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Disruption and reestablishment of place attachment after large-scale disasters: The role of perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping
International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 40 (2019) 101273
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Disruption and reestablishment of place attachment after large-scale disasters: The role of perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping Chunhui Zheng a, *, Jie Zhang b, Yongrui Guo c, Yuling Zhang d, Lili Qian e a
School of Tourism, Guangzhou University, Guangzhou 510006, China Department of Land Resources and Tourism Sciences, Nanjing University, Nanjing 210023, China c School of History Culture and Tourism, Jiangsu Normal University, Xuzhou 221116, China d Guangzhou Institute of Geography, Guangzhou 510070, China e School of Business, Zhejiang University City College, Hangzhou 310015, China b
A R T I C L E I N F O
A B S T R A C T
Keywords: Large-scale disasters Disruption of place attachment Perceived risk Emotions Coping The Wenchuan earthquake
Disasters of natural origin cause the destruction of residential settings, and can create severe disruptions to place attachment, which is a less understood process. To address this research gap, this study explores how place attachment is influenced by changes in cognition, affect, and behavior caused by a large-scale earthquake and the successive secondary disasters. From 629 valid questionnaires completed by residents of two hard-hit areas in the Wenchuan earthquake in China, this study examines the impact of perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping on the disruption of place attachment. The results of the study demonstrated that residents in the more severely affected area perceived higher risks and had more negative emotions, but also their place dependence was more severely damaged. The results of the structural equation modeling demonstrated that perceived risk negatively affected place dependence while coping helped to restore residents’ place dependence and place identity. Sur prisingly, negative emotions were not found to disrupt people’s place attachment; rather, they helped to rees tablish place dependence indirectly via the mediator of coping. This study provides theoretical guidance on recovering residents’ place attachment in areas affected by large-scale disasters.
1. Introduction According to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2030 agenda, one important goal is to “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable” [1]. With the increasing global population, the impact of greater geological risks is growing in many cities located within hazard zones because of historical and geographical reasons [2,3]. Thus, to enhance residents’ sense of safety and resilience in disaster-stricken areas, it is important for policymakers to understand place attachment. Place attachment represents the existence of a place that provides people with a sense of security, stability, and belonging to which residents develop strong functional and affective attachment [4]. However, what happens to residents’ place attachment when their res idential place is drastically altered by a large-scale earthquake, and they remain vulnerable to aftershocks and secondary disasters (e.g.,
landslides)? How is place attachment affected by changes in the psy chological processes of cognition, affect, and behavior [5] brought about by a large-scale earthquake and successive secondary disasters? Place attachment and the effect of disasters is one of the main research areas regarding place [6]. Before disasters, place attachment acts as an important predictor in risk prevention and resilience; how ever, people-place bonds might be disrupted [7] or become negative or dysfunctional during disasters [8,9], and afterward, a long-term process of reestablishment is required [10]. Several studies have explored the disruption of place attachment after disasters [10–13], and they re ported a decline in place attachment after large-scale disasters, such as volcanic eruptions [14]. Moreover, the place identity and well-being link has been proven to decrease sharply following disasters [10], indicating that residents lose much of their affective people-place bond, and their sense of well-being is reduced following a disaster. Disrupted
* Corresponding author. School of Tourism, Guangzhou University, 230 Guangzhou University City Outer Ring Road, Guangzhou, 510006, China. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (C. Zheng), [email protected] (J. Zhang), [email protected] (Y. Guo), [email protected] (Y. Zhang), [email protected] (L. Qian). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2019.101273 Received 7 March 2019; Received in revised form 19 July 2019; Accepted 10 August 2019 Available online 12 August 2019 2212-4209/© 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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place attachment does not only negatively influence residents’ sense of well-being [15] and resilience [16], but it can also have numerous negative biopsychosocial impacts (e.g., stress-related illnesses, difficulty in learning, asthma, and PTSD [7,17]). Furthermore, after the disruption from large-scale disasters, the loss of place attachment can have a long-term impact and can involve a difficult process of reestablishment [13]. Thus, the post-disruption and recovery process of place attachment after large-scale disasters is essential for residents, and the topic requires further exploration. Despite the great importance of the disruption and reestablishment of place attachment after large-scale disasters, how place attachment (i. e., as an outcome variable) is affected by perceived risk, feelings of loss, and other psychological variables after large-scale disasters [14] re mains unclear [12,18,19]. Scannell and Gifford proposed a three-dimensional framework (i.e., person-process-place) of place attachment. When noticeable changes in people, psychological pro cesses (i.e., cognition, affect, and behavior), or places brought about by large-scale disasters, long-established place attachment might face se vere transformation and disruption [13]. An unanswered question is how salient changes in these processes (e.g., perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping behavior) brought about by a large-scale disaster modify residents’ place attachment after a disaster [14]. Thus, in recent years, more scholars have emphasized the necessity to deepen the un derstanding of the post-disruption of people’s attachment to a place after a large-scale disaster [18]. Bonaiuto et al. suggest that in coping with situations of natural environmental risk, an “insecure attachment style” [20] might be prevalent; however, this requires further empirical testing [19]. To address this gap in the research, this study examines how res idents’ place attachment was affected by changes in the psychological processes of cognition, affect, and behavior (e.g., perceived risk, nega tive emotions, and coping practices) following the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake in China. Practical guidance on restoring place attachment among residents of disaster-stricken areas is provided in the conclusion.
recent years, the relation between place attachment and disasters has received increasing academic attention in geography, environmental psychology, and related fields. Existing research on place attachment and disasters can be divided into three principal categories according to the timeline of disasters. The first category refers to how place attach ment influences people’s risk prevention before a disaster, which com prises most of the research in this field in recent years [7]. Some studies have shown that stronger place attachment before a disaster leads to an underestimation of the possible risks, while other studies have reached opposite conclusions [19]. The second category focuses on emotions, experience, and response during a disaster [14,33]. The third category refers to place attachment, recovery, and resilience after large-scale disasters [34,35]. For residents living in disaster-stricken areas, their experience and emotions before and after the large-scale disaster are very different. Bonaiuto et al. concluded that because of the different degrees of disasters and different timelines used by previous studies, the current knowledge on the relation between place attachment and di sasters seems superficially contradictory [19]. This could also be attributed to different concepts and measurements of place attachment (i.e., community attachment, attachment to biophysical place, and attachment to both sociocultural and natural settings) as well as varied risk-related variables used in previous research. Thus, it is important to distinguish the degree of disasters (i.e., large-scale disasters [14,34] or gradual environmental changes [36]) as well as the timeline (i.e., before, during, or after a disaster) before conducting empirical studies in this field [10]. Considering the research on place attachment after large-scale di sasters, whether and how place attachment changes when places change drastically in disasters is an important question. Some scholars have emphasized that devastating environmental changes might affect the people-place affective bond considerably [18]. Disasters, dislocation, and other drastic environmental changes might affect people’s affective bonds with their living place [18], even leading to a sense of “place lessness” [26,37]. The terms “landscape of fear” [38] and Porteous’s “topocide: the annihilation of place” [39] also imply that disasters disrupt peoples’ emotional connection with place. Fullilove suggested that disasters (i.e., wars, colonization, famines, and disasters of natural origin) and displacement may not only damage place dependence but can also destroy the symbolic meaning of place in people’s minds [40]. Following disasters, deaths of loved ones, and the loss of houses threatens the people-place affective connection [15,41]. Furthermore, the decline in place attachment can result in evacuees being unwilling to return after a natural disaster, such as after the Matupi volcanic eruption in Papua New Guinea [14,42]. However, even though the people-place affective bond can be dis rupted by a large-scale disaster, very few studies have examined how place attachment was affected by changes in psychological processes (cognition, affect, and behavior) after large-scale disasters [19,43–45]. Through a review of research on place attachment and post-disaster recovery, Jamili and Nejat classified the determinants of place attach ment into four categories: demographic, socioeconomic, spatial, and psychosocial [32]. The psychosocial category explored the relations among mental health, feelings of safety, and place attachment. In this framework, the authors indicate that the place attachment-perceived risk relationship remains unclear [32]. This is because there is more research on how place attachment influences people’s risk prevention before disasters (i.e., place attachment as an antecedent or mediating and moderating variable), while only a handful of studies (e.g. Ref. [14]) have focused on the impact of perceived risk and other psychological factors on the disruption of place attachment after large-scale disasters (i.e., place attachment as an outcome variable) [19]. Thus, it is vital to unveil how place attachment (i.e., an outcome variable) is affected by perceived risk, feelings of loss, and coping behavior brought about by a large-scale disaster [12,18,19] to understand its dynamic change and
2. Literature review and research hypotheses 2.1. Place attachment and disasters According to Lewicka’s literature review on place attachment research in the last 40 years, most branches of social sciences have explored place attachment or related terms [8]. Among them, human geography and environmental psychology have developed the two main perspectives. In the 1970s, human geographers argued that a place should not be considered as an abstract geometric space but as a meaningful place. Several concepts were proposed, such as “Topophilia” [21] and “sense of place” [22]. Then, in the 1980s, the first definitions of “place attachment” were proposed in environmental psychology [23, 24]. One of the most commonly used definitions suggests that place attachment refers to peoples’ positive affective connection to a specific place in which they feel safe and comfortable and have a tendency to remain close to such a place [25]. By reviewing various definitions, Scannell and Gifford developed a tripartite organizing framework of place attachment (i.e., person-process-place). So far, the most popular and frequently used measurement tool of place attachment was the one developed by William and Vaske [26], which consists of two constitu ents: place dependence and place identity [27]. Place dependence de scribes a functional attachment to place that stems from that the physical characteristics of how a place meets peoples’ needs and sup ports their goals. Place identity, a part of self-identity [28], reflects the symbolic importance of a place that enhances people’s self-esteem [29] and gives meaning to people’s lives [30]. The development of a place as a meaningful component of one’s self-identity is a long-term process [31]. Place attachment is an important factor in disaster research [32]. In
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regression analysis [14]. Furthermore, Cox and Perry found that after dramatic changes in landscapes caused by fire, various emotions (e.g., emotions related to fear, risk, and relocation) led to a disruption in place attachment [47].
