Crowned guenon De Brazza's monkey Talapoin Buffalo Black-backed duiker Yellow-backed duiker Blue duiker Bongo Sitatunga Mustached monkey Peter's duiker White-bellied duiker Water chevrotain Mandrill River hog Giant forest squirrel Red-legged sun-squirrel Touraco Gabon viper Land tortoise Pangolin Giant pangolin Black snake

Common names in French Gorille de plein Chimpanzee Magistrat colobe

Scientific names

Local names

Gorilla gorilla Ndï Pan troglodytes Wo'o

Colobus quereza Mangabey à joues Cercocebus al grizes bigena Mangabey agile Cercocebus galeritus Hochere nez blanc Cercopithecus nictitans “Mone” Cercopithecus pogonias Singe de Brazza Cercopithecus neglectus Talapoin Miopithecus talapoin Buffle Syncerus catter Cephalophe à Cephalophus bande noir dorsalis Cephalophe à Cephalophus dosale jaune sylvicultor Cephalophe bleu Cephalophus monticola Bongo Tragelaphus euryceros Sitatunga Tragelaphus spekii Moustac Cercopithecus cephus Cephalophe de Cephalophus Peter callipygus Cephalophe à Cephalophus ventre blanc leucogastor Chevrotain Hyemoschus aquatique aquaticus Ecureuil Mandrillus sphinx Sanglier Potamochoerus porcus Ecureuil geant Protoxerus stangeri Ecureuil Helioscium mbobrachium Touraco geant Corythaeola cristata Vipère du Gabon Bitis gabonica Tortue terrestre Kinixys sp. Pangolin Manis tricuspis Pangolin géant Manis gigantean Serpent noir Naja naja

Sosso'o Kak Nsak Avem Avem Foum Nyatouma Nyat sô Zip Okpweng Ezoma Emvul Ossok Nvim N/A Mebomo Sek Ngoé Ossen N/A N/A

481

natural resources of the reserve with hunting accounting for about 90% of the total income, as unanimously reported by the consultative committee. In fact, there was a significant drop in the proportion of all the activities except fishing and collecting natural resources. Table 4 gives the details of these comparisons. This implies that without the intervention of the conservation service the high demand for reserve resources, especially for “bush meat,” could have led to over exploitation. Studies carried out by Ngnegueu and Fotso (1998) have established that with the absence of marketing potential the indigenes will only exploit for personal consumption, which is sustainable. It is also clear from the results that because of the strict control of hunting, the inhabitants were switching their principal activity from hunting to fishing. However, fishing as an activity at the villages of Nlobesse'e has a natural control because the inhabitants lack the necessary skills and tools to practice this trade on a large scale. It is also for this reason that the fishing sector is now dominated by inhabitants originating from other parts of the country who have the skills but still lack the necessary tools to carry out deep river fishing. Calculating the per capita income of the households is of prime importance because one can then draw conclusions that may have some important impact on the conservation of the natural resources of the reserve. The daily per capita income of the area was therefore calculated and stood at 225 FCFA or $0.3 (See Fig. 4). Although, this figure compares favorably with what existed before 1995 as reported by the consultative committee, it should however be noted that this sum falls far below the poverty threshold set by MINEFI (1998) for the region which was 405 FCFA/per inhabitant/day or $0.54/per inhabitant/day as well as that of the United Nation which stands at $1 or 750 FCFA (December 2000 exchange rate). In this light, it is evident that poverty has a role to play in the exploitation of the natural resources of the Biosphere because with such low income level, the inhabitants have little choice but to exploit reserve resources to supplement their income. Survey results also indicated that other than the problem of crossing the river Dja, it was very easy to remove natural resources from the reserve. This was because the local population had learned to outmaneuver the eco-guards by transporting their poached reserve resources under the cover of darkness, by using relay agents to inform them about the activities of the eco-guards and the conservation service amongst others. The natural resources were carried from

apwel Kulu Ka Zoka Okomngno

the total income, and farming which contributed 24.2%. On the other hand, activities that have been noted for having an impact on the conservation of the natural resources of the reserve i.e. hunting, fishing and collecting and gathering of wild fruits, contributed 15.2%, 11.2% and 1.5% respectively. For a complete list see Fig. 3. Before 1995 the main income generating activity of the area was the exploitation of the

Fig. 3 – The contribution of the principal activities to the total income of the households of Nlobesse'e in 2000.

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Fig. 4 – Distribution of the per capita income of the households in the villages of Nlobesse'e in 2000.

their origin to the final consumers in two ways. First, there were the primary producers, including hunters, fishermen, and the collectors of natural resources. Second, there were the “buyam sellams”, or the merchant middlemen, predominantly women, mostly from Meyomessala, though some are from far away such as Sangmelima, and Yaoundé. The final consumers of reserve resources are mostly located in three principal towns; Meyomessala, Sangmelima, and Yaounde. The demand for these products, and thus the profit margin, increases as one moves away from Nlobesse'e. Therefore, most of the intermediaries with the necessary resources were willing to incur a lot of risks to benefit from the higher profit margin, irrespective of the several eco-guards checkpoints along the road. The principal path preferred by the intermediaries was the Nlobesse'e–Meyomessala–Yaounde axis. There also exits a poorly organized market for the sale of the natural resources of the reserve at Nlobesse'e. This market can be best described as ‘virtual’, (for its existence is known only to the initiated). It is a purely backyard market which is neither competitive nor efficient. The hunters are mostly price takers because of the perishable nature of their products and also because they might be caught by the eco-guards from the nearby Akom Ndong check point. They are thus very willing to sell their catch as quickly as possible and, more often than not, at any price.

