Doha, Qatar

Doha, Qatar

Chapter 10 Doha, Qatar Raffaello Furlan Qatar University, Doha, Qatar Chapter Outline Introduction: parking in Doha Transport and mobility Social tr...

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Chapter 10

Doha, Qatar Raffaello Furlan Qatar University, Doha, Qatar

Chapter Outline Introduction: parking in Doha Transport and mobility Social trends Land use Technology

169 170 172 173 174

Planning policies Conclusion References Further reading

176 177 177 178

Introduction: parking in Doha Doha, one of the oldest cities in the Gulf Cooperation Council, has experienced rapid economic growth and a radical transformation of its built environment from a small village to an international hub. This was made possible through post World War II oil production revenues that completely transformed Qatar from a subsistence economy, based on fishing and pearling, to one of the most active service centers in the Middle East region. The country is booming, especially its construction industry (Wiedmann et al., 2013). Consequently, Doha has attracted many international mega-events such as the World Youth Cup (1995), the West Asian Games (2005), the Asian Games (2006), and the upcoming World Cup (2022). This has contributed to the city’s transformation and growth, accelerating the development of several large-scale urban infrastructure projects aimed at accommodating international tourism (Furlan and Almohannadi, 2016; Furlan and Sipe, 2017). To help build myriad planned mega-projects, a mass of international migrants seeking employment in the construction sector have arrived in Doha. Qatar’s population has more than quadrupled in the past three decades. In 2015 approximately 2 million people resided in the country; by 2030 the population is expected to increase by more than 1 million (Jaidah and Bourennane, 2010; Jodidio, 2015; Government of Qatar, 2008). These decades of rapid urban growth have had considerable impact on transport, livability, quality of urban life, and sustainability—particularly in the Souq Parking: An International Perspective. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-815265-2.00010-8 © 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Waqif and Msheireb areas, two heritage sites in the Doha inner city. Alternatives to automobile-based travel are urgently needed to increase accessibility in these spaces. The Qatar National Vision 2030 (Government of Qatar, 2008) defines the philosophy for sustainable urban development as preserving Qatar’s heritage, harnessing sociocultural values, and enhancing livability. The Vision sees the built environment as merging tradition and modernity through national urban development projects (Furlan and Alattar, 2017). Based on this Vision, urban parking policies have been rethought in conjunction with the urban regeneration of Doha’s cultural core.

Transport and mobility Motor vehicles are the main mode of transport in Qatar. While the population is only 2.3 million (2015 statistics), the country contains more than 1.4 million motor vehicles (2016 statistics). In Doha, which accounts for nearly half of the national population, households own three cars on average, and this number is only poised to grow. With such a large volume of cars, no part of the city has parking sufficient to meet demand. In the past decade, even Doha’s two main historical spaces, Souq Waqif and Msheireb, have experienced increased motor vehicle use. This has exacerbated traffic congestion, diminished pedestrian connectivity, and the use of the public realm and consumed land in the form of on-street and surface parking lots. In the context of Doha, overreliance on the automobile can be explained as there are few transport alternatives. As a young city, Doha does not yet have a full set of transport modes. However, it is working to provide an efficient and flexible public transport system. Qatar Rail, Lusail Light Rail Transit, and Bus Rapid Transit are the key components to Qatar’s new public transport system (Fig. 10.1). Doha’s metro is one of Qatar’s largest infrastructure investments. In Phase I, three of the four planned lines (Red, Gold, and Green) and 37 major stations will begin operation. Importantly, the central station, where the three lines intersect, is located in Msheireb and will encompass retail in addition to transport services. Phase II, to be completed by 2026, involves the construction of a new Blue Line, the expansion of the existing lines, and the addition of 60 stations. Other transport systems, although limited, do exist and serve different city districts. Mowasalat, a local government-owned company, operates taxi and bus services. But these are used primarily by migrants, especially those on lower incomes. Locals tend to avoid buses and taxis due to cultural reasons (i.e., the low symbolic value of buses) and privacy concerns (especially for women). In relation to car parking, most private and government facilities provide their own on-site parking lots. Public multistory garages are also available in some parts of the city. Some are government-owned, while others are privately owned and operated. While some garages are metered, the majority

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FIGURE 10.1 Doha metro system. Maps by author.