recovery. 2.2. Perceived risk and place attachment Perceived risk refers to the probability of potential disasters occur ring and the seriousness of the possible losses. To understand the rela tion between perceived risk and place attachment, it is necessary to understand the timeline (i.e., before, during, and after the disaster) of these two variables at the very beginning. Different timelines might result in totally different conclusions. Before disasters occur, the resi dential place is a safe place that people are strongly attached to, and place attachment acts as a predictor to understand how people react to possible future environmental changes. That is why research in this subfield has mainly focused on analyzing the effect of place attachment on risk prevention. Both positive and negative correlations have been found [19]. On the contrary, after a large-scale natural disaster, the massive physical destruction, loss of sense of control, and evaluation of future risk [46] might lead to the disruption of place attachment. Thus, in the circumstances following a large-scale natural disaster, how place attachment is influenced by perceived risk, sense of uncertainty, and concerns about the threats posed by the natural environment merits further investigation. According to the framework of place attachment designed by Scan nell and Gifford [5], the sense of safety and physical and social char acteristics (such as natural environment, and architecture) are among the most important contributing factors to place attachment. After di sasters or forced relocation, people might find the drastically altered environment and unsafe living conditions hard to adapt to, which in turn lead to the disruption of affective bonds with the place [15]. Moreover, after a natural disaster, people suffer not only because of their losses (e. g., loss of friends and family, financial losses, and loss of connection to place) but also because they feel unsafe [14]. Moreover, after the dislocation that occurs because of disasters, the unfamiliar and new environment can induce disorientation and cognitive decline [2,47]. The feeling of losing control over their living environment might also lead to lower tolerance for change [48]. For instance, Helton, Head, and Kemp investigated the impacts of the 2010 Canterbury earthquake in New Zealand and found evidence of significant earthquake-induced cognitive disruption [49]. Munro and Managi also found that the perceived radiation risk deterred residents from returning after the Fukushima disaster in Japan [50]. Thus, while place attachment urges people to return to the disaster-hit area following disasters, perceived risk deters them from doing so [50], which implies that perceived risk is negatively related to place attachment. H1.
Perceived risk negatively influences place dependence.
H2.
Perceived risk negatively influences place identity.
H3.
Negative emotions influence place dependence negatively.
H4.
Negative emotions influence place identity negatively.
2.4. Coping and place attachment People’s practice has a large impact on place attachment. For instance, housing renovation and gardening are environment-altering activities, which have been shown to enhance peoples’ bonds to pla ces. After experiencing the trauma of losing their relatives and family home, people need to become actively involved in their own recovery and regain a sense of stability in their lives. Failure to make changes in their living environment will result in the further erosion of place attachment [13]. In other words, the lack of active participation in disaster recovery processes will result in victims feeling severely traumatized. People’s coping practices are essential to their recovery of place attachment. Disasters destroy human-made and natural landscapes and deepen residents’ sense of disorientation. To deal with disruptions and reestablish place attachment, residents may deploy coping mechanisms (i.e., restoring meaningful places, rebuilding social connections, taking collective action, and initiating self-help) [34,43]. Possessing a vision of future stability is important to the recovery of people-place affective relationships because such vision motivates residents to take action and thus regain a sense of meaning. When actions are effective in recon structing the future and re-creating a stable place [51], the re-creation of an attachment may be accelerated [13,51]. Using the Goderich com munity in Ontario, Canada, as an example, Silver and Grek-Martin found that coping behaviors (e.g., house reconstruction, living environment improvement, and tree-planting) helped victims to recover their sense of place identity [18]. H5.
Coping positively influences place dependence.
H6.
Coping positively influences place identity.
2.5. Conceptual framework The main objective of the study is to analyze the impact of perceived risk, emotions, and coping behavior on the disruption of place attach ment due to a natural disaster. Along with the previous hypotheses (Hypothesis 1–6), relationships among perceived risk, emotions, and coping are also hypothesized. According to former studies, people’s evaluation of environmental change might result in a series of emotions and enable them to use coping strategies [52], which confirms positive relationships between perceived risk, emotion, and coping behavior (Hypothesis 7–9). Furthermore, place dependence is positively related to place identity (Hypothesis 10). In addition, after experiencing a natural disaster, negative emotions urge residents to adopt a series of coping behaviors so that the place can satisfy their needs. In this way, emotions might have a positive effect on the recovery of place attach ment. Thus, this study assumed that emotions indirectly influence place dependence via the mediating effect of coping practices (Hypothesis 11) (Fig. 1).
2.3. Negative emotions and place attachment Undoubtedly, emotion is an important aspect of understanding peoples’ reactions to dramatic environmental changes and disasters. Previous studies have confirmed increases in stress levels following di sasters [10,34,47,49]. Furthermore, the relation of post-traumatic stress disorder, emotional and health-related problems, and the emotional aftermath (e.g., hopelessness and anxiety) of disasters have received significant research attention [10]. Place attachment is intrinsically related to the feelings and emotions connected to living in a comfortable and safe place in daily life [25]; thus, it could be affected by the traumatic emotions (e.g., anxiety and despair) that often occur after large-scale disasters. Several studies have revealed that feelings of loss and fear about possible future disasters can lead to a decline in place attachment [14,47]. Ruiz and Hern� andez found that following a volcanic eruption, feelings of loss result in a decrease in peoples’ bonds with places. Such a significant negative effect of the emotions of loss on place attachment was revealed in this study using
H7.
Perceived risk positively influences emotions.
H8.
Perceived risk positively influences coping.
H9.
Emotions positively influence coping.
H10. Place dependence positively influences place identity. H11. Coping mediates between emotions and place dependence. 3
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Longmenshan Fault Zone are especially vulnerable and have suffered from successive earthquakes, aftershocks, and various secondary di sasters (e.g., the “9.24” heavy rain and landslide in 2008, the “7.16” flood and landslide in 2009, the 7.0 magnitude Lushan earthquake in 2013 [34], and the 2016 Beichuan earthquake). The earthquake event acted as a potent natural stressor [49] that violated the residents’ former assumptions of safety. Thus, how is the recovery of disrupted place attachment affected and challenged by successive secondary disasters in disaster-hit areas? 3.3. Data collection and sample The study designed a research scale based on the literature review, field research, and in-depth interviews, and adjusted and improved the questionnaire through consultation with experts. The questionnaire used a 5-point Likert scale (i.e., 1 ¼ strongly disagree, and 5 ¼ strongly agree). Taking the residents of Beichuan and Dujiangyan as the research subjects, using a semi-structured questionnaire, field surveys were conducted at the case sites from May 6 to May 25, 2014. The trained research assistants interviewed the residents at the city square and main resettlement communities for earthquake-affected people and asked them if they were willing to complete a self-administered questionnaire and be interviewed. In total, 680 questionnaires were collected. After excluding incomplete questionnaires, a total of 629 valid questionnaires were retrieved, including 342 in Beichuan and 287 in Dujiangyan. This study used SPSS 21.0 and Amos 21.0 statistical software to analyze the sample data and test the hypotheses. Of the sample groups surveyed in this study, 53.9% of the re spondents were female. Furthermore, the proportion of people aged 21–50 years accounted for 80.8% of the study respondents. Regarding the sample’s ethnic composition, most participants were Han (74.9%), while Qiang, Hui, and Tibetan people together accounted for 25.1% of the total sample. Regarding educational level, 61.4% of the participants had completed only junior high school or lower. Finally, 75.0% of the sample was native to the study sites. According to the statistical year book, more than 70% of the population of Beichuan county and Dujiangyan city in 2008 were agricultural workers [57,58]. As thou sands of hectares of farmland were destroyed in the Wenchuan earth quake, a great proportion of peasants lost their farmland. That is why many respondents reported that the main impacts of the Wenchuan earthquake included loss of land, houses, and sources of income.
Fig. 1. Hypothetical model.
