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Diversity in the ethnic media audience: A study of Spanish language broadcast preference in the U.S.
DIVERSITY IN THE ETHNIC MEDIA AUDIENCE: A STUDY OF SPANISH LANGUAGE BROADCAST PREFERENCE IN THE U.S.
RONALD
J. FABER
University of Texas THOMAS C. 0 % UINN University of Illinois TIMOTHY P MEYER University of Wisconsin-Green Bay ABSTRACT. The present study hypothesized that the media use and preference of ethnic minorities may not be due solely to language ability or level of acculturation, but rather may be role specific. Individuals assume several different roles in the course of the average day and media use may reflect the expectations associated with these roles. It was further hypothesized that radio, which can be used in a wide variety of situational settings, would yield different typologies of people who preferred ethnic language stations. However, television, which is generally viewed just at home, was conceived of as more likely to yield a homogeneous user group. Data from 993 Mexican-Americans living in the Southwestern US. conformed to these expectations. Two distinct profiles of Mexican-Americans who preferred Spanish language radio were created. However, only one profile of Hispanics who preferred Spanish language television emerged. The findings have important implications for theory regarding the role media plays in the lives of immigrants and ethnic minorities as well as for practitioners designing communication messages for ethnic audiences.
ACCULTURATION
AND
THE
MASS
MEDIA
Communication has long been considered as a crucial component in the acculturation process (Sapir, 1931; Mendelsohn, 1964). Research focusing on interpersonal communication has found that immigrants who have greater contact with members of the host society also demonstrate higher levels of acculturation (James, 1961; Ossenberg, 1964; Weinstock, 1964). Mass communication has also been postulated to be an important source of acculturation for immigrant groups and ethnic minorities (Kim, Requests for reprints should be addressed University of Texas, Austin, TX 78712.
to Ronald
347
J. Faber, Department
of Advertising,
348
A’. J. Fuber, 7: C. U’Guinn
and T: I? Meyer
1979; DeFleur & Cho, 1957). However, the relationship between mass media use and acculturation has been subjected to only very limited empirical testing from communication scholars. Kim (1977) conducted the most direct test of the media’s influence on acculturation in a study of Korean immigrants in the Chicago area. This study looked at the effect of four exogenous variables on both interpersonal communication and mass media use and the subsequent influence of the communication variables on understanding the similarities and differences between Korean and American cultures (perceptual complexity). Mass media was found to be positively related to perceptual complexity, but not as strongly related as interpersonal communication. Other researchers have looked at variables associated with the use of ethnic media rather than the host society’s media. Within the United States, the majority of these studies have focused on Hispanic audiences since Hispanics are the fastest growing ethnic minorit~~ in the U.S. Additionally, Spanish language media are frequently available in areas with large Hispanic populations. In 1981, for example, there were an estimated 150 radio stations in the United States broadcasting at least 10 hours 1982). Approximately, two-thirds of per week in Spanish (Guernica, these stations broadcasted in Spanish fulI time. Additionally, there were 12 Spanish language television stations in the U.S. Spanish language programming was also available in over 100 markets via cable television and low power repeater stations. Thus, most U.S. Hispanics have Spanish language media available as an alternative to English language broadcasts. Valenzuela (1973) found that socioeconomic status and age were related to Spanish-language media preferences among Hispanics living in the Southwestern U.S. Low income and older people were the heaviest users of both Spanish-language radio and Spanish-language television, while younger and higher level SES Hispanics were more frequent users of English-language media. Lopez and Enos (1973) obtained similar results in their survey of Hispanics residing in the Los Angeles area. Those Hispanics who watched only Spanish-language television were more likely to have been born outside of the United States, had lower annual incomes and were older (over 30) than other respondents. Finally, Gallup (1979), in a national telephone survey, also found that the age, income and educational level of Hispanics were related to their use of Spanish-language radio. The majority of Hispanics in all age groups over 18 (18-34; 35-49; and 50 f ) stated they listened to Spanish-language radio each weekday. Only among teenagers (12-17) did less than a majority listen to Spanish-language stations. Among this age group contemporary Anglo and Black formats were more popular than Spanish broadcasts. As with other studies, Gal-
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lup found that preference for Spanish-language radio was inversely related to income and education. Since each of the demographic variables found in these studies to be related to the use or preference for Spanish-language media have also been found to be related to lower levels of acculturation (Leslie, Larson 8z Gruman, 1976), one may be tempted to perceive these findings as supportive of the “use of host media leads to acculturation” hypothesis. This, however, may be an important fallacy. The notion that host media use leads to acculturation is rooted in solid theoretical grounds, while the converse hypothesis, that the use of ethnic media is a barrier to acculturation, is not. The mass media have long been considered as a transmitter of cultural norms and societal values (Lasswell, 1948). Use of the media should, therefore, provided knowledge of values and expected behaviors of the society producing its content. The belief that the use of the host society’s media can lead to greater acculturation is closely akin to socia!ization theory. Socialization theory has been used to explore children’s learning from the mass media. This can include knowledge of norms and values. For example, DeFleur and DeFleur (1967) found that children learned not only information about different occupations from television, but also the prestige associated with these occupations. While socialization theory has typically been applied to just children, Faber, Brown and McLeod (1979) have argued that it extends beyond childhood and can be applied at all stages of the life cycle. They see media as potentially serving a socializing function whenever people’expect to enter a role or situation about which they have little knowledge. This clearly could apply to the immigrant or ethnic group member who has had little direct experience with the host society. It must be remembered, however, that the media are only one of many socializing agents. The converse hypothesis that the use of ethnic media inhibits successful acculturation does not directly flow from socialization theory. In fact, that hypothesis would hold only if one were willing to make one of the following assumptions. Either, (1) the mass media are the major acculturation agent and the use of ethnic media prevents the use of the host media; or (2) use of ethnic media leads to stronger ethnic ties which prohibit or severely retard acculturation. The first assumption positing that the media are the major acculturation agent is highly questionable. Socialization research has generally found that the media are only one of many socializing sources and rarely are they the most important one (Comstock et al., 1978; Howitt, 1976; Ward, 1974). More directly, Kim’s finding that interpersonal communication was more highly related to acculturation than mass media use challenges the veracity of this assumption.