FIGURE 10.2 Parking lots in the inner city. Photo by author.

are free during the day (as long as there is no overnight use). Underground parking garages are mostly provided for individual facilities, such as apartment buildings or cultural venues; these are not open for public use. Overall, parking takes up considerable space and is visually dominating in many parts of the city, although exact counts are not available (Fig. 10.2). Walking as a transport mode is limited in Doha and other Qatari cities, partly because of the harsh summer climate, with temperatures climbing as high as 45 C, and also due to the poor quality of sidewalks, street crossings, and urban furniture. However, new urban revitalization projects such as those in Msheireb and Lusail are being implemented to promote walkability and activate the public realm (Fig. 10.3). Cycling paths are also being considered

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FIGURE 10.3 Pedestrian activity in Souq Waqif. Photo by author.

or included in the designs of most city districts, especially along arterial roads. Where implemented, cycling paths are moderately used by commuters on lower incomes and by delivery men. In addition to public and active transport, Doha has adopted a number of other policies in an attempt to reverse car dependency, including the replacement of existing on-street parking spaces and surface parking lots with underground car parking facilities. These practices have contributed to the regeneration of existing districts, in particular historical districts such as Souq Waqif and Msheireb, through better use of the public realm and improved walkability (Jaidah and Bourennane, 2010; Rahman, 2014; Salama, 2013). It is hoped that the introduction of light rail will help to decentralize the urban population along transit-oriented development (TOD) corridors (Furlan and Sipe, 2017; Furlan et al., 2016). While the development plans for Doha consider TOD nodes around some rail stations, and anticipate park and ride lots for commuters, these have not yet materialized.

Social trends As part of its national urban development strategy, Qatar is investing in its public transport sector. However, culturally, the use of the car remains dominant and most likely will stay that way for near term future because of cheap fuel prices and high incomes among most of the inhabitants. It is important to note that a majority of households have private drivers who typically wait in parking lots awaiting pickup times. While the local culture is conservative, Qatari women are allowed to drive on their own. However, sharing a taxi or public transport vehicle with

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strangers is regarded as unacceptable. This cultural trait is shared by many other Arab migrants. A preference for privacy and personal transportation modes tends to increase the reliance on private cars. Traffic and parking law abidance is another issue in Doha. Able-bodied drivers commonly occupy disabled car parking and park on sidewalks or in other inappropriate locations. While traffic enforcement officers tend to be strict, problems persist.

Land use Doha is oriented toward the waterfront along the Persian Gulf. Its three main districts are (1) the central business district (CBD), (2) the northern district, and (3) the southwestern district. Each has distinctive architectural and urban characteristics. The CBD, on the Westbay, has a hypermodern and sleek profile of skyscrapers that define Doha’s skyline, similar to its Dubai or Abu Dhabi counterparts. The CBD combines work and living spaces, mostly catering to wealthy migrants. The northern district is “up and coming.” It is home to The Pearl, an artificial island containing mixed-use, western-style buildings, and Lusail, a new “smart” city, currently under development, that has been promoted as the embodiment of Qatar’s sustainable urban development aspirations. Qatar University, the only national university, is also located in the northern district. Planners’ hope is that development of these “urban villages” in the northern district decentralizes Doha’s population. Doha’s iconic Corniche, a crescent-shaped promenade along Dhow Harbor, connects the CBD to the southwestern district (Fig. 10.4). This district is the largest and oldest in Doha. Souq Waqif (“standing market” in Arabic) and the Msheireb (“place for drinking water” in Arabic) are located here, marking the city’s origin. These are Doha’s main heritage sites. The bustling and labyrinthine alleys of Souq Waqif provide an authentic taste of traditional Arab commerce, architecture, and culture, and support walking. The souk was founded a century ago as a livestock market (AlMaimani et al., 2014). At the time, it directly faced the shore, whereas now, with land reclamation and the construction of the Corniche, it has moved further inland. Starting in the 1970s and through the early 2000s, the Souq declined in popularity with the construction of indoor, modern shopping malls. In 2006 a successful restoration and reconstruction project was launched to revitalize Souq Waqif, while preserving its vernacular identity. In recognition of these efforts, in 2008 10 Souq Waqif was nominated for the Aga Khan Award for Architecture. The Msheireb is Doha’s historical downtown—a cityscape of adobe courtyard houses, small domed mosques, and mesh of narrow alleys that provide refuge from the summer heat. One of the local streets, AlKahraba, was the first to have electricity in Doha, which attests to Msheireb’s commercial importance,