3. Materials and methods 3.1. Measurement scale From an extensive literature review and the case examined in the study, the measurement scale was designed. In this study, the framework of place attachment consists of two dimensions: place dependence and place identity [27]. Moreover, place in this study includes both physical and sociocultural settings of the city, it is much more suitable for an analysis of the impact of risk anxiety, feelings of loss, and coping behavior brought about by a severe earthquake and ongoing secondary disasters on place attachment. Perceived risk focuses mainly on the subjective probability and severity of potential disasters and negative consequences and loss [53]. Emotions consist of emotional reactions towards both the retrospective and prospective disasters and loss. Retrospective loss-based emotions refer to reactions to past disastrous events (e.g., sadness and despair). In addition, prospective loss-based emotions relate to the subjective evaluation of future disasters, such as worry [54]. Coping consists of personal practices to mitigate the con sequences of past disasters and prepare for future risks [55]. 3.2. Study area
4. Results
The 8.0-magnitude Wenchuan earthquake in 2008 in Sichuan Prov ince destroyed more than 100,000 square km area and was one of the largest and most destructive earthquakes in the last 100 years [56]. The disaster-affected and disaster-hit areas involved 51 counties (cities); 69, 227 residents were killed and 37,463 were injured. A total of 17,923 people were reported missing, more than 15.1 million people became homeless, and the direct economic losses amounted to ¥ 845.1 billion (about USD 122.7 billion). As this study focuses on analyzing the post-disruption of place attachment after large-scale disasters, the two hard-hit areas of Beichuan County and Dujiangyan City were chosen for the analysis. Although both areas experienced large destructive changes after the Wenchuan earthquake, Beichuan County was devastated dramatically: approximately 70% of all buildings collapsed, causing 15, 645 deaths, 26,916 injuries, and 4311 missing people. The number of injuries in Beichuan County accounted for more than 70% of all injuries sustained during the Wenchuan earthquake. As the old Beichuan county town is located at the intersection of three, high-risk seismic faults and experienced extreme devastation, the residents were relocated 23 km away from the town to a new location, which is now called “New Bei chuan.” On the other hand, in Dujiangyan City, more than 3000 resi dents were killed, more than 10,000 were injured, and more than 400 remain missing. After the Wenchuan Earthquake, people who live around the
4.1. Measurement model First, to test the validity and reliability of the measurements, a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was conducted. The Cronbach’s alpha values were between 0.712 and 0.818, indicating that the con structs had satisfactory reliability. The results showed that the stan dardized factor loadings of the observed variables and their constructs were all greater than 0.5 (see Table 1) and were statistically significant. Other than the factor loadings, construct validity was also tested by both the composite reliability of the construct (CR) and the average variance extracted (AVE). CR is the combination of all the observed variables’ reliability, which expresses the internal consistency of the constructs [59]. All CR values in this study were above the threshold value of 0.60 [60], which indicates satisfactory internal consistency. Higher AVE values indicate that the percentage of the observed variables explained by the latent construct are higher. The AVE values were all greater than the general threshold of 0.5, except two values that were slightly lower than 0.5, suggesting that the observed variables truly represented the latent constructs. The overall fit of the measurement model was evalu ated by various goodness-of-fit indices (χ2/df ¼ 2.964, RMSEA ¼ 0.056, NFI ¼ 0.911, GFI ¼ 0.938, IFI ¼ 0.939, CFI ¼ 0.939, RMR ¼ 0.042, PNFI ¼ .745). All of the indices met the recommended cut-off criteria, 4
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p < .05). In addition, H10 was supported, demonstrating the positive impact of place dependence on place identity.
Table 1 Measurement properties. Construct and items
Mean
Loading
Cronbach’s
CR
AVE
.794
.801
.505
.789
.793
.490
.758
.763
.520
.712
.719
.461
4.3. Test of mediating effects
α Perceived risk PR1 It is probable that aftershocks, flooding, and landslides will happen. PR2 It is probable that these disasters will have harmful consequences. PR3 These disasters are threatening to me. PR4 The consequences of these disasters last long. Emotions Em1 Despair Em2 Worry Em3 Helplessness Em4 Sadness Coping C1 I try to employ preventive measures. C2 I try to do something to prevent or mitigate any potential harmful consequences. C3 I try my best to help myself and others recover. Place Dependence PA5 This place provides better living conditions than other places. PA6 I think this place is more suitable for people than other places. PA7 I am very satisfied with life in this place. Place Identity PA1 My sense of identity is strongly connected to this place PA2 I feel that this place is part of myself. PA3 I am very attached to this place. PA4 This place has special meaning for me.
3.35
.591
3.60
.805
3.69
.780
3.63
.644
3.12 3.75 3.45 3.97
.707 .786 .655 .644
4.16
.767
4.13
.770
4.28
.616
3.71
.625
4.11
.687
4.13
.721
4.09
.727
4.12
.825
4.15
.821
4.21
.559
.818
.827
To identify the exact influencing mechanism between emotions and place dependence, the possible indirect effects of coping (H11) on this relationship were tested further with bootstrapping using AMOS 21.0. Bootstrapping is a widely accepted method for testing indirect effects [61]. Moreover, in testing the significance of mediation path, boot strapping is regarded as a better method than the Sobel test because of its robustness [62,63]. In this study, the bootstrap resamples were conducted using a bias-corrected 95% CI and 2000 resamples [64,65]. When zero is not included in the bias-corrected 95% CI, the mediating paths are proven to be significant. When testing the indirect effect of coping on the emotions-place dependence relationship (H11), the results supported H11. The indi rect effects of emotions on place dependence (β ¼ 0.037, SE boot. ¼ 0.012, 95% CI ¼ 0.004 to 0.094) via coping were significant, as the 95% CI did not contain zero. In the direct effect, the 95% CI for emotions on place dependence was 0.029 to 0.249, which contained 0, indicating that coping fully mediated the effects of emotions and place dependence (Table 3). 5. Discussion and implications First, the means of most of the items in perceived risk and emotions ranged between 3.5 and 4 on the Likert scale, which indicates agreement [66]. Thus, the means demonstrated the residents’ agreement with risk possibility and seriousness as well as the negative affective impact of past and possible future disasters (e.g., landslides, aftershocks, and other secondary disasters). Coping mainly ranged between 4 and 5, which shows that people focus more on coping behaviors after the occurrence of an earthquake. To see if there was a difference in perceived risk, emotions, coping, and place attachment between the different areas, we also compared the means of the variables between the Beichuan and Dujiangyan areas. The results revealed that residents of Beichuan perceived higher risks (RiskBeichuan ¼ 3.7844, RiskDujiangyan ¼ 3.3075, t ¼ 7.119, p < .001), stronger negative emotions (EmotionsBeichuan ¼ 3.7690, EmotionsDu jiangyan ¼ 3.3380, t ¼ 5.981, p < .001), and lower place dependency than did residents of Dujiangyan (PDBeichuan ¼ 3.8207, PDDujiangyan ¼ 4.1800, t ¼ -6.031, p < .001). Nevertheless, no significant difference in place identity was found for the two sites (t place identity ¼ - 0.607). The reason may be that, although Dujiangyan was also a hard-hit area, the number of people who experienced personal damage and loss was much smaller compared to Beichuan. Most of Beichuan town was devastated by the earthquake, and the entire population had to be resettled. According to the results, residents in the more seriously damaged area of Beichuan perceived higher risks and negative emotions than the Dujiangyan res idents and their functional connection to place (i.e., place dependence) was more severely disrupted. It seems that the degree of disaster con sequences [46] and the experience of personal damage [67] influences the level of future perceived risk, emotions, and place dependence. This �ndez who found finding is consistent with the findings of Ruiz and Herna that the closer residents were to the volcanic eruption on the island of El Hierro, Spain, the stronger the negative emotions they experienced in the aftermath of the disaster [14]. When faced with the massive losses inflicted by a large earthquake, residents feel sad, helpless, afraid, and worried, and like they can no longer “make a perilous world seem safe” [68] (p. 240). This explains why the participants of the study did not make positive statements about risk possibility and seriousness. In turn, their former attachment arising from a fairly stable context was eroded by the drastic changes created by the large-scale disaster. On the con trary, there were no significant differences regarding place identity be tween these two areas, which is consistent with a previous study that
.549
showing a satisfactory congruence between the model and the data. Table 1 displays the results of the questionnaire. 4.2. The impact of perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping on place attachment The results of the analysis of the hypothesized relationships among the five constructs are displayed in Fig. 2 and Table 2. H1 stated that the stronger the perceived risk, the weaker place dependence is likely to be (β ¼ 0.159, p < .1). This illustrates that if people perceive a higher possibility of future disasters of natural origin, their functional dependence on the residential place will decrease. On the contrary, higher perceived risk was found to have no significant effect on place identity (H2). The relationship between emotions and place dependence (H3) and the relationship between emotions and place identity (H4) were not significant. As predicted by H5, coping had a significant positive impact on place dependence (β ¼ 0.348, p < .001). Moreover, coping significantly affected place identity, thus supporting H6. H7 stated that higher perceived risk would result in more negative emotions, and this was confirmed (β ¼ 0.722, p < .001). The relationship between perceived risk and coping (H8) was not supported (β ¼ 0.29, p < .001). H9 suggested that the stronger the emotion, the more likely people would use coping strategies after large-scale disasters (β ¼ 0.204, 5
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Fig. 2. Standardized results of the structural model. * Significant at p < .1, ** Significant at p < .05, *** Significant at p < .001.