4.

Conclusion and recommendation

To explore the issues surrounding the impact of increasing population and natural resource management, a study was commissioned in the villages of Noblesse in the Dja Biosphere Reserve. The study established the different patterns of consumption and lifestyles arising from the effects of demographic pressure and a shrinking natural resources base. The study recognized the different interest groups involved in the use and conservation of the natural resource within this area. Its methodology attempted to gain an understanding of the symbiotic relationships and assessed the impact of change on these relationships. The stakeholders identified in the three villages of Noblesse comprised those who affect natural

conservation both negatively and positively and those who are affected by the balancing act of exploitation and conservation. The study also established the competing social and economic interests and the way these interests were balanced. It is clear from the study that the increasing population of Nlobesse's is not necessarily a threat to the conservation of natural resources of the biosphere as long as the local populations cohabit sustainably with the natural resources, e.g. harvesting the crops without destroying the mother plant and hunting for personal consumption and not for commercial purposes. From the demographic information, it is evident that the population of Nlobesse'e is growing very rapidly, but survey data indicated that this rapid increase is not having a proportionate impact on the conservation of the natural resources of the reserve. This could be explained by the availability of other sources of income to the inhabitants of this area (especially wages earned working in the agroplantation complex) with which to buy foodstuff and other needed resources instead of exploiting reserve resources. The present balance is an illusive one because it relies strongly on the existence of other sources of income especially wages from working in the plantation. If the plantation fails then the present delicate balance will be tilted in favor of the over exploitation of the reserve resources, and the conservation service will find it very difficult stopping the youthful population from exploiting reserve resources of the biosphere for commercial purpose. The study also establishes that the men were the main exploiters of the natural resources of the biosphere. Nevertheless, the women play a more important role in searching for wood-fuel, fruits, leaves, honey, and roots, as well as in trapping small rodents, insects, and reptiles, which supplement the diet of the inhabitants and thus exert an important pressure on the conservation of reserve resources. In this light, it is important that the needs and expectations of women and children should be properly addressed to maintain the delicate balance that now exists in the locality. Therefore, gender analysis in natural resource management in Noblesse will be crucial in establishing access and levels of control of the women who play the twin roles of protector and exploiter at both household and community levels. It should be acknowledged that the natural resource base in the Dja Biosphere Reserve can be depleted or contaminated but cannot be created. Hence, it is important that any proposed strategy and intervention should take into account the fact that the resource base, although currently not under the threat of degradation, could still deteriorate if the increasing population is not well educated on the importance of the biosphere to their very livelihood. Managing natural resources requires specific knowledge or appreciation of conservation approaches and strategies. Unfortunately, the inhabitants of the Nlobesse'e have little of this knowledge; they are very familiar with the importance of the biosphere to their livelihood at the microscopic level and not to the overall importance of the biosphere to the world as a whole at the macroscopic level. In this light, it is important that the conservation service plays not only its role as conservator but also that of an educator, especially in addressing the rights and obligations of the inhabitants vis-à-vis the management of the biodiversity of the biosphere by providing civic

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education on natural resource management. Dispute management should also be an important component to encourage popular engagement and local governance. In the world today eco-tourism is one of the fastest growing industries, and the earnings from this industry are capable of financing both the needs for development and the cost of local governance. Eco-tourists are attracted to well-managed sites where their security is guaranteed and where there exist support structures to take care of their needs. At Nlobesse'e, only rudimentary structures exist to care for the needs of tourists. We therefore recommend that the development of this industry should be actively encouraged because it will go a long way toward supporting the conservation potential of the inhabitants of this area by increasing their alternate sources of income. Finally, natural resource management under the pressure of increasing population presents challenges that affect the ecological, social, anthropological, and economic systems of a community that should benefit from the very natural resources it owns. Whilst natural resource systems may be viewed as interdependent, the proposed solutions call for all stakeholders to holistically address the concerns of the over exploitation that occurs. This calls for the inhabitants and stakeholders to know and understand the factors governing their resource allocation and preferences so that they can invest fruitfully in addressing the challenges of natural resource management.

Acknowledgement The authors wish to extend their heartfelt thanks to the authorities of ECOFAC-Cameroon Project Office and to Afor Desiree and Achunche Gabby of Freelance Services for providing financial and logistic support for the execution of this study. The credit for proof reading goes to Mr. Kay Edwin and Sandra Ouder. Finally, we are heavily indebted to the contributions of two anonymous reviewers of this journal.

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