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R. J. Faber, 7: C. O’Guinn and 7: P Meyer
The alternative assumption that ethnic media use strengthens ethnic ties and thus retards acculturation is tied to the traditional view of an all or nothing dichotomy between ethnicity and acculturation which has limited the theoretical development of the field. Kim (1979) has cogently pointed out the fallacy of both the assimilationist and pluralist perspectives, and has presented an alternative view in which a continuum exists for which ethnicity and acculturation are the polar anchor points. Individuals or groups can then be seen as falling somewhere along this continuum. While this perspective was an important improvement over past conceptualizations, it too has its limitations. Most importantly, it continues to view an individual as being at only one point along the continuum at any given point in time. An alternative perspective can be seen by applying role theory. Role theory assumes that in the course of daily activities all individuals are thrust into a variety of different roles (Ostlund, 1973). Each role carries with it a set of different expectations for behavior. Thus, the behaviors exhibited by an individual become situationally defined. Spiegel (1964) developed a taxonomy of six types of roles individuals assume. These roles include: biological, semibiological, institutional, transitional, character and fantasy. Two of these classifications, semibiological and institutional, seem particularly appropriate to a discussion of acculturation. Semibiological roles include those of ethnic and kinship relations. Institutional roles are those adopted in occupational, political or recreational situations. It may be reasonable to assume that in relationships with other members of one’s ethnic group or family, people will likely assume an ethnic role. In these situations, their behavior most often will conform to the shared norms of the parent culture. However, in institutional roles where people interact with member of the host society, these same individuals may be expected to behave in a manner consistent with the host society’s norms and values. Therefore, by utilizing role theory we can develop a more complex perspective of the behaviors associated with acculturation and ethnicity which more closely approximates the complexity of human behavior. When this role perspective is applied to media use, we may hypothesize that the use of ethnic media is not always predictive of a lower level of acculturation. Instead, there may be many different types of people using ethnic media within many different situations. Thus, we might expect multiple typologies of ethnic media users. This view is consistent with research conducted by Dunn (1975). Dunn factor analyzed 37 demographic and media use variables and obtained six separate factors indicating that the Mexican-American audience was indeed heterogeneous. However, his procedure of placing all the demographic and media use variables together makes it impossible to deter-
Ethnic Media Audience
3.51
mine if there were really separate typologies existing within a given ethnic medium. The present study is an attempt to answer this question. Two separate media were examed here, radio and television. It was hypothesized that separate typologies would be more likely among Spanish-language radio listeners since radio can be used in a wide variety of situational settings (at home, at work, in a car). Television, on the other hand, is generally viewed just at home and was, therefore, conceived of as more likely to yield a homogeneous user group. METHODOLOGY
Sample In-person interviews were conducted with 993 Mexican-Americans living in and around San Antonio, Texas. San Antonio was chosen because of the large concentration of Hispanics living there, and the availability of Spanish-language media. San Antonio is the third largest Hispanic AD1 in the United States, smaller than only New York and Los Angeles (Guernica, 1982). Additionally, with almost 60% of its populations being Mexican-American, San Antonio has the largest concentration of Hispanics compared to the total population of any major city in the United States (Strategy Research Corporation, 1980). Among the 21 radio stations operating in San Antonio, three broadcast exclusively in Spanish. San Antonio also has a Spanish-language television station among its 4 over the air stations.
Instrument Face-to-face interviews were conducted on 3 consecutive Saturdays by trained and experienced bilingual interviewers. Respondents were contacted and interviewed at various shopping centers in areas of San Antonio where there was a high concentration of Mexican-Americans. The vast majority of people approached consented to the interview. The refusal rate was less than 3%. The interviews took approximately 35 minutes to complete. The research intrument contained major sections on personal demographics and communication use and language preferences. Demographic variables included: age, sex, annual household income, occupation, education level, family size, years residing in San Antonio and country of birth. The second section included media variables measuring newspaper subscription and readership, radio exposure by day-part and by listening location (car, home and work), favorite radio station, television viewing and language preference, and news sources and preferences. This section
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also measured interpersonal ing business or shopping.
language
preferences
at home and when do-
Data Analysis The primary analytical tool was canonical correlation, a multivariate technique which enables the researcher to construct and interpret meaningful audience profiles that relate various sets of variables. The .05 level of statistical significance was used to identify and interpret all canonical variate roots (linear combinations of predictor and criterion variables). All canonical variate coefficients that were .I5 or greater were interpreted as making a significant contribution to the overall canonical correlation. Canonical analysis produces a series of underlying combinations of variables that are statistically independent of one another. Like other correlation analyses, however, the naming of variable sets and the strength of relationships by no means imply causality. Such labels are simply for convenience in interpretation and presentation of results. In this case, the primary interest was to construct meaningful typologies of those typifying both the primary Spanish language radio and television audiences. In regard to the Spanish language radio audience, two “criterion” variables were selected: radio language preference and a measure of overall radio exposure (number of hours per week spent listening to the radio). Thus, the multivariate relationship between the linear combinations of sets should reflect not only radio language preference, but also the level of radio use in general. The predictor set was composed of 27 demographic, media and language preference variables. Two criterion variables were also used to assess the Spanish language television audience. Kim (1979) pointed out that among immigrant groups exposure to media news content was somewhat distinct from exposure to entertainment content. Therefore, the criterion variables utilized here were chosen to reflect both types of content. One variable was a general preference for Spanish language television while the second was a preference measure for local television news in Spanish. For this analysis, 13 demographic, media use and language preference variables were included in the predictor set of variables. RESULTS The subjects in this study can be characterized as heavy radio listeners. Over half of the respondents (53%) indicated that they usually listened to the radio three or more hours per day. The mean length of time spent listening was 3.9 hours per day. The high frequency of radio use found here is consistent with the results from previous investigations of Mexican-American audiences. A number of studies utilizing different metho-
Ethnic Media Audience
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dologies have repeatedly found that all Hispanic groups use radio to a greater extent than the general population (Arbitron, 1978; Guernica, 1982). Overall, 32.7% of the respondents named a Spanish-language radio station as their favorite station. Preference for Spanish-language television was slightly less common with 22% of those people having a favorite station naming the Spanish-language station. The greater preference of Mexican-Americans for Spanish-language radio over Spanish-language television is also consistent with findings from previous studies (Yankelovich, Skelly & White, 1981). Thus, it would appear that the media use preferences of these respondents are consistent with those from other investigations and, therefore, we may have some confidence in generalizing findings from these data beyond the current sample. The primary purpose of this analysis was to determine whether or not the Hispanic broadcast audience was homogenous and uniform in its relationship to acculturation indicators. The fact that the canonical correlation analysis of Spanish-language radio users yielded two distinct typologies is, therefore, extremely important. These typologies were derived from two statistically significant canonical variates (x2 = 345.89, df= 54,p< .OOOl; and x’= 138.53, df= 26,p< .OOOl). The first canonical variate accounted for approximately 38.3% of the variance (R,= .6188); while the second variate accounted for an additional 27.6% of the variance (R, = .525 1). Since each canonical variate is statistically independent of the other, they should be interpreted as representing two separate and distinct typologies of Spanish language radio users. While both groups prefer Spanish language radio, the first typology also represents heavy radio listeners, while the second group is identified with less frequent radio use. Spanish language radio users in typology A tend to be less educated than the average respondent. They are also heavier users of the radio medium in general and are frequent listeners during the morning (6:00 a.m.-10:OO a.m.), mid-day (10 a.m.-3:OO p.m.), and afternoon (3:00 p.m.-7:OO p.m.) day-parts. Spanish language radio users identified in typology B are older and less educated than the typical respondent. They have a preference for reading in Spanish, for speaking Spanish at home and they prefer to watch local television news on a Spanish language station. These people are lighter users of radio in general and do not listen to the radio at work. They prefer FM stations when listening to the radio in their car. They have lower than average probabilities of being exposed to radio during the afternoon (3:00 p.m.-7:OO p.m.) and evening (7:00 p.m.-12:OO a.m.) dayparts. It appears that typology B represents the group of ethnic media users typically assumed to represent a lower level of acculturation. The use of