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FIGURE 10.4 Pedestrians along Al Corniche St. Photo by author.

especially in the pearling trade. Mshiereb Downtown Project was launched in 2010 to regenerate the area. This is considered as the first sustainable regeneration project in the region, in terms of energy efficiency and building performance. The proposed master plan seeks to combine tradition and modernity. In addition to Souq Waqif and the Msheireb, the southwestern district encompasses everyday low- and mid-rise residential and commercial buildings. While popular, this district is also very congested and crowded with parked cars. While new garages have been provided to meet demand (see later), small surface car parks are the norm. Per the authors’ estimates, a full 25% of land is allocated to transport, parking, and utility uses. At more than 10,000 inhabitants per km2, the population density is extremely high within the Doha city limits—in fact higher than notoriously dense places like Hong Kong and Manhattan. However, away from the compact waterfront, the city has an urban sprawl problem: the average population density is only 2800 inhabitants per km2, and the urbanized area has increased fourfold between 1987 and 2013 to reach 421 km2. Low-density sprawl mandates the use of private cars given that, as yet, there are no effective means of public transport available. In turn, a mass of car traffic necessitates wide urban highways and myriad parking lots (Fig. 10.5).

Technology Major technological innovations in parking have not been forthcoming. In transport, the main innovation of recent years is Masarak iTraffic, a mobile application jointly launched in 2015 by the Qatar Mobility Innovation Centre and the Ministry of Municipality and Urban Planning. The app

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FIGURE 10.5 Doha expressway. Photo by author.

FIGURE 10.6 Green roof (park area) covering underground garages in the urban core. The parking facility underneath will be connected to three main metro stations. Photo by author.

seeks to enhance user experience, travel efficiency, logistics management, and road safety. It terms of parking, it provides information to drivers on available parking spaces at their destination. The new underground garages in Doha’s cultural core (Souq Waqif and Cornish) are also equipped with electronic sensors that feed information on parking availability to an electronic display. They are also air-conditioned, given that temperatures within the facilities can reach 55 C during the summer, and covered by a green roof (Fig. 10.6).

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Planning policies In Doha, parking is allocated based on the traditional “predict-and-provide” paradigm, which determines parking minimums according to building type and occupancy (Table 10.1). Traffic impact assessment reports are also submitted in conjunction with applications for planning permits. The underlying idea is that crowding and congestion will be avoided in sufficient parking is provided on site (at both the origin and the destination of a trip). This approach has resulted in large areas of the city being covered by parking lots. In a number of cases, parking allocations are so generous that the area devoted to parking is larger than the building footprint. Nevertheless, parking supply continues to be considered as inadequate. While parking is free for the most part, some areas have metered parking. The introduction of meters has caused an uproar among motorists, who claim that meters produce traffic congestion. The effects of parking oversupply in historic areas such as Souq Waqif and the Msheireb have become concerning. Parking overshadows the pedestrian character of the market and the downtown, while road cruising in search of parking reduces pedestrian safety and convenience. To move surface parking out of sight, four new underground parking garages have been built over the past decade: one of them is multistory. In total, these accommodate more than 4000 cars. In the largest garage, which opened in 2013 and has a capacity of 2000 spaces, parking costs little relative to incomes: QR5 (US$1.4) for the first hour and QR3 (US$.8) for every subsequent hour: payment can be made in cash or by card.

TABLE 10.1 Parking minimums specified by the Qatar National Master Plan (Rahman, 2014). Building type

Allocation rule

Residential units

1 parking space per bedroom

Community facilities (theaters/cultural centers)

1 parking space per 35 m2 of GFAa

Religious facilities (mosques)

6 parking spaces per 100 m2 of GFA

Educational facilities

0.6 spaces per student 0.12 spaces per faculty member

Government offices

1 parking space per 65 m2 of GFA

Hospitals

1.5 parking spaces per bed

Commercial facilities (retail/offices)

1 parking space per 65 m2 of GFA

Supermarkets/shopping centers

1 parking space per 40 m2 of GFA

a

Gross floor area.