Second, perceived risk was found to affect place dependence nega tively. The severe earthquake caused a deterioration in residents’ perceived safety, which in turn disrupted their functional place depen dence. This result is supported by the example of the Buffalo Creek victims after flooding: the noise of rainstorms amplified by the metal roofs of their trailers would keep residents vigilant throughout rainy nights, fearful of future flooding [13]. Thus, the provision of new housing to provide a feeling of security is vital for these residents. The perceived probability and severity of disasters and loss would damage residents’ sense of safety and functional attachment to their residential place. It is also found that burglary victims seem to struggle with the process of psychological reconstruction of residential security [13]. The negative impact of perceived risk on place dependence might explain the internal mechanisms of why perceived radiation risk deterred intention to return after the triple Fukushima disaster (earthquake, tsunami, and radioactive discharge) in Japan [50]. According to the theory of place dependence, people remain attached to a place only when this place can satisfy their needs, and they consider it to be a better place than other viable choices [70]. When the place fails to meet their needs, and alternative places offer much better living conditions, place dependence may weaken [31]. For the residents whose place attachment is dis rupted, it is a huge challenge to negotiate the loss and recreate a positive future [13]. The constancy of a safe place is important for residents to build their functional attachment through their routine lives [2,71]. Third, the positive effects of coping on both dimensions of place attachment were revealed, showing that coping behaviors help the restoration of place attachment. This conclusion is to some extent sup ported by the finding that after the Canterbury 2010–2012 earthquake sequence, the rebuilt neighborhood connection enabled residents to employ coping strategies through managing and collectively solving problems, and thus recreated affective connections [2]. Such coping behaviors (i.e., collective action, helping others, and self-help as well as being with others) helped to create meaning and allowed people to reestablish a sense of control. Despite the severe damage caused by a large-scale disaster, residents could change in positive ways and move forward through coping behaviors [10]. For instance, after experiencing the massive physical destruction and loss caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake (GEJE), households used more active coping actions and
Table 2 Results of the structural relationship model. Hypotheses
Structural relations
Standardized coefficient
H1
perceived risk- PD perceived risk- PI EmotionsPD Emotions- PI Coping- PD Coping- PI perceived risk -emotions perceived risk- coping emotionscoping PD- PI
- .159*
H2 H3 H4 H5 H6 H7 H8 H9 H10
Critical ratio (tvalue) 1.790
p
Hypothesis
.073
Supported
.053
.744
.457
�
.106
1.554
.120
�
.075 .348*** .133** .722***
1.035 4.112 2.246 14.001
.300 *** .025 ***
� Supported Supported Supported
.124
1.489
.137
�
.204**
2.400
.016
Supported
.640***
10.087
***
Supported
* Significant at p < .1, ** Significant at p < .05, *** Significant at p < .001. PD ¼ place dependence, PI ¼ place identity. Table 3 Bootstrapping methodology for mediating effect. Mediating effects
Total Effects
Direct Effect (CI)
Indirect Effects (CI)
Mediation Hypotheses
emotionscoping-PD
.143*
.106 ( .029 to .249)
.037** (.004to.094)
Supported
*p < .1; **p < .05; ***p < .001; bootstrap confidence in parentheses, CI ¼ confidence interval.
found that place identity depends on long-term complex cognitive pro cesses [28] and has been shown to be more stable and much harder to alter [14]. In addition, the significant differences between these two areas might also be related to a perception of less or more exposure to the disaster [69]. 6
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helped people’s recovery and reestablishment of place dependence and identity following the disaster. Surprisingly, negative emotions did not disrupt place dependence but facilitated its recovery indirectly via coping behaviors, which is different from the negative impact of feelings of loss on place attachment during the disaster [14]. This may be because, after several years of recovery, the residents succeeded in managing their negative emotions through active coping behaviors [51, 76]. In sum, after the devastating changes in the environment and psychological processes brought about by a large-scale earthquake, place attachment entered a dynamic process of post-disruption and re covery [11]. New place attachment to the reconstructed environment was created by renegotiating conflicts and reconciling losses and trauma [11]. However, it is a long-term process of recovery, which was also impacted by various secondary disasters that occurred after the main earthquake. These secondary disasters (e.g., landslides) might raise people’s concerns about possible risks, arouse traumatic memories, and exacerbate feelings of loss and uncertainty, which in turn can lead to a loss of one’s sense of control and disrupted affective bonds. That is to say, the post-disruption and recovery of place attachment is a dynamic process containing several cycles of “stability-disruption-recovery” divided by each secondary disaster. In this way, the gap in the literature concerning the influencing factors of place attachment (i.e., as an outcome variable) after large-scale disasters has been reduced through this study. Although this study sheds light on the post-disruption and reestab lishment of place attachment by analyzing the impact of the psycho logical processes of affect, cognition, and behavior on place attachment as an outcome variable after the Wenchuan earthquake, it is not without limitations. First, the disruption of place attachment is a dynamic pro cess, in which the influencing factors (perceived risk, emotions, and coping) are also influenced by temporal distance to the disaster. As the earthquake happened suddenly, it is not possible to have precise data before the earthquake, which is necessary for a comparative analysis. When studying the disruption of place attachment after abrupt disasters, there are not many longitudinal data to analyze the change of people’s affective bonds with places. Future studies would benefit from analyzing how the post-disruption of place attachment is influenced by perceived risk, emotions, coping, and place attachment at different points in time after large-scale disasters in other locations. Second, there are a considerable proportion of respondents who felt extremely sad and cried during the interview, which also increased the difficulty of data col lecting. Third, considering place attachment research is interdisci plinary, future studies might employ multimethod approaches (e.g., oral historiography and mixed-methods of qualitative and quantitative studies). Although this study has employed one of the most frequently used methodologies in place attachment research, mixed research ap proaches would enrich the understanding of residents’ affective bonds with place after large-scale disasters.
prepared for future disasters [46]. In addition, by planting palm trees, building a new plaza, and setting special ceremonial days to commem orate the past and hasten reconstruction efforts of the government of ficials, residents in the disaster-stricken area could move from the past to the future, construct meaning from the past, and strive to create a better future [13]. Fourth, the results showed that emotions had no direct effect on place attachment but indirectly affected place dependence positively through the mediating effect of coping behaviors. The suddenness and horror of disasters of natural origin can trigger a series of intense emo tions (e.g., grief, fear, and anxiety) [72]. Then, residents adopt coping behaviors to control their negative feelings caused by the disaster [33]. Thus, although negative emotions might lead to the disruption of place attachment on the one hand [48], coping practices help to regain a sense of control and recover place attachment on the other. However, in this study, which was conducted six years after the Wenchuan Earthquake, people’s emotions (e.g., pain, fear, and helplessness) were mostly healed after years of reconstruction and psychological healing process. That is to say, as time passes, the emotions of despair are slowly healed and transformed through self-helping and coping actions, which bring disaster victims hope [51,73]. As negative emotions serve important functions in shaping attitudes and producing behaviors, the negative emotions connected to the losses incurred by the earthquake have motivated residents to take actions and behaviors to move from the past to look toward to the future to cope with other possible disasters. In this way, such emotions indirectly help the recovery and reestablishment of place attachment through coping practices. By analyzing the impact of residents’ psychological processes regarding place attachment, the findings also have practical implica tions for reestablishing people’s affective connection with place. Clem ente and Salvati suggested that it is important to have a comprehensive understanding of local communities for reconstruction after earthquakes [74]. Considering that perceived risk has a negative effect on place attachment, constructing buildings with higher resistance to earth quakes [75] as well as rebuilding houses with local cultural character istics [37] help to increase residents’ feelings of control and their sense of safety. Moreover, as the low educational level of the residents might increase their vulnerability, reports on disaster monitoring are necessary to form objective evaluations and anticipation of future disasters. In this way, when residents regain a sense of control, their affective bonds with the place can begin to recover. Additionally, as coping behavior (e.g., self-help, helping others, and collective actions) can reestablish resi dents’ sense of stability and contribute to the recovery and reestab lishment of place attachment, governments could provide more strategies on risk coping to increase the efficiency of coping practices in disaster-affected communities. Moreover, social activities could be organized to enhance community connections and social support among disaster victims. Furthermore, as emotions have an indirect effect on place attachment via the mediator of coping behaviors, it is a good idea to help the residents’ healing processes by taking part in some collective coping practices and special ceremonial days to commemorate the past.
Funding This research was funded by the National Natural Science Founda tion of China [grant number 41801135, 41171121, 41801144 and 41871126]; Social Science Foundation of Ministry of Education of China [grant number 17YJC790209].
6. Conclusions Place attachment is a significant variable in predicting risk preven tion before disasters. However, it might also be disrupted during di sasters [7], and the recovery process would be slow [10]. This study examined how place attachment was influenced by perceived risk, emotions, and coping [7,13] from the perspective of the survivors of the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake in China. The findings revealed that for residents in the more seriously damaged area of Beichuan County, they not only perceived higher risks and more negative emotions [14] but also their functional connection to the place (i.e., place dependence) was more seriously damaged. The results of the structural equation modeling analysis demonstrated that perceived risk had a significant negative impact on the residents’ place dependence while coping behaviors
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Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/ijdrr
Disruption and reestablishment of place attachment after large-scale disasters: The role of perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping Chunhui Zheng a, *, Jie Zhang b, Yongrui Guo c, Yuling Zhang d, Lili Qian e a
School of Tourism, Guangzhou University, Guangzhou 510006, China Department of Land Resources and Tourism Sciences, Nanjing University, Nanjing 210023, China c School of History Culture and Tourism, Jiangsu Normal University, Xuzhou 221116, China d Guangzhou Institute of Geography, Guangzhou 510070, China e School of Business, Zhejiang University City College, Hangzhou 310015, China b
A R T I C L E I N F O
A B S T R A C T
Keywords: Large-scale disasters Disruption of place attachment Perceived risk Emotions Coping The Wenchuan earthquake
Disasters of natural origin cause the destruction of residential settings, and can create severe disruptions to place attachment, which is a less understood process. To address this research gap, this study explores how place attachment is influenced by changes in cognition, affect, and behavior caused by a large-scale earthquake and the successive secondary disasters. From 629 valid questionnaires completed by residents of two hard-hit areas in the Wenchuan earthquake in China, this study examines the impact of perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping on the disruption of place attachment. The results of the study demonstrated that residents in the more severely affected area perceived higher risks and had more negative emotions, but also their place dependence was more severely damaged. The results of the structural equation modeling demonstrated that perceived risk negatively affected place dependence while coping helped to restore residents’ place dependence and place identity. Sur prisingly, negative emotions were not found to disrupt people’s place attachment; rather, they helped to rees tablish place dependence indirectly via the mediator of coping. This study provides theoretical guidance on recovering residents’ place attachment in areas affected by large-scale disasters.
1. Introduction According to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2030 agenda, one important goal is to “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable” [1]. With the increasing global population, the impact of greater geological risks is growing in many cities located within hazard zones because of historical and geographical reasons [2,3]. Thus, to enhance residents’ sense of safety and resilience in disaster-stricken areas, it is important for policymakers to understand place attachment. Place attachment represents the existence of a place that provides people with a sense of security, stability, and belonging to which residents develop strong functional and affective attachment [4]. However, what happens to residents’ place attachment when their res idential place is drastically altered by a large-scale earthquake, and they remain vulnerable to aftershocks and secondary disasters (e.g.,
landslides)? How is place attachment affected by changes in the psy chological processes of cognition, affect, and behavior [5] brought about by a large-scale earthquake and successive secondary disasters? Place attachment and the effect of disasters is one of the main research areas regarding place [6]. Before disasters, place attachment acts as an important predictor in risk prevention and resilience; how ever, people-place bonds might be disrupted [7] or become negative or dysfunctional during disasters [8,9], and afterward, a long-term process of reestablishment is required [10]. Several studies have explored the disruption of place attachment after disasters [10–13], and they re ported a decline in place attachment after large-scale disasters, such as volcanic eruptions [14]. Moreover, the place identity and well-being link has been proven to decrease sharply following disasters [10], indicating that residents lose much of their affective people-place bond, and their sense of well-being is reduced following a disaster. Disrupted
* Corresponding author. School of Tourism, Guangzhou University, 230 Guangzhou University City Outer Ring Road, Guangzhou, 510006, China. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (C. Zheng), [email protected] (J. Zhang), [email protected] (Y. Guo), [email protected] (Y. Zhang), [email protected] (L. Qian). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2019.101273 Received 7 March 2019; Received in revised form 19 July 2019; Accepted 10 August 2019 Available online 12 August 2019 2212-4209/© 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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place attachment does not only negatively influence residents’ sense of well-being [15] and resilience [16], but it can also have numerous negative biopsychosocial impacts (e.g., stress-related illnesses, difficulty in learning, asthma, and PTSD [7,17]). Furthermore, after the disruption from large-scale disasters, the loss of place attachment can have a long-term impact and can involve a difficult process of reestablishment [13]. Thus, the post-disruption and recovery process of place attachment after large-scale disasters is essential for residents, and the topic requires further exploration. Despite the great importance of the disruption and reestablishment of place attachment after large-scale disasters, how place attachment (i. e., as an outcome variable) is affected by perceived risk, feelings of loss, and other psychological variables after large-scale disasters [14] re mains unclear [12,18,19]. Scannell and Gifford proposed a three-dimensional framework (i.e., person-process-place) of place attachment. When noticeable changes in people, psychological pro cesses (i.e., cognition, affect, and behavior), or places brought about by large-scale disasters, long-established place attachment might face se vere transformation and disruption [13]. An unanswered question is how salient changes in these processes (e.g., perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping behavior) brought about by a large-scale disaster modify residents’ place attachment after a disaster [14]. Thus, in recent years, more scholars have emphasized the necessity to deepen the un derstanding of the post-disruption of people’s attachment to a place after a large-scale disaster [18]. Bonaiuto et al. suggest that in coping with situations of natural environmental risk, an “insecure attachment style” [20] might be prevalent; however, this requires further empirical testing [19]. To address this gap in the research, this study examines how res idents’ place attachment was affected by changes in the psychological processes of cognition, affect, and behavior (e.g., perceived risk, nega tive emotions, and coping practices) following the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake in China. Practical guidance on restoring place attachment among residents of disaster-stricken areas is provided in the conclusion.
recent years, the relation between place attachment and disasters has received increasing academic attention in geography, environmental psychology, and related fields. Existing research on place attachment and disasters can be divided into three principal categories according to the timeline of disasters. The first category refers to how place attach ment influences people’s risk prevention before a disaster, which com prises most of the research in this field in recent years [7]. Some studies have shown that stronger place attachment before a disaster leads to an underestimation of the possible risks, while other studies have reached opposite conclusions [19]. The second category focuses on emotions, experience, and response during a disaster [14,33]. The third category refers to place attachment, recovery, and resilience after large-scale disasters [34,35]. For residents living in disaster-stricken areas, their experience and emotions before and after the large-scale disaster are very different. Bonaiuto et al. concluded that because of the different degrees of disasters and different timelines used by previous studies, the current knowledge on the relation between place attachment and di sasters seems superficially contradictory [19]. This could also be attributed to different concepts and measurements of place attachment (i.e., community attachment, attachment to biophysical place, and attachment to both sociocultural and natural settings) as well as varied risk-related variables used in previous research. Thus, it is important to distinguish the degree of disasters (i.e., large-scale disasters [14,34] or gradual environmental changes [36]) as well as the timeline (i.e., before, during, or after a disaster) before conducting empirical studies in this field [10]. Considering the research on place attachment after large-scale di sasters, whether and how place attachment changes when places change drastically in disasters is an important question. Some scholars have emphasized that devastating environmental changes might affect the people-place affective bond considerably [18]. Disasters, dislocation, and other drastic environmental changes might affect people’s affective bonds with their living place [18], even leading to a sense of “place lessness” [26,37]. The terms “landscape of fear” [38] and Porteous’s “topocide: the annihilation of place” [39] also imply that disasters disrupt peoples’ emotional connection with place. Fullilove suggested that disasters (i.e., wars, colonization, famines, and disasters of natural origin) and displacement may not only damage place dependence but can also destroy the symbolic meaning of place in people’s minds [40]. Following disasters, deaths of loved ones, and the loss of houses threatens the people-place affective connection [15,41]. Furthermore, the decline in place attachment can result in evacuees being unwilling to return after a natural disaster, such as after the Matupi volcanic eruption in Papua New Guinea [14,42]. However, even though the people-place affective bond can be dis rupted by a large-scale disaster, very few studies have examined how place attachment was affected by changes in psychological processes (cognition, affect, and behavior) after large-scale disasters [19,43–45]. Through a review of research on place attachment and post-disaster recovery, Jamili and Nejat classified the determinants of place attach ment into four categories: demographic, socioeconomic, spatial, and psychosocial [32]. The psychosocial category explored the relations among mental health, feelings of safety, and place attachment. In this framework, the authors indicate that the place attachment-perceived risk relationship remains unclear [32]. This is because there is more research on how place attachment influences people’s risk prevention before disasters (i.e., place attachment as an antecedent or mediating and moderating variable), while only a handful of studies (e.g. Ref. [14]) have focused on the impact of perceived risk and other psychological factors on the disruption of place attachment after large-scale disasters (i.e., place attachment as an outcome variable) [19]. Thus, it is vital to unveil how place attachment (i.e., an outcome variable) is affected by perceived risk, feelings of loss, and coping behavior brought about by a large-scale disaster [12,18,19] to understand its dynamic change and
2. Literature review and research hypotheses 2.1. Place attachment and disasters According to Lewicka’s literature review on place attachment research in the last 40 years, most branches of social sciences have explored place attachment or related terms [8]. Among them, human geography and environmental psychology have developed the two main perspectives. In the 1970s, human geographers argued that a place should not be considered as an abstract geometric space but as a meaningful place. Several concepts were proposed, such as “Topophilia” [21] and “sense of place” [22]. Then, in the 1980s, the first definitions of “place attachment” were proposed in environmental psychology [23, 24]. One of the most commonly used definitions suggests that place attachment refers to peoples’ positive affective connection to a specific place in which they feel safe and comfortable and have a tendency to remain close to such a place [25]. By reviewing various definitions, Scannell and Gifford developed a tripartite organizing framework of place attachment (i.e., person-process-place). So far, the most popular and frequently used measurement tool of place attachment was the one developed by William and Vaske [26], which consists of two constitu ents: place dependence and place identity [27]. Place dependence de scribes a functional attachment to place that stems from that the physical characteristics of how a place meets peoples’ needs and sup ports their goals. Place identity, a part of self-identity [28], reflects the symbolic importance of a place that enhances people’s self-esteem [29] and gives meaning to people’s lives [30]. The development of a place as a meaningful component of one’s self-identity is a long-term process [31]. Place attachment is an important factor in disaster research [32]. In
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regression analysis [14]. Furthermore, Cox and Perry found that after dramatic changes in landscapes caused by fire, various emotions (e.g., emotions related to fear, risk, and relocation) led to a disruption in place attachment [47].
recovery. 2.2. Perceived risk and place attachment Perceived risk refers to the probability of potential disasters occur ring and the seriousness of the possible losses. To understand the rela tion between perceived risk and place attachment, it is necessary to understand the timeline (i.e., before, during, and after the disaster) of these two variables at the very beginning. Different timelines might result in totally different conclusions. Before disasters occur, the resi dential place is a safe place that people are strongly attached to, and place attachment acts as a predictor to understand how people react to possible future environmental changes. That is why research in this subfield has mainly focused on analyzing the effect of place attachment on risk prevention. Both positive and negative correlations have been found [19]. On the contrary, after a large-scale natural disaster, the massive physical destruction, loss of sense of control, and evaluation of future risk [46] might lead to the disruption of place attachment. Thus, in the circumstances following a large-scale natural disaster, how place attachment is influenced by perceived risk, sense of uncertainty, and concerns about the threats posed by the natural environment merits further investigation. According to the framework of place attachment designed by Scan nell and Gifford [5], the sense of safety and physical and social char acteristics (such as natural environment, and architecture) are among the most important contributing factors to place attachment. After di sasters or forced relocation, people might find the drastically altered environment and unsafe living conditions hard to adapt to, which in turn lead to the disruption of affective bonds with the place [15]. Moreover, after a natural disaster, people suffer not only because of their losses (e. g., loss of friends and family, financial losses, and loss of connection to place) but also because they feel unsafe [14]. Moreover, after the dislocation that occurs because of disasters, the unfamiliar and new environment can induce disorientation and cognitive decline [2,47]. The feeling of losing control over their living environment might also lead to lower tolerance for change [48]. For instance, Helton, Head, and Kemp investigated the impacts of the 2010 Canterbury earthquake in New Zealand and found evidence of significant earthquake-induced cognitive disruption [49]. Munro and Managi also found that the perceived radiation risk deterred residents from returning after the Fukushima disaster in Japan [50]. Thus, while place attachment urges people to return to the disaster-hit area following disasters, perceived risk deters them from doing so [50], which implies that perceived risk is negatively related to place attachment. H1.
Perceived risk negatively influences place dependence.
H2.
Perceived risk negatively influences place identity.
H3.
Negative emotions influence place dependence negatively.
H4.
Negative emotions influence place identity negatively.
2.4. Coping and place attachment People’s practice has a large impact on place attachment. For instance, housing renovation and gardening are environment-altering activities, which have been shown to enhance peoples’ bonds to pla ces. After experiencing the trauma of losing their relatives and family home, people need to become actively involved in their own recovery and regain a sense of stability in their lives. Failure to make changes in their living environment will result in the further erosion of place attachment [13]. In other words, the lack of active participation in disaster recovery processes will result in victims feeling severely traumatized. People’s coping practices are essential to their recovery of place attachment. Disasters destroy human-made and natural landscapes and deepen residents’ sense of disorientation. To deal with disruptions and reestablish place attachment, residents may deploy coping mechanisms (i.e., restoring meaningful places, rebuilding social connections, taking collective action, and initiating self-help) [34,43]. Possessing a vision of future stability is important to the recovery of people-place affective relationships because such vision motivates residents to take action and thus regain a sense of meaning. When actions are effective in recon structing the future and re-creating a stable place [51], the re-creation of an attachment may be accelerated [13,51]. Using the Goderich com munity in Ontario, Canada, as an example, Silver and Grek-Martin found that coping behaviors (e.g., house reconstruction, living environment improvement, and tree-planting) helped victims to recover their sense of place identity [18]. H5.
Coping positively influences place dependence.
H6.
Coping positively influences place identity.
2.5. Conceptual framework The main objective of the study is to analyze the impact of perceived risk, emotions, and coping behavior on the disruption of place attach ment due to a natural disaster. Along with the previous hypotheses (Hypothesis 1–6), relationships among perceived risk, emotions, and coping are also hypothesized. According to former studies, people’s evaluation of environmental change might result in a series of emotions and enable them to use coping strategies [52], which confirms positive relationships between perceived risk, emotion, and coping behavior (Hypothesis 7–9). Furthermore, place dependence is positively related to place identity (Hypothesis 10). In addition, after experiencing a natural disaster, negative emotions urge residents to adopt a series of coping behaviors so that the place can satisfy their needs. In this way, emotions might have a positive effect on the recovery of place attach ment. Thus, this study assumed that emotions indirectly influence place dependence via the mediating effect of coping practices (Hypothesis 11) (Fig. 1).
2.3. Negative emotions and place attachment Undoubtedly, emotion is an important aspect of understanding peoples’ reactions to dramatic environmental changes and disasters. Previous studies have confirmed increases in stress levels following di sasters [10,34,47,49]. Furthermore, the relation of post-traumatic stress disorder, emotional and health-related problems, and the emotional aftermath (e.g., hopelessness and anxiety) of disasters have received significant research attention [10]. Place attachment is intrinsically related to the feelings and emotions connected to living in a comfortable and safe place in daily life [25]; thus, it could be affected by the traumatic emotions (e.g., anxiety and despair) that often occur after large-scale disasters. Several studies have revealed that feelings of loss and fear about possible future disasters can lead to a decline in place attachment [14,47]. Ruiz and Hern� andez found that following a volcanic eruption, feelings of loss result in a decrease in peoples’ bonds with places. Such a significant negative effect of the emotions of loss on place attachment was revealed in this study using
H7.
Perceived risk positively influences emotions.
H8.
Perceived risk positively influences coping.
H9.
Emotions positively influence coping.
H10. Place dependence positively influences place identity. H11. Coping mediates between emotions and place dependence. 3
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Longmenshan Fault Zone are especially vulnerable and have suffered from successive earthquakes, aftershocks, and various secondary di sasters (e.g., the “9.24” heavy rain and landslide in 2008, the “7.16” flood and landslide in 2009, the 7.0 magnitude Lushan earthquake in 2013 [34], and the 2016 Beichuan earthquake). The earthquake event acted as a potent natural stressor [49] that violated the residents’ former assumptions of safety. Thus, how is the recovery of disrupted place attachment affected and challenged by successive secondary disasters in disaster-hit areas? 3.3. Data collection and sample The study designed a research scale based on the literature review, field research, and in-depth interviews, and adjusted and improved the questionnaire through consultation with experts. The questionnaire used a 5-point Likert scale (i.e., 1 ¼ strongly disagree, and 5 ¼ strongly agree). Taking the residents of Beichuan and Dujiangyan as the research subjects, using a semi-structured questionnaire, field surveys were conducted at the case sites from May 6 to May 25, 2014. The trained research assistants interviewed the residents at the city square and main resettlement communities for earthquake-affected people and asked them if they were willing to complete a self-administered questionnaire and be interviewed. In total, 680 questionnaires were collected. After excluding incomplete questionnaires, a total of 629 valid questionnaires were retrieved, including 342 in Beichuan and 287 in Dujiangyan. This study used SPSS 21.0 and Amos 21.0 statistical software to analyze the sample data and test the hypotheses. Of the sample groups surveyed in this study, 53.9% of the re spondents were female. Furthermore, the proportion of people aged 21–50 years accounted for 80.8% of the study respondents. Regarding the sample’s ethnic composition, most participants were Han (74.9%), while Qiang, Hui, and Tibetan people together accounted for 25.1% of the total sample. Regarding educational level, 61.4% of the participants had completed only junior high school or lower. Finally, 75.0% of the sample was native to the study sites. According to the statistical year book, more than 70% of the population of Beichuan county and Dujiangyan city in 2008 were agricultural workers [57,58]. As thou sands of hectares of farmland were destroyed in the Wenchuan earth quake, a great proportion of peasants lost their farmland. That is why many respondents reported that the main impacts of the Wenchuan earthquake included loss of land, houses, and sources of income.
Fig. 1. Hypothetical model.
3. Materials and methods 3.1. Measurement scale From an extensive literature review and the case examined in the study, the measurement scale was designed. In this study, the framework of place attachment consists of two dimensions: place dependence and place identity [27]. Moreover, place in this study includes both physical and sociocultural settings of the city, it is much more suitable for an analysis of the impact of risk anxiety, feelings of loss, and coping behavior brought about by a severe earthquake and ongoing secondary disasters on place attachment. Perceived risk focuses mainly on the subjective probability and severity of potential disasters and negative consequences and loss [53]. Emotions consist of emotional reactions towards both the retrospective and prospective disasters and loss. Retrospective loss-based emotions refer to reactions to past disastrous events (e.g., sadness and despair). In addition, prospective loss-based emotions relate to the subjective evaluation of future disasters, such as worry [54]. Coping consists of personal practices to mitigate the con sequences of past disasters and prepare for future risks [55]. 3.2. Study area
4. Results
The 8.0-magnitude Wenchuan earthquake in 2008 in Sichuan Prov ince destroyed more than 100,000 square km area and was one of the largest and most destructive earthquakes in the last 100 years [56]. The disaster-affected and disaster-hit areas involved 51 counties (cities); 69, 227 residents were killed and 37,463 were injured. A total of 17,923 people were reported missing, more than 15.1 million people became homeless, and the direct economic losses amounted to ¥ 845.1 billion (about USD 122.7 billion). As this study focuses on analyzing the post-disruption of place attachment after large-scale disasters, the two hard-hit areas of Beichuan County and Dujiangyan City were chosen for the analysis. Although both areas experienced large destructive changes after the Wenchuan earthquake, Beichuan County was devastated dramatically: approximately 70% of all buildings collapsed, causing 15, 645 deaths, 26,916 injuries, and 4311 missing people. The number of injuries in Beichuan County accounted for more than 70% of all injuries sustained during the Wenchuan earthquake. As the old Beichuan county town is located at the intersection of three, high-risk seismic faults and experienced extreme devastation, the residents were relocated 23 km away from the town to a new location, which is now called “New Bei chuan.” On the other hand, in Dujiangyan City, more than 3000 resi dents were killed, more than 10,000 were injured, and more than 400 remain missing. After the Wenchuan Earthquake, people who live around the
4.1. Measurement model First, to test the validity and reliability of the measurements, a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was conducted. The Cronbach’s alpha values were between 0.712 and 0.818, indicating that the con structs had satisfactory reliability. The results showed that the stan dardized factor loadings of the observed variables and their constructs were all greater than 0.5 (see Table 1) and were statistically significant. Other than the factor loadings, construct validity was also tested by both the composite reliability of the construct (CR) and the average variance extracted (AVE). CR is the combination of all the observed variables’ reliability, which expresses the internal consistency of the constructs [59]. All CR values in this study were above the threshold value of 0.60 [60], which indicates satisfactory internal consistency. Higher AVE values indicate that the percentage of the observed variables explained by the latent construct are higher. The AVE values were all greater than the general threshold of 0.5, except two values that were slightly lower than 0.5, suggesting that the observed variables truly represented the latent constructs. The overall fit of the measurement model was evalu ated by various goodness-of-fit indices (χ2/df ¼ 2.964, RMSEA ¼ 0.056, NFI ¼ 0.911, GFI ¼ 0.938, IFI ¼ 0.939, CFI ¼ 0.939, RMR ¼ 0.042, PNFI ¼ .745). All of the indices met the recommended cut-off criteria, 4
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p < .05). In addition, H10 was supported, demonstrating the positive impact of place dependence on place identity.
Table 1 Measurement properties. Construct and items
Mean
Loading
Cronbach’s
CR
AVE
.794
.801
.505
.789
.793
.490
.758
.763
.520
.712
.719
.461
4.3. Test of mediating effects
α Perceived risk PR1 It is probable that aftershocks, flooding, and landslides will happen. PR2 It is probable that these disasters will have harmful consequences. PR3 These disasters are threatening to me. PR4 The consequences of these disasters last long. Emotions Em1 Despair Em2 Worry Em3 Helplessness Em4 Sadness Coping C1 I try to employ preventive measures. C2 I try to do something to prevent or mitigate any potential harmful consequences. C3 I try my best to help myself and others recover. Place Dependence PA5 This place provides better living conditions than other places. PA6 I think this place is more suitable for people than other places. PA7 I am very satisfied with life in this place. Place Identity PA1 My sense of identity is strongly connected to this place PA2 I feel that this place is part of myself. PA3 I am very attached to this place. PA4 This place has special meaning for me.
3.35
.591
3.60
.805
3.69
.780
3.63
.644
3.12 3.75 3.45 3.97
.707 .786 .655 .644
4.16
.767
4.13
.770
4.28
.616
3.71
.625
4.11
.687
4.13
.721
4.09
.727
4.12
.825
4.15
.821
4.21
.559
.818
.827
To identify the exact influencing mechanism between emotions and place dependence, the possible indirect effects of coping (H11) on this relationship were tested further with bootstrapping using AMOS 21.0. Bootstrapping is a widely accepted method for testing indirect effects [61]. Moreover, in testing the significance of mediation path, boot strapping is regarded as a better method than the Sobel test because of its robustness [62,63]. In this study, the bootstrap resamples were conducted using a bias-corrected 95% CI and 2000 resamples [64,65]. When zero is not included in the bias-corrected 95% CI, the mediating paths are proven to be significant. When testing the indirect effect of coping on the emotions-place dependence relationship (H11), the results supported H11. The indi rect effects of emotions on place dependence (β ¼ 0.037, SE boot. ¼ 0.012, 95% CI ¼ 0.004 to 0.094) via coping were significant, as the 95% CI did not contain zero. In the direct effect, the 95% CI for emotions on place dependence was 0.029 to 0.249, which contained 0, indicating that coping fully mediated the effects of emotions and place dependence (Table 3). 5. Discussion and implications First, the means of most of the items in perceived risk and emotions ranged between 3.5 and 4 on the Likert scale, which indicates agreement [66]. Thus, the means demonstrated the residents’ agreement with risk possibility and seriousness as well as the negative affective impact of past and possible future disasters (e.g., landslides, aftershocks, and other secondary disasters). Coping mainly ranged between 4 and 5, which shows that people focus more on coping behaviors after the occurrence of an earthquake. To see if there was a difference in perceived risk, emotions, coping, and place attachment between the different areas, we also compared the means of the variables between the Beichuan and Dujiangyan areas. The results revealed that residents of Beichuan perceived higher risks (RiskBeichuan ¼ 3.7844, RiskDujiangyan ¼ 3.3075, t ¼ 7.119, p < .001), stronger negative emotions (EmotionsBeichuan ¼ 3.7690, EmotionsDu jiangyan ¼ 3.3380, t ¼ 5.981, p < .001), and lower place dependency than did residents of Dujiangyan (PDBeichuan ¼ 3.8207, PDDujiangyan ¼ 4.1800, t ¼ -6.031, p < .001). Nevertheless, no significant difference in place identity was found for the two sites (t place identity ¼ - 0.607). The reason may be that, although Dujiangyan was also a hard-hit area, the number of people who experienced personal damage and loss was much smaller compared to Beichuan. Most of Beichuan town was devastated by the earthquake, and the entire population had to be resettled. According to the results, residents in the more seriously damaged area of Beichuan perceived higher risks and negative emotions than the Dujiangyan res idents and their functional connection to place (i.e., place dependence) was more severely disrupted. It seems that the degree of disaster con sequences [46] and the experience of personal damage [67] influences the level of future perceived risk, emotions, and place dependence. This �ndez who found finding is consistent with the findings of Ruiz and Herna that the closer residents were to the volcanic eruption on the island of El Hierro, Spain, the stronger the negative emotions they experienced in the aftermath of the disaster [14]. When faced with the massive losses inflicted by a large earthquake, residents feel sad, helpless, afraid, and worried, and like they can no longer “make a perilous world seem safe” [68] (p. 240). This explains why the participants of the study did not make positive statements about risk possibility and seriousness. In turn, their former attachment arising from a fairly stable context was eroded by the drastic changes created by the large-scale disaster. On the con trary, there were no significant differences regarding place identity be tween these two areas, which is consistent with a previous study that
.549
showing a satisfactory congruence between the model and the data. Table 1 displays the results of the questionnaire. 4.2. The impact of perceived risk, negative emotions, and coping on place attachment The results of the analysis of the hypothesized relationships among the five constructs are displayed in Fig. 2 and Table 2. H1 stated that the stronger the perceived risk, the weaker place dependence is likely to be (β ¼ 0.159, p < .1). This illustrates that if people perceive a higher possibility of future disasters of natural origin, their functional dependence on the residential place will decrease. On the contrary, higher perceived risk was found to have no significant effect on place identity (H2). The relationship between emotions and place dependence (H3) and the relationship between emotions and place identity (H4) were not significant. As predicted by H5, coping had a significant positive impact on place dependence (β ¼ 0.348, p < .001). Moreover, coping significantly affected place identity, thus supporting H6. H7 stated that higher perceived risk would result in more negative emotions, and this was confirmed (β ¼ 0.722, p < .001). The relationship between perceived risk and coping (H8) was not supported (β ¼ 0.29, p < .001). H9 suggested that the stronger the emotion, the more likely people would use coping strategies after large-scale disasters (β ¼ 0.204, 5
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Fig. 2. Standardized results of the structural model. * Significant at p < .1, ** Significant at p < .05, *** Significant at p < .001.
Second, perceived risk was found to affect place dependence nega tively. The severe earthquake caused a deterioration in residents’ perceived safety, which in turn disrupted their functional place depen dence. This result is supported by the example of the Buffalo Creek victims after flooding: the noise of rainstorms amplified by the metal roofs of their trailers would keep residents vigilant throughout rainy nights, fearful of future flooding [13]. Thus, the provision of new housing to provide a feeling of security is vital for these residents. The perceived probability and severity of disasters and loss would damage residents’ sense of safety and functional attachment to their residential place. It is also found that burglary victims seem to struggle with the process of psychological reconstruction of residential security [13]. The negative impact of perceived risk on place dependence might explain the internal mechanisms of why perceived radiation risk deterred intention to return after the triple Fukushima disaster (earthquake, tsunami, and radioactive discharge) in Japan [50]. According to the theory of place dependence, people remain attached to a place only when this place can satisfy their needs, and they consider it to be a better place than other viable choices [70]. When the place fails to meet their needs, and alternative places offer much better living conditions, place dependence may weaken [31]. For the residents whose place attachment is dis rupted, it is a huge challenge to negotiate the loss and recreate a positive future [13]. The constancy of a safe place is important for residents to build their functional attachment through their routine lives [2,71]. Third, the positive effects of coping on both dimensions of place attachment were revealed, showing that coping behaviors help the restoration of place attachment. This conclusion is to some extent sup ported by the finding that after the Canterbury 2010–2012 earthquake sequence, the rebuilt neighborhood connection enabled residents to employ coping strategies through managing and collectively solving problems, and thus recreated affective connections [2]. Such coping behaviors (i.e., collective action, helping others, and self-help as well as being with others) helped to create meaning and allowed people to reestablish a sense of control. Despite the severe damage caused by a large-scale disaster, residents could change in positive ways and move forward through coping behaviors [10]. For instance, after experiencing the massive physical destruction and loss caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake (GEJE), households used more active coping actions and
Table 2 Results of the structural relationship model. Hypotheses
Structural relations
Standardized coefficient
H1
perceived risk- PD perceived risk- PI EmotionsPD Emotions- PI Coping- PD Coping- PI perceived risk -emotions perceived risk- coping emotionscoping PD- PI
- .159*
H2 H3 H4 H5 H6 H7 H8 H9 H10
Critical ratio (tvalue) 1.790
p
Hypothesis
.073
Supported
.053
.744
.457
�
.106
1.554
.120
�
.075 .348*** .133** .722***
1.035 4.112 2.246 14.001
.300 *** .025 ***
� Supported Supported Supported
.124
1.489
.137
�
.204**
2.400
.016
Supported
.640***
10.087
***
Supported
* Significant at p < .1, ** Significant at p < .05, *** Significant at p < .001. PD ¼ place dependence, PI ¼ place identity. Table 3 Bootstrapping methodology for mediating effect. Mediating effects
Total Effects
Direct Effect (CI)
Indirect Effects (CI)
Mediation Hypotheses
emotionscoping-PD
.143*
.106 ( .029 to .249)
.037** (.004to.094)
Supported
*p < .1; **p < .05; ***p < .001; bootstrap confidence in parentheses, CI ¼ confidence interval.
found that place identity depends on long-term complex cognitive pro cesses [28] and has been shown to be more stable and much harder to alter [14]. In addition, the significant differences between these two areas might also be related to a perception of less or more exposure to the disaster [69]. 6
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helped people’s recovery and reestablishment of place dependence and identity following the disaster. Surprisingly, negative emotions did not disrupt place dependence but facilitated its recovery indirectly via coping behaviors, which is different from the negative impact of feelings of loss on place attachment during the disaster [14]. This may be because, after several years of recovery, the residents succeeded in managing their negative emotions through active coping behaviors [51, 76]. In sum, after the devastating changes in the environment and psychological processes brought about by a large-scale earthquake, place attachment entered a dynamic process of post-disruption and re covery [11]. New place attachment to the reconstructed environment was created by renegotiating conflicts and reconciling losses and trauma [11]. However, it is a long-term process of recovery, which was also impacted by various secondary disasters that occurred after the main earthquake. These secondary disasters (e.g., landslides) might raise people’s concerns about possible risks, arouse traumatic memories, and exacerbate feelings of loss and uncertainty, which in turn can lead to a loss of one’s sense of control and disrupted affective bonds. That is to say, the post-disruption and recovery of place attachment is a dynamic process containing several cycles of “stability-disruption-recovery” divided by each secondary disaster. In this way, the gap in the literature concerning the influencing factors of place attachment (i.e., as an outcome variable) after large-scale disasters has been reduced through this study. Although this study sheds light on the post-disruption and reestab lishment of place attachment by analyzing the impact of the psycho logical processes of affect, cognition, and behavior on place attachment as an outcome variable after the Wenchuan earthquake, it is not without limitations. First, the disruption of place attachment is a dynamic pro cess, in which the influencing factors (perceived risk, emotions, and coping) are also influenced by temporal distance to the disaster. As the earthquake happened suddenly, it is not possible to have precise data before the earthquake, which is necessary for a comparative analysis. When studying the disruption of place attachment after abrupt disasters, there are not many longitudinal data to analyze the change of people’s affective bonds with places. Future studies would benefit from analyzing how the post-disruption of place attachment is influenced by perceived risk, emotions, coping, and place attachment at different points in time after large-scale disasters in other locations. Second, there are a considerable proportion of respondents who felt extremely sad and cried during the interview, which also increased the difficulty of data col lecting. Third, considering place attachment research is interdisci plinary, future studies might employ multimethod approaches (e.g., oral historiography and mixed-methods of qualitative and quantitative studies). Although this study has employed one of the most frequently used methodologies in place attachment research, mixed research ap proaches would enrich the understanding of residents’ affective bonds with place after large-scale disasters.
prepared for future disasters [46]. In addition, by planting palm trees, building a new plaza, and setting special ceremonial days to commem orate the past and hasten reconstruction efforts of the government of ficials, residents in the disaster-stricken area could move from the past to the future, construct meaning from the past, and strive to create a better future [13]. Fourth, the results showed that emotions had no direct effect on place attachment but indirectly affected place dependence positively through the mediating effect of coping behaviors. The suddenness and horror of disasters of natural origin can trigger a series of intense emo tions (e.g., grief, fear, and anxiety) [72]. Then, residents adopt coping behaviors to control their negative feelings caused by the disaster [33]. Thus, although negative emotions might lead to the disruption of place attachment on the one hand [48], coping practices help to regain a sense of control and recover place attachment on the other. However, in this study, which was conducted six years after the Wenchuan Earthquake, people’s emotions (e.g., pain, fear, and helplessness) were mostly healed after years of reconstruction and psychological healing process. That is to say, as time passes, the emotions of despair are slowly healed and transformed through self-helping and coping actions, which bring disaster victims hope [51,73]. As negative emotions serve important functions in shaping attitudes and producing behaviors, the negative emotions connected to the losses incurred by the earthquake have motivated residents to take actions and behaviors to move from the past to look toward to the future to cope with other possible disasters. In this way, such emotions indirectly help the recovery and reestablishment of place attachment through coping practices. By analyzing the impact of residents’ psychological processes regarding place attachment, the findings also have practical implica tions for reestablishing people’s affective connection with place. Clem ente and Salvati suggested that it is important to have a comprehensive understanding of local communities for reconstruction after earthquakes [74]. Considering that perceived risk has a negative effect on place attachment, constructing buildings with higher resistance to earth quakes [75] as well as rebuilding houses with local cultural character istics [37] help to increase residents’ feelings of control and their sense of safety. Moreover, as the low educational level of the residents might increase their vulnerability, reports on disaster monitoring are necessary to form objective evaluations and anticipation of future disasters. In this way, when residents regain a sense of control, their affective bonds with the place can begin to recover. Additionally, as coping behavior (e.g., self-help, helping others, and collective actions) can reestablish resi dents’ sense of stability and contribute to the recovery and reestab lishment of place attachment, governments could provide more strategies on risk coping to increase the efficiency of coping practices in disaster-affected communities. Moreover, social activities could be organized to enhance community connections and social support among disaster victims. Furthermore, as emotions have an indirect effect on place attachment via the mediator of coping behaviors, it is a good idea to help the residents’ healing processes by taking part in some collective coping practices and special ceremonial days to commemorate the past.
Funding This research was funded by the National Natural Science Founda tion of China [grant number 41801135, 41171121, 41801144 and 41871126]; Social Science Foundation of Ministry of Education of China [grant number 17YJC790209].
6. Conclusions Place attachment is a significant variable in predicting risk preven tion before disasters. However, it might also be disrupted during di sasters [7], and the recovery process would be slow [10]. This study examined how place attachment was influenced by perceived risk, emotions, and coping [7,13] from the perspective of the survivors of the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake in China. The findings revealed that for residents in the more seriously damaged area of Beichuan County, they not only perceived higher risks and more negative emotions [14] but also their functional connection to the place (i.e., place dependence) was more seriously damaged. The results of the structural equation modeling analysis demonstrated that perceived risk had a significant negative impact on the residents’ place dependence while coping behaviors
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