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TABLE 1 Canonical Correlation Results: Spanish-Language Radio Audience Cancorr Coefficients Variate A Predictor
Variables
Age Education Spanish preferred at home Prefer to read in Spanish Listen to radio at home Listen to radio at work Listen to FM in car Morning day-part Mid-day day-part Afternoon day-part Evening day-part Prefer TV news in Spanish
* - 0.1735
* *
+ 0.4319 + 0.3008 t +0.1871 +0.2103 +0.2614 1
*
Variate B
+0.3147 -0.1581 + 0.2027 + 0.2778 l
- 0.3462 + 0.2081
* *
- 0.2583 - 0.2190 +0.1974
Criterion Variables General radio use (hrs/wk) Prefer SLR (1st choice)
+ 0.8335 + 0.4441
*denotes
which is less than .15
a canonical
coefficient
- 0.5718 + 0.9081
Spanish-language radio among this group is associated with a similar language preference in talking at home, in reading and for television news. However, typology A indicates that there is also another group of Mexican-Americans who prefer Spanish-language radio in some settings without having any accompanying preference for Spanish-language communication in other situations. A second canonical correlation analysis was performed to determine if more than one typology of people preferring Spanish-language television existed. It was hypothesized that multiple typologies would be less likely for television since television is generally viewed in only one setting (at home). Results of the analysis in Table 2 confirmed the belief that only one statistically significant variate would emerge (x2 = 176.06, df = 26, p < .OOl). This variate was produced when the broadcast language of one’s favorite television station and the language preferred for local television news comprised the criterion variable set. The variate explained approximately 34.8% of the variance (R, = .5903). An interpretation of this variate indicates that the Spanish-language television audience was more likely than the typical respondent to be born outside of the United States.
Ethnic
Media
355
Audience
TABLE 2 Canonical Correlation Results: Spanish-Language Television Audience Cancorr Coefficients Predictor Variables Years lived in San Antonio Born in U.S. Married
l
- .2525
Age Family size Income Sex Education Spanish preferred at home Prefer to read in Spanish Subscribe to newspaper Prefer to shop/do business in Spanish Frequency of television news exposure Criterion Variables Prefer SLTV Prefer SLTV for local news *denotes
a canonical
coefficient
l
l
f * II
+ 4843 - .1526 - .1575 + .1645
.6276 .4672 which is less than .15
Members of this audience tend to prefer to read, shop and do business in Spanish rather than English. They are frequent viewers of local television news, but they are less likely than other respondents to subscribe to a newspaper.
DISCUSSION This investigation sought to describe and better identify the dominant media typologies of the Spanish language radio and television audiences. To this end, canonical correlation analysis produced two independent typologies of Spanish language radio users. Typology A represents those Hispanics who are both likely to listen to Spanish language radio broadcasts and are heavy users of radio in general. These people do not appear to have any clear language preference in other situations. They are, therefore, likely to be highly bilingual and their preference for Spanish language radio is not due to a lack of proficiency in English. Instead, their preference for Spanish language radio is probably related to either their enjoyment of the type of music and programming available on these stations or this programming provides some important functional link to their community or cultural heritage.
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und 7: I? Meyer
Profile B, on the other hand, represents an older and apparently more traditional and perhaps less bilingual group of Hispanics. These people have a preference for Spanish language in all their media use-radio, television and print. Additionally, they prefer to communicate in Spanish both at home and in business situations. Their preference for Spanish language radio may be a function of poorer English skills, or a part of a strong ethnic orientation with little evidence of acculturation. Only one significant variate emerged in the analysis of Spanish language television preference. People preferring Spanish language television also preferred to read in Spanish and to conduct business in Spanish. However, language preference at home was unrelated to using Spanish language television. This group also appears to have a strong traditional orientation, but since language preference at home does not load significantly on this variate, it is unlikely that Spanish broadcasts are viewed simply because of English language difficulties. Rather, this group seems to have a desire to keep strong ties to its cultural heritage. The findings of this study can be interpreted as lending some support to the belief that use of ethnic media is, in general, associated with lower levels of acculturation. However, this interpretation would fail to recognize the full complexity of ethnic media use. While part of ethnic media preference may be explained by general language ability and level of acculturation, ethnic radio, at least, also serves other functions for some people. These functions may include habit, keeping up with names, places or music from their past, maintaining contact with heritage and tradition, and providing common experiences to talk about with other ethnic group members. Further research which focuses on the different functions ethnic media use can play for different audiences is clearly needed. The data in this study are limited in their ability to describe the various uses Spanish language media have for Mexican-American audiences. While the data suggest the possibility of different programming being listened to in different situations, the information gathered here does not actually assess this. Future investigations looking at ethnic versus host society media preferences in several specific situations (for example-at work, with family, with different types of friends and alone) could help determine whether role theory best accounts for the complexity of media choice. Additionally, an effort to investigate the different motivations and gratifications associated with both host and ethnic media use would be a worthwhile pursuit. This could aid both advertisers and public service organizations in designing messages to effectively communicate with ethnic audiences. The data in this study may offer some speculative suggestions to practitioners concerned with communicating to ethnic audiences. As was hypothesized, Spanish language television had a more homogeneous audience. Therefore, if a communicator wished to reach an ethnic group and
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utilize strong cultural values or images in the message, ethnic language television might be a better choice than radio. The preference for Spanish language television seems to be associated with variables previously found to reflect traditional Hispanic values. Spanish language radio, on the other hand, seems to appeal to different types of Hispanics. However, the finding regarding radio also seemed to offer some speculations about possible segmentation strategies. To just reach more acculturated Hispanics, it might be best to place messages on Spanish language stations in the afternoon. If cost considerations prohibit the use of television to reach less acculturated Hispanics, careful placements in radio may be effective. The data here suggest this group might best be reached during morning drive time on Spanish language FM stations. The specific findings here, especially for day-parts, may be unique to the San Antonio market and further replication is certainly necessary. However, this approach to developing ethnic segmentation strategies based on acculturation level may offer a valuable method of effectively targeting communication messages. Knowledge about the role media plays in the lives of immigrant groups and ethnic minorities is still in its infancy. This paper has attempted to extend the way both host society and ethnic media use can be viewed and to shed some light on the complexities of these preferences and behaviors. It is only through grappling with these complexities that a true picture of the media’s influence on these groups can emerge. To develop a clearer understanding of media use and acculturation, a program of study utilizing longitudinal research may be required. Since acculturation occurs over time, the time variable is needed to thoroughly understand the process. While cross-sectional studies can offer glimpses of what might be, only by repeatedly studying the same people over time can we tell how their media use changes as they improve in language skills and come into contact with a wide range of people and situations. In this way we would be able to determine if host media use always leads to acculturation or if in some situations acculturation may lead to use of the host society’s media. Similarly, we could more fully determine if there is a linear progression from ethnic media use to host media use or if both types of media consumption are situationally determined.
REFERENCES COMSTOCK, G., CHAFFEE, S., KATZMAN, N., MCCOMBS, M., & ROBERTS, D. (1978). Television and human behavior. New York: Columbia University Press. DEFLEUR, M. & CHO, C. S. (1957). Assimilation of Japanese-born women in an American city. Social Problems, 4, 244-257. DEFLEUR, M. & DEFLEUR, L. (1967). The relative contribution of television
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as a learning source for children’s occupational knowledge. American Sociological Review, 32, 177-789. FABER, R., BROWN, J. & MCLEOD, J. (1979). Coming of age in the global village: television and adolescence. In E. Wartella (ed.) Children communicating: Media and development of thought, speech, understanding, (pp. 215-249). Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. GALLUP. (1979). Listening and viewing habits of Hispanic Americans. Princeton: The Gallup Poll. GUERNICA, A. (1982). Reading the Hispanic market effectively: The media, the market, the methods. St. Louis: McGraw Hill. HOWITT, D. (1976). The effects of television on children. In R. Brown (ed.) Children and television, (pp. 320-342). Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. JAMES, B. (1961). Social-psychological dimensions of Ojibwa acculturation. Americun Anthropologist, 63, 72 I-746. KIM, Y. (1977). Communication patterns of foreign immigrants in the process of acculturation. Human Communication Research, 4, 66-71. KIM, Y. (1979). Toward an interactive theory of communication-acculturation. In D. Nimmo (ed.) Communication yearbook 3, (pp. 435-453). New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books. LASSWELL, H. (1948). The structure and function of communication in society. In L. Bryson (ed.) The communication of ideas. New York: Institute for Religious and Social Studies. LESLIE, G., LARSON, R. & GRUMAN, B. (1976). introductory sociology: Order and change in society, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. LOPEZ, R. & ENOS, D. (1973). Spanish-language-only television in Los Angeles County. Aztlan Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts, 4, 284-313. MENDELSOHN, H. (1964). Sociological perspectives on the study of mass communication. In L. Dexter & D. White (eds.) People, society and mass communications, (pp. 29-36). New York: The Free Press. OSSENBERG, R. (1964). The social integration and adjustment of postwar immigrants in Montreal and Toronto. Cunadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 29-36. OSTLUND, L. (1973). Role theory and group dynamics. In S. Ward & T. Robertson (eds.) Consumer behavior: Theoretical sources. (pp. 230-275). Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. SAPIR, E. (1931). Communication. In E. Seligman (ed.) Encyclopedia of the JociaI sciences. (pp. 78-80). New York: Macmillan Co. SPIEGEL, .J. (1964). lnterpersonal influences within the family. In W. Bennis et al (eds.) Interpersonal d_vnamics. Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press. Strategy Research Corporation. (1980). U.S. HispanicsA market profile. Miami: Strategy Research Corporation. VALENZUELA, N. (1973). Media habits and attitudes: Surveys in Austin and San Antonio. Center for Communication Research, University of Texas. WARD, S. (1974). Consumer socialization. Journal of Consumer Research, 1, 1-14. WEINSTOCK, A. (1964). Some factors that retard or accelerate the rate of acculturation. Human Relations, 17, 321-340.
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YANKELOVICH, SKELLY & WHITE (1981). Spanish USA: A study of the Hispanic market in the United States. Report to the SIN National Spanish Television Network.
ABSTRACT
TRANSLATIONS
&Me &&a adnet wmne hypoth&e que l'utilisationet la pri%kence des *as de.5minorids ethniquespeut ne pas Btre due uniquementaux ax@iiten#s linguistiquesouau niveau d' acquisitiond'autrescusltures,R&S plutk *par-&e des r&es tout assink, Les individusassunentbien des &es diff'erents au long d'unejourke et l'utilisation des m&Us peut refl'eter 1' attente associ6e'aces &es. Cnadnet de plus ccmnehupothke que la radio, qui peutkre utilis6edans des situationstres W&es, group c&esindividusde typesdiffirents qui prGf&ent des pastesd'emission dans leur langueethnique. Toutefois,la &Gvision qui, en g&n&il, n'estregard&eque c&x soi, fut wncue pur s'adresser 'aun grouped‘utilisateurs hca~og&ne.Des don&es bas6essur 993 Am&icains-Ekxicains vivantdans le sudouest des Ekats-Unis correspondent 'acetteattente. On a CL-&~ deux profils distinds d'Am&icains-Mexicains qui pr&ifent la on da remarqkqu un seul radioen,langueepagnol:.,Cependant, profild Hispaniques preferantla t&l&vision en langw eslsagnole. Ces Gwuvertes ont des implications importantes pour la th&rie wncernant le r&e 9ue les m'edias jouentdans la vie des 4&igr6s et cellede.5minoritesethniques, de m&e que Four les praticiens wncevant les messages de ammunication destik au plublic ethnique.(Author-supplied abstract)
El presente estudi6establecio mrnohipbtesisqueel us0 y la preferenciade losmedios entre las minor& knicas pueden deberse IW a610 a la capacidad lingG.&ticay al nivel de aculturaci6n de1 individuo, sin0que wn ser especifiwsalos diversos papslesque uno desempak. EI individuoasune varios papelesdistintosen el transcurso de1 dia, y el uso de 10s medios de canunicaci6nmasivapue& reflejarlas expectativas que trae CWa uno de estos ~TQ~ML Gtra hi$tesis era que la radiodifusiiin, la que puede usarse engran variedad de produciriasus propiastipologias entrelos que circunstancias, prefieren las emisorasen lenguaminor&aria. Sin embargo, la televisi6n,laque suele usarse&oen casa,se wncebia uxnom%s propicia aproducir un grupo& usuarioshanog6neo. Los dates residentes de1 recolecta&xz entre 993 mexicano-americanos Suroeste de E.U.A., se wnformaron a estos supuestos. Se produjeronC&X perfiles,,bien diferenciados,de 10s maxicar~americams ue peferian la' radiodifusi'on en es-l. No obstante, szlo sali un perfilde1 Hispano que preferia la Estaswnclusionestienen imprtantes telwisi6n en e&l. wnsecuenciaspra la teorizacibn de1 papelque hacenlos medios de oununicaci6nen lavidadelirmigranteyde las minor&s &nicas, asi rrmo para 10s qoe pregmn mensajes pirra ser difundidos entreun p'ubliw"etniw.(Abhor-said abstract)
RONALD
J. FABER
University of Texas THOMAS C. 0 % UINN University of Illinois TIMOTHY P MEYER University of Wisconsin-Green Bay ABSTRACT. The present study hypothesized that the media use and preference of ethnic minorities may not be due solely to language ability or level of acculturation, but rather may be role specific. Individuals assume several different roles in the course of the average day and media use may reflect the expectations associated with these roles. It was further hypothesized that radio, which can be used in a wide variety of situational settings, would yield different typologies of people who preferred ethnic language stations. However, television, which is generally viewed just at home, was conceived of as more likely to yield a homogeneous user group. Data from 993 Mexican-Americans living in the Southwestern US. conformed to these expectations. Two distinct profiles of Mexican-Americans who preferred Spanish language radio were created. However, only one profile of Hispanics who preferred Spanish language television emerged. The findings have important implications for theory regarding the role media plays in the lives of immigrants and ethnic minorities as well as for practitioners designing communication messages for ethnic audiences.
ACCULTURATION
AND
THE
MASS
MEDIA
Communication has long been considered as a crucial component in the acculturation process (Sapir, 1931; Mendelsohn, 1964). Research focusing on interpersonal communication has found that immigrants who have greater contact with members of the host society also demonstrate higher levels of acculturation (James, 1961; Ossenberg, 1964; Weinstock, 1964). Mass communication has also been postulated to be an important source of acculturation for immigrant groups and ethnic minorities (Kim, Requests for reprints should be addressed University of Texas, Austin, TX 78712.
to Ronald
347
J. Faber, Department
of Advertising,
348
A’. J. Fuber, 7: C. U’Guinn
and T: I? Meyer
1979; DeFleur & Cho, 1957). However, the relationship between mass media use and acculturation has been subjected to only very limited empirical testing from communication scholars. Kim (1977) conducted the most direct test of the media’s influence on acculturation in a study of Korean immigrants in the Chicago area. This study looked at the effect of four exogenous variables on both interpersonal communication and mass media use and the subsequent influence of the communication variables on understanding the similarities and differences between Korean and American cultures (perceptual complexity). Mass media was found to be positively related to perceptual complexity, but not as strongly related as interpersonal communication. Other researchers have looked at variables associated with the use of ethnic media rather than the host society’s media. Within the United States, the majority of these studies have focused on Hispanic audiences since Hispanics are the fastest growing ethnic minorit~~ in the U.S. Additionally, Spanish language media are frequently available in areas with large Hispanic populations. In 1981, for example, there were an estimated 150 radio stations in the United States broadcasting at least 10 hours 1982). Approximately, two-thirds of per week in Spanish (Guernica, these stations broadcasted in Spanish fulI time. Additionally, there were 12 Spanish language television stations in the U.S. Spanish language programming was also available in over 100 markets via cable television and low power repeater stations. Thus, most U.S. Hispanics have Spanish language media available as an alternative to English language broadcasts. Valenzuela (1973) found that socioeconomic status and age were related to Spanish-language media preferences among Hispanics living in the Southwestern U.S. Low income and older people were the heaviest users of both Spanish-language radio and Spanish-language television, while younger and higher level SES Hispanics were more frequent users of English-language media. Lopez and Enos (1973) obtained similar results in their survey of Hispanics residing in the Los Angeles area. Those Hispanics who watched only Spanish-language television were more likely to have been born outside of the United States, had lower annual incomes and were older (over 30) than other respondents. Finally, Gallup (1979), in a national telephone survey, also found that the age, income and educational level of Hispanics were related to their use of Spanish-language radio. The majority of Hispanics in all age groups over 18 (18-34; 35-49; and 50 f ) stated they listened to Spanish-language radio each weekday. Only among teenagers (12-17) did less than a majority listen to Spanish-language stations. Among this age group contemporary Anglo and Black formats were more popular than Spanish broadcasts. As with other studies, Gal-
Ethnic Media Audience
349
lup found that preference for Spanish-language radio was inversely related to income and education. Since each of the demographic variables found in these studies to be related to the use or preference for Spanish-language media have also been found to be related to lower levels of acculturation (Leslie, Larson 8z Gruman, 1976), one may be tempted to perceive these findings as supportive of the “use of host media leads to acculturation” hypothesis. This, however, may be an important fallacy. The notion that host media use leads to acculturation is rooted in solid theoretical grounds, while the converse hypothesis, that the use of ethnic media is a barrier to acculturation, is not. The mass media have long been considered as a transmitter of cultural norms and societal values (Lasswell, 1948). Use of the media should, therefore, provided knowledge of values and expected behaviors of the society producing its content. The belief that the use of the host society’s media can lead to greater acculturation is closely akin to socia!ization theory. Socialization theory has been used to explore children’s learning from the mass media. This can include knowledge of norms and values. For example, DeFleur and DeFleur (1967) found that children learned not only information about different occupations from television, but also the prestige associated with these occupations. While socialization theory has typically been applied to just children, Faber, Brown and McLeod (1979) have argued that it extends beyond childhood and can be applied at all stages of the life cycle. They see media as potentially serving a socializing function whenever people’expect to enter a role or situation about which they have little knowledge. This clearly could apply to the immigrant or ethnic group member who has had little direct experience with the host society. It must be remembered, however, that the media are only one of many socializing agents. The converse hypothesis that the use of ethnic media inhibits successful acculturation does not directly flow from socialization theory. In fact, that hypothesis would hold only if one were willing to make one of the following assumptions. Either, (1) the mass media are the major acculturation agent and the use of ethnic media prevents the use of the host media; or (2) use of ethnic media leads to stronger ethnic ties which prohibit or severely retard acculturation. The first assumption positing that the media are the major acculturation agent is highly questionable. Socialization research has generally found that the media are only one of many socializing sources and rarely are they the most important one (Comstock et al., 1978; Howitt, 1976; Ward, 1974). More directly, Kim’s finding that interpersonal communication was more highly related to acculturation than mass media use challenges the veracity of this assumption.
3.50
R. J. Faber, 7: C. O’Guinn and 7: P Meyer
The alternative assumption that ethnic media use strengthens ethnic ties and thus retards acculturation is tied to the traditional view of an all or nothing dichotomy between ethnicity and acculturation which has limited the theoretical development of the field. Kim (1979) has cogently pointed out the fallacy of both the assimilationist and pluralist perspectives, and has presented an alternative view in which a continuum exists for which ethnicity and acculturation are the polar anchor points. Individuals or groups can then be seen as falling somewhere along this continuum. While this perspective was an important improvement over past conceptualizations, it too has its limitations. Most importantly, it continues to view an individual as being at only one point along the continuum at any given point in time. An alternative perspective can be seen by applying role theory. Role theory assumes that in the course of daily activities all individuals are thrust into a variety of different roles (Ostlund, 1973). Each role carries with it a set of different expectations for behavior. Thus, the behaviors exhibited by an individual become situationally defined. Spiegel (1964) developed a taxonomy of six types of roles individuals assume. These roles include: biological, semibiological, institutional, transitional, character and fantasy. Two of these classifications, semibiological and institutional, seem particularly appropriate to a discussion of acculturation. Semibiological roles include those of ethnic and kinship relations. Institutional roles are those adopted in occupational, political or recreational situations. It may be reasonable to assume that in relationships with other members of one’s ethnic group or family, people will likely assume an ethnic role. In these situations, their behavior most often will conform to the shared norms of the parent culture. However, in institutional roles where people interact with member of the host society, these same individuals may be expected to behave in a manner consistent with the host society’s norms and values. Therefore, by utilizing role theory we can develop a more complex perspective of the behaviors associated with acculturation and ethnicity which more closely approximates the complexity of human behavior. When this role perspective is applied to media use, we may hypothesize that the use of ethnic media is not always predictive of a lower level of acculturation. Instead, there may be many different types of people using ethnic media within many different situations. Thus, we might expect multiple typologies of ethnic media users. This view is consistent with research conducted by Dunn (1975). Dunn factor analyzed 37 demographic and media use variables and obtained six separate factors indicating that the Mexican-American audience was indeed heterogeneous. However, his procedure of placing all the demographic and media use variables together makes it impossible to deter-
Ethnic Media Audience
3.51
mine if there were really separate typologies existing within a given ethnic medium. The present study is an attempt to answer this question. Two separate media were examed here, radio and television. It was hypothesized that separate typologies would be more likely among Spanish-language radio listeners since radio can be used in a wide variety of situational settings (at home, at work, in a car). Television, on the other hand, is generally viewed just at home and was, therefore, conceived of as more likely to yield a homogeneous user group. METHODOLOGY
Sample In-person interviews were conducted with 993 Mexican-Americans living in and around San Antonio, Texas. San Antonio was chosen because of the large concentration of Hispanics living there, and the availability of Spanish-language media. San Antonio is the third largest Hispanic AD1 in the United States, smaller than only New York and Los Angeles (Guernica, 1982). Additionally, with almost 60% of its populations being Mexican-American, San Antonio has the largest concentration of Hispanics compared to the total population of any major city in the United States (Strategy Research Corporation, 1980). Among the 21 radio stations operating in San Antonio, three broadcast exclusively in Spanish. San Antonio also has a Spanish-language television station among its 4 over the air stations.
Instrument Face-to-face interviews were conducted on 3 consecutive Saturdays by trained and experienced bilingual interviewers. Respondents were contacted and interviewed at various shopping centers in areas of San Antonio where there was a high concentration of Mexican-Americans. The vast majority of people approached consented to the interview. The refusal rate was less than 3%. The interviews took approximately 35 minutes to complete. The research intrument contained major sections on personal demographics and communication use and language preferences. Demographic variables included: age, sex, annual household income, occupation, education level, family size, years residing in San Antonio and country of birth. The second section included media variables measuring newspaper subscription and readership, radio exposure by day-part and by listening location (car, home and work), favorite radio station, television viewing and language preference, and news sources and preferences. This section
352
R. J. Faber, 7: C. O’Guinn and 7: F?Meyer
also measured interpersonal ing business or shopping.
language
preferences
at home and when do-
Data Analysis The primary analytical tool was canonical correlation, a multivariate technique which enables the researcher to construct and interpret meaningful audience profiles that relate various sets of variables. The .05 level of statistical significance was used to identify and interpret all canonical variate roots (linear combinations of predictor and criterion variables). All canonical variate coefficients that were .I5 or greater were interpreted as making a significant contribution to the overall canonical correlation. Canonical analysis produces a series of underlying combinations of variables that are statistically independent of one another. Like other correlation analyses, however, the naming of variable sets and the strength of relationships by no means imply causality. Such labels are simply for convenience in interpretation and presentation of results. In this case, the primary interest was to construct meaningful typologies of those typifying both the primary Spanish language radio and television audiences. In regard to the Spanish language radio audience, two “criterion” variables were selected: radio language preference and a measure of overall radio exposure (number of hours per week spent listening to the radio). Thus, the multivariate relationship between the linear combinations of sets should reflect not only radio language preference, but also the level of radio use in general. The predictor set was composed of 27 demographic, media and language preference variables. Two criterion variables were also used to assess the Spanish language television audience. Kim (1979) pointed out that among immigrant groups exposure to media news content was somewhat distinct from exposure to entertainment content. Therefore, the criterion variables utilized here were chosen to reflect both types of content. One variable was a general preference for Spanish language television while the second was a preference measure for local television news in Spanish. For this analysis, 13 demographic, media use and language preference variables were included in the predictor set of variables. RESULTS The subjects in this study can be characterized as heavy radio listeners. Over half of the respondents (53%) indicated that they usually listened to the radio three or more hours per day. The mean length of time spent listening was 3.9 hours per day. The high frequency of radio use found here is consistent with the results from previous investigations of Mexican-American audiences. A number of studies utilizing different metho-
Ethnic Media Audience
353
dologies have repeatedly found that all Hispanic groups use radio to a greater extent than the general population (Arbitron, 1978; Guernica, 1982). Overall, 32.7% of the respondents named a Spanish-language radio station as their favorite station. Preference for Spanish-language television was slightly less common with 22% of those people having a favorite station naming the Spanish-language station. The greater preference of Mexican-Americans for Spanish-language radio over Spanish-language television is also consistent with findings from previous studies (Yankelovich, Skelly & White, 1981). Thus, it would appear that the media use preferences of these respondents are consistent with those from other investigations and, therefore, we may have some confidence in generalizing findings from these data beyond the current sample. The primary purpose of this analysis was to determine whether or not the Hispanic broadcast audience was homogenous and uniform in its relationship to acculturation indicators. The fact that the canonical correlation analysis of Spanish-language radio users yielded two distinct typologies is, therefore, extremely important. These typologies were derived from two statistically significant canonical variates (x2 = 345.89, df= 54,p< .OOOl; and x’= 138.53, df= 26,p< .OOOl). The first canonical variate accounted for approximately 38.3% of the variance (R,= .6188); while the second variate accounted for an additional 27.6% of the variance (R, = .525 1). Since each canonical variate is statistically independent of the other, they should be interpreted as representing two separate and distinct typologies of Spanish language radio users. While both groups prefer Spanish language radio, the first typology also represents heavy radio listeners, while the second group is identified with less frequent radio use. Spanish language radio users in typology A tend to be less educated than the average respondent. They are also heavier users of the radio medium in general and are frequent listeners during the morning (6:00 a.m.-10:OO a.m.), mid-day (10 a.m.-3:OO p.m.), and afternoon (3:00 p.m.-7:OO p.m.) day-parts. Spanish language radio users identified in typology B are older and less educated than the typical respondent. They have a preference for reading in Spanish, for speaking Spanish at home and they prefer to watch local television news on a Spanish language station. These people are lighter users of radio in general and do not listen to the radio at work. They prefer FM stations when listening to the radio in their car. They have lower than average probabilities of being exposed to radio during the afternoon (3:00 p.m.-7:OO p.m.) and evening (7:00 p.m.-12:OO a.m.) dayparts. It appears that typology B represents the group of ethnic media users typically assumed to represent a lower level of acculturation. The use of
354
R. J. Fuber, 7: C. O’Guinn and 7: P Meyer
TABLE 1 Canonical Correlation Results: Spanish-Language Radio Audience Cancorr Coefficients Variate A Predictor
Variables
Age Education Spanish preferred at home Prefer to read in Spanish Listen to radio at home Listen to radio at work Listen to FM in car Morning day-part Mid-day day-part Afternoon day-part Evening day-part Prefer TV news in Spanish
* - 0.1735
* *
+ 0.4319 + 0.3008 t +0.1871 +0.2103 +0.2614 1
*
Variate B
+0.3147 -0.1581 + 0.2027 + 0.2778 l
- 0.3462 + 0.2081
* *
- 0.2583 - 0.2190 +0.1974
Criterion Variables General radio use (hrs/wk) Prefer SLR (1st choice)
+ 0.8335 + 0.4441
*denotes
which is less than .15
a canonical
coefficient
- 0.5718 + 0.9081
Spanish-language radio among this group is associated with a similar language preference in talking at home, in reading and for television news. However, typology A indicates that there is also another group of Mexican-Americans who prefer Spanish-language radio in some settings without having any accompanying preference for Spanish-language communication in other situations. A second canonical correlation analysis was performed to determine if more than one typology of people preferring Spanish-language television existed. It was hypothesized that multiple typologies would be less likely for television since television is generally viewed in only one setting (at home). Results of the analysis in Table 2 confirmed the belief that only one statistically significant variate would emerge (x2 = 176.06, df = 26, p < .OOl). This variate was produced when the broadcast language of one’s favorite television station and the language preferred for local television news comprised the criterion variable set. The variate explained approximately 34.8% of the variance (R, = .5903). An interpretation of this variate indicates that the Spanish-language television audience was more likely than the typical respondent to be born outside of the United States.
Ethnic
Media
355
Audience
TABLE 2 Canonical Correlation Results: Spanish-Language Television Audience Cancorr Coefficients Predictor Variables Years lived in San Antonio Born in U.S. Married
l
- .2525
Age Family size Income Sex Education Spanish preferred at home Prefer to read in Spanish Subscribe to newspaper Prefer to shop/do business in Spanish Frequency of television news exposure Criterion Variables Prefer SLTV Prefer SLTV for local news *denotes
a canonical
coefficient
l
l
f * II
+ 4843 - .1526 - .1575 + .1645
.6276 .4672 which is less than .15
Members of this audience tend to prefer to read, shop and do business in Spanish rather than English. They are frequent viewers of local television news, but they are less likely than other respondents to subscribe to a newspaper.
DISCUSSION This investigation sought to describe and better identify the dominant media typologies of the Spanish language radio and television audiences. To this end, canonical correlation analysis produced two independent typologies of Spanish language radio users. Typology A represents those Hispanics who are both likely to listen to Spanish language radio broadcasts and are heavy users of radio in general. These people do not appear to have any clear language preference in other situations. They are, therefore, likely to be highly bilingual and their preference for Spanish language radio is not due to a lack of proficiency in English. Instead, their preference for Spanish language radio is probably related to either their enjoyment of the type of music and programming available on these stations or this programming provides some important functional link to their community or cultural heritage.
356
R. J. Fuirher, 7: C. O’Guinn
und 7: I? Meyer
Profile B, on the other hand, represents an older and apparently more traditional and perhaps less bilingual group of Hispanics. These people have a preference for Spanish language in all their media use-radio, television and print. Additionally, they prefer to communicate in Spanish both at home and in business situations. Their preference for Spanish language radio may be a function of poorer English skills, or a part of a strong ethnic orientation with little evidence of acculturation. Only one significant variate emerged in the analysis of Spanish language television preference. People preferring Spanish language television also preferred to read in Spanish and to conduct business in Spanish. However, language preference at home was unrelated to using Spanish language television. This group also appears to have a strong traditional orientation, but since language preference at home does not load significantly on this variate, it is unlikely that Spanish broadcasts are viewed simply because of English language difficulties. Rather, this group seems to have a desire to keep strong ties to its cultural heritage. The findings of this study can be interpreted as lending some support to the belief that use of ethnic media is, in general, associated with lower levels of acculturation. However, this interpretation would fail to recognize the full complexity of ethnic media use. While part of ethnic media preference may be explained by general language ability and level of acculturation, ethnic radio, at least, also serves other functions for some people. These functions may include habit, keeping up with names, places or music from their past, maintaining contact with heritage and tradition, and providing common experiences to talk about with other ethnic group members. Further research which focuses on the different functions ethnic media use can play for different audiences is clearly needed. The data in this study are limited in their ability to describe the various uses Spanish language media have for Mexican-American audiences. While the data suggest the possibility of different programming being listened to in different situations, the information gathered here does not actually assess this. Future investigations looking at ethnic versus host society media preferences in several specific situations (for example-at work, with family, with different types of friends and alone) could help determine whether role theory best accounts for the complexity of media choice. Additionally, an effort to investigate the different motivations and gratifications associated with both host and ethnic media use would be a worthwhile pursuit. This could aid both advertisers and public service organizations in designing messages to effectively communicate with ethnic audiences. The data in this study may offer some speculative suggestions to practitioners concerned with communicating to ethnic audiences. As was hypothesized, Spanish language television had a more homogeneous audience. Therefore, if a communicator wished to reach an ethnic group and
Ethnic Media Audience
357
utilize strong cultural values or images in the message, ethnic language television might be a better choice than radio. The preference for Spanish language television seems to be associated with variables previously found to reflect traditional Hispanic values. Spanish language radio, on the other hand, seems to appeal to different types of Hispanics. However, the finding regarding radio also seemed to offer some speculations about possible segmentation strategies. To just reach more acculturated Hispanics, it might be best to place messages on Spanish language stations in the afternoon. If cost considerations prohibit the use of television to reach less acculturated Hispanics, careful placements in radio may be effective. The data here suggest this group might best be reached during morning drive time on Spanish language FM stations. The specific findings here, especially for day-parts, may be unique to the San Antonio market and further replication is certainly necessary. However, this approach to developing ethnic segmentation strategies based on acculturation level may offer a valuable method of effectively targeting communication messages. Knowledge about the role media plays in the lives of immigrant groups and ethnic minorities is still in its infancy. This paper has attempted to extend the way both host society and ethnic media use can be viewed and to shed some light on the complexities of these preferences and behaviors. It is only through grappling with these complexities that a true picture of the media’s influence on these groups can emerge. To develop a clearer understanding of media use and acculturation, a program of study utilizing longitudinal research may be required. Since acculturation occurs over time, the time variable is needed to thoroughly understand the process. While cross-sectional studies can offer glimpses of what might be, only by repeatedly studying the same people over time can we tell how their media use changes as they improve in language skills and come into contact with a wide range of people and situations. In this way we would be able to determine if host media use always leads to acculturation or if in some situations acculturation may lead to use of the host society’s media. Similarly, we could more fully determine if there is a linear progression from ethnic media use to host media use or if both types of media consumption are situationally determined.
REFERENCES COMSTOCK, G., CHAFFEE, S., KATZMAN, N., MCCOMBS, M., & ROBERTS, D. (1978). Television and human behavior. New York: Columbia University Press. DEFLEUR, M. & CHO, C. S. (1957). Assimilation of Japanese-born women in an American city. Social Problems, 4, 244-257. DEFLEUR, M. & DEFLEUR, L. (1967). The relative contribution of television
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as a learning source for children’s occupational knowledge. American Sociological Review, 32, 177-789. FABER, R., BROWN, J. & MCLEOD, J. (1979). Coming of age in the global village: television and adolescence. In E. Wartella (ed.) Children communicating: Media and development of thought, speech, understanding, (pp. 215-249). Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. GALLUP. (1979). Listening and viewing habits of Hispanic Americans. Princeton: The Gallup Poll. GUERNICA, A. (1982). Reading the Hispanic market effectively: The media, the market, the methods. St. Louis: McGraw Hill. HOWITT, D. (1976). The effects of television on children. In R. Brown (ed.) Children and television, (pp. 320-342). Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. JAMES, B. (1961). Social-psychological dimensions of Ojibwa acculturation. Americun Anthropologist, 63, 72 I-746. KIM, Y. (1977). Communication patterns of foreign immigrants in the process of acculturation. Human Communication Research, 4, 66-71. KIM, Y. (1979). Toward an interactive theory of communication-acculturation. In D. Nimmo (ed.) Communication yearbook 3, (pp. 435-453). New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books. LASSWELL, H. (1948). The structure and function of communication in society. In L. Bryson (ed.) The communication of ideas. New York: Institute for Religious and Social Studies. LESLIE, G., LARSON, R. & GRUMAN, B. (1976). introductory sociology: Order and change in society, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. LOPEZ, R. & ENOS, D. (1973). Spanish-language-only television in Los Angeles County. Aztlan Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts, 4, 284-313. MENDELSOHN, H. (1964). Sociological perspectives on the study of mass communication. In L. Dexter & D. White (eds.) People, society and mass communications, (pp. 29-36). New York: The Free Press. OSSENBERG, R. (1964). The social integration and adjustment of postwar immigrants in Montreal and Toronto. Cunadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 29-36. OSTLUND, L. (1973). Role theory and group dynamics. In S. Ward & T. Robertson (eds.) Consumer behavior: Theoretical sources. (pp. 230-275). Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. SAPIR, E. (1931). Communication. In E. Seligman (ed.) Encyclopedia of the JociaI sciences. (pp. 78-80). New York: Macmillan Co. SPIEGEL, .J. (1964). lnterpersonal influences within the family. In W. Bennis et al (eds.) Interpersonal d_vnamics. Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press. Strategy Research Corporation. (1980). U.S. HispanicsA market profile. Miami: Strategy Research Corporation. VALENZUELA, N. (1973). Media habits and attitudes: Surveys in Austin and San Antonio. Center for Communication Research, University of Texas. WARD, S. (1974). Consumer socialization. Journal of Consumer Research, 1, 1-14. WEINSTOCK, A. (1964). Some factors that retard or accelerate the rate of acculturation. Human Relations, 17, 321-340.
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YANKELOVICH, SKELLY & WHITE (1981). Spanish USA: A study of the Hispanic market in the United States. Report to the SIN National Spanish Television Network.
ABSTRACT
TRANSLATIONS
&Me &&a adnet wmne hypoth&e que l'utilisationet la pri%kence des *as de.5minorids ethniquespeut ne pas Btre due uniquementaux ax@iiten#s linguistiquesouau niveau d' acquisitiond'autrescusltures,R&S plutk *par-&e des r&es tout assink, Les individusassunentbien des &es diff'erents au long d'unejourke et l'utilisation des m&Us peut refl'eter 1' attente associ6e'aces &es. Cnadnet de plus ccmnehupothke que la radio, qui peutkre utilis6edans des situationstres W&es, group c&esindividusde typesdiffirents qui prGf&ent des pastesd'emission dans leur langueethnique. Toutefois,la &Gvision qui, en g&n&il, n'estregard&eque c&x soi, fut wncue pur s'adresser 'aun grouped‘utilisateurs hca~og&ne.Des don&es bas6essur 993 Am&icains-Ekxicains vivantdans le sudouest des Ekats-Unis correspondent 'acetteattente. On a CL-&~ deux profils distinds d'Am&icains-Mexicains qui pr&ifent la on da remarqkqu un seul radioen,langueepagnol:.,Cependant, profild Hispaniques preferantla t&l&vision en langw eslsagnole. Ces Gwuvertes ont des implications importantes pour la th&rie wncernant le r&e 9ue les m'edias jouentdans la vie des 4&igr6s et cellede.5minoritesethniques, de m&e que Four les praticiens wncevant les messages de ammunication destik au plublic ethnique.(Author-supplied abstract)
El presente estudi6establecio mrnohipbtesisqueel us0 y la preferenciade losmedios entre las minor& knicas pueden deberse IW a610 a la capacidad lingG.&ticay al nivel de aculturaci6n de1 individuo, sin0que wn ser especifiwsalos diversos papslesque uno desempak. EI individuoasune varios papelesdistintosen el transcurso de1 dia, y el uso de 10s medios de canunicaci6nmasivapue& reflejarlas expectativas que trae CWa uno de estos ~TQ~ML Gtra hi$tesis era que la radiodifusiiin, la que puede usarse engran variedad de produciriasus propiastipologias entrelos que circunstancias, prefieren las emisorasen lenguaminor&aria. Sin embargo, la televisi6n,laque suele usarse&oen casa,se wncebia uxnom%s propicia aproducir un grupo& usuarioshanog6neo. Los dates residentes de1 recolecta&xz entre 993 mexicano-americanos Suroeste de E.U.A., se wnformaron a estos supuestos. Se produjeronC&X perfiles,,bien diferenciados,de 10s maxicar~americams ue peferian la' radiodifusi'on en es-l. No obstante, szlo sali un perfilde1 Hispano que preferia la Estaswnclusionestienen imprtantes telwisi6n en e&l. wnsecuenciaspra la teorizacibn de1 papelque hacenlos medios de oununicaci6nen lavidadelirmigranteyde las minor&s &nicas, asi rrmo para 10s qoe pregmn mensajes pirra ser difundidos entreun p'ubliw"etniw.(Abhor-said abstract)