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On the one hand, building new underground garages has effectively freed 24,000 m2 on the surface: areas that are now used for recreational activities, celebrations, and festivals. This has optimized the use of valuable, centrally located land and increased pedestrian connectivity. As such, these interventions are very positive. On the other hand, such a large supply of parking, even if placed underground, can only fuel more car dependency.

Conclusion Although Doha’s population enjoys high living standards, the city is overrun by automobiles: both moving and parked. Its transportation planning has followed a North American, car-centric model, which is now outdated. Road construction and parking minimums continue to dominate planning policy, while the concept of travel demand management has not taken hold. The built environment has been modeled on other Arab cities in the Persian Gulf, which have placed more stock on iconic skyscraper architecture than on human-scale details. Alongside neighboring cities, Doha will need to search for a more sustainable model, or invent one that is appropriate to the local climatic conditions. In a hot and arid region, climate considerations will certainly become more salient with global warming looming. The built mass will need to be articulated through shelters, porticoes, awnings, and pergolas in such a way that supports active travel even during warmer days. Arab vernacular urban design has much to teach in this regard. While preserving tradition, the Qatari government aims to transform Doha into an international service hub. This transformation cannot happen without a world-class public transport system. The city of Doha is taking steps to provide this with the current construction of a new metro system. Population densities, at least in the inner city and along the waterfront, are sufficiently high to support public transport ridership. As an oil-rich nation, Qatar is well positioned, in terms of public revenue, to develop rail transit. However, cultural barriers that preclude public transport use, especially among women and higher income men, might be difficult to overcome.

References Al-Maimani, A., Salama, A.M., Fadli, F., 2014. Exploring socio-spatial aspects of traditional Souqs: the case of Souq Mutrah, Oman. Int. J. Architect. Res. Archnet—IJAR 8 (1), 50 65. Furlan, R., Alattar, D., 2017. Urban regeneration in Qatar: a comprehensive planning strategy for the transport oriented development (TOD) of Al-Waab. J. Urban Regen. Renew. 11 (2), 168 193. Furlan, R., Almohannadi, M., 2016. Light rail transit and land use: an integrated planning strategy for Al-Qassar’s TOD in Qatar. Int. J. Architect. Res. ArchNet—IJAR 10 (3), 170 192. Furlan, R., Sipe, N., 2017. Light rail transit (LRT) and transit villages in Qatar: a planningstrategy to revitalize the built environment of Doha. J. Urban Regen. Renew. 10 (4), 1 20.

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Furlan, R., Zaina, S., Zaina, S., 2016. Urban planning in Qatar: strategies and vision for the development of transit villages in Doha. Austral. Planner 53 (4), 286 301. Jaidah, I., Bourennane, M., 2010. The History of Qatari Architecture 1800-1950. Skira Editore, Milan, Italy. Jodidio, P., 2015. The New Architecture of Qatar. Skira Rizzoli, New York. Government of Qatar, 2008. Qatar National Vision 2030. Doha, General Secretariat for Development. Rahman, K., 2014. The Qatar National Master Plan. Sustain. Develop. Appraisal Gulf Region 19, 82. Salama, A., 2013. The impact of economic diversification on urban morphologies in Doha: an interdisciplinary assessment. Paper presented at the Qatar Foundation Annual Research Forum Proceedings, Doha. Wiedmann, F., Mirincheva, V., Salama, A.M., 2013. Urban reconfiguration and revitalisation: public mega projects in Doha’s historic centre. Open House Int. 38 (4), 27 36.

Further reading Jodidio, P., Halbe, R., 2015. The New Architecture of Qatar. Skira Rizzoli, New York. Rizzo, A., 2014. Rapid urban development and national master planning in Arab Gulf countries. Qatar as a case study. Cities 39, 50 57. Salama, A., Wiedman, F., 2013. Demystifying Doha. Ashgate Publishing Limited, Farnham, UK. Stevenson, D., 2013. The City. Polity Press, Cambridge, UK. Wiedmann, F., Salama, A., Mirincheva, V., 2014. Sustainable urban qualities in the emerging city of Doha. J. Urbanism Int. Res. Placemaking Urban Sustain. 7 (1), 62.84. Wiedmann, F., Salama, A., Thierstein, A., 2012. Urban evolution of the city of Doha: an investigation into the impact of economic transformations on urban structures. METU J. Faculty Architect. 29 (2), 35